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Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam
Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam The Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain was formed in June 2007 in order to break the taboo that comes with renouncing Islam. The main aims of the organisation are to provide support to and highlight the plight of ex- Muslims, challenge Sharia and apostasy laws and take a stand for reason, universal rights and secularism. Atheist Alliance International is a global alliance of atheist and freethought groups and individuals, committed to educating its members and the public about atheism, secularism and related issues. Atheist Alliance International is proud to support its Affiliate, the Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain, in the publication of this report. For further information contact: CEMB BM Box 1919 London WC1N 3XX, UK Tel: +44 (0) 7719166731 [email protected] www.ex-muslim.org.uk Atheist Alliance International [email protected] www.atheistalliance.org Published by Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain, December 2013 © Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain 2013 – All rights reserved ISBN: 978-0-9926038-0-9 Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam A Publication of the Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam Died Standing A severed head in between your hands my eyes on the broken clock And sad and rebellious poems and the wolf, unafraid of the gun On my doubts of the origin of existence, on choking loneliness when drunk And longing and inhaling you, and the depth of the tragedy not seeing you The artery destined to blockage, and your -
Defiant Embodiments and the Gender Geopolitics of Seeing
73 3 Defi ant Embodiments and the Gender Geopolitics of Seeing M. I. Franklin Introduction Th is chapter develops work on ‘Burqa-Ban’ controversies in light of the ‘post- feminist’ debates about the global beauty and fashion industries’ partnership with popular TV makeover shows.1 It looks at the politics of visibility in the context of controversies in the EU and the US about the regulation of Muslim veil dressing and com- parable controversies in the Middle East and North African region about women’s naked protests. In both cases national- regional debates became global, mediatised ones. It does so from the perspec- tive of how these politics are rendered in, made visible through art- ists’ interventions and, conversely, how embodied political actions incorporate artistic references and theatrical idioms in turn. It is part of a tripartite project to articulate a viable critique of Burqa- Ban discourses in the EU and with that, to address related, oft en moribund, debates about what sorts of well- dressed, or undressed embodiments count, and for whom. 2 Th e main aim is to point these 73 99781780769066_pi-224.indd781780769066_pi-224.indd 7733 77/21/2017/21/2017 11:54:08:54:08 PPMM 74 Art and the Politics of Visibility arguments in another direction by confronting a western liberal – and feminist – blind spot about which vested interests are being served when staking claims on what sorts of (naked or dressed) bodies can, or should, emit the appropriate signs of ‘emancipation’. Th is means coming to terms with how an inner ‘illogic’ of dress- sense and dress codes at the psycho- emotional level interacts with societal, including sub- cultural, codes of conduct. -
Digital Activism for Women's Rights in the Arab World by Aline Sara
1 Digital activism for women’s rights in the Arab World By Aline Sara Figure 1“The uprising of Women in the Arab World” Facebook group logo 2 Introduction: By now, the ways in which the internet has revolutionized communication worldwide have long been documented, analyzed and adequately proven. In 2011, the internet's role in regime change made headlines as a wave of uprisings, frequently associated with the concept of "Twitter Revolution," swept across the Arab region, revealing the World Wide Web's power to document abuses, spread information, and rally masses to topple decades-old dictatorships. Back then, these mobilizations included men and women. Four years later, however, the very women at the forefront of a revolution now face a setback when it comes to claiming their rights in an often conservative and patriarchic society. 1 Indeed, despite what some hailed as an awakening in 2011, the Middle East continues to rank lowest on the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report's Economic Participation, Opportunity and Political Empowerment subindexes. Reports continue to emerge on issues ranging from honor crimes to sexual-based violence,2 with some arguing women's plight in the region is in fact worse than pre- Arab Spring.3 Just as back then, the masses used the internet to push for regime change, women and their supporters are using the web to confront patriarchy and claim equal rights. From Yemen to Tunisia, Aleppo to Cairo, advocates in the Arab World are mastering modern-day technology in what is being dubbed cyber dissidence and digital activism. -
Correspondence-With-Government
AN OPEN LETTER TO PRIME MINISTER DAVID CAMERON Time to Dismantle the Parallel Legal System: Call from 395 Signatories 10th December 2015 Prime Minister David Cameron 10 Downing St London SW1A 2AA Dear Prime Minister Women’s rights and secular organisations urge the new government to take concerted measures to stop the development of parallel legal systems and to facilitate full and proper access to justice for all citizens and to one secular law for all. For decades, successive governments have appeased undemocratic religious power brokers in minority communities who have sought to gain power through multicultural and now multi- faith social policies. These policies have led to the homogenisation of minority communities including the ‘Muslim community’ and have recognised and legitimated ‘non-violent’ Islamists as ‘community representatives’, outsourcing legal justice to what are in effect kangaroo courts that deliver highly discriminatory and second-rate forms of ‘justice.’ Over the years, we have witnessed with increasing alarm the influence of ‘Sharia courts’ over the lives of citizens of Muslim heritage. Any government inquiry into ‘Sharia courts’ must also examine the impact of the draconian cuts in legal aid that have adversely affected access to justice for the most vulnerable. Many abused women from minority backgrounds, for instance, are increasingly forced to either represent themselves in court in what are often complex family legal proceedings or go to ‘Sharia courts’ that operate entirely outside the rule of law. The loss of legal aid contributes to a context that is conducive to the consolidation of privatised and unaccountable forms of justice and ‘Sharia courts’ are amongst the main beneficiaries. -
The Viability of Digital Spaces As Sites for Transnational Feminist Action and Engagement: Why We Need to Look at Digital Circulation
CHAPTER 14. THE VIABILITY OF DIGITAL SPACES AS SITES FOR TRANSNATIONAL FEMINIST ACTION AND ENGAGEMENT: WHY WE NEED TO LOOK AT DIGITAL CIRCULATION Jessica Ouellette University of Southern Maine In the early spring of 2013, through the use of social media, the global feminist protest group FEMEN staged a “topless jihad” day in support of Tunisian member, Amina Tyler, who was threatened with physical pun- ishment for posting to Facebook and Twitter images of her naked body, covered in written messages such as “Fuck your morals” and “My body is mine.” Because new media systems have vastly changed communication and information-sharing processes, they have also altered the ways we engage rhetorically in feminist activism. Ouellette argues that in order to engage effectively in feminist activism and foster transnational connec- tions within digital spaces, we need to look at the ways in which texts move and circulate, and how, in and through those movements, textual meanings and rhetorical purposes shift and change. To achieve such goals, Ouellette provides a case study of the events and protests surrounding Tyler and FEMEN’s protests—specifically the texts that circulated, and the political and economic investments undergirding that circulation. In early March 2013, the circulation of two particular images sparked a series of debates, deliberations, and discussions in the digital sphere. Images of a topless woman, Amina Tyler, holding a cigarette in one hand, and a book in the other, moved throughout social media sites at rapid speed. Across Tyler’s chest were messages written in English and Arabic, messages that read, “Fuck your morals” and “My body is mine, not somebody else’s honor.” DOI: https://doi.org/10.37514/PER-B.2018.0056.2.14 275 Ouellette Figure 14.1. -
POLITICAL and LEGAL STATUS of APOSTATES in ISLAM Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain Was Formed in June 2007 in Order to Break the Taboo That Comes with Renouncing Islam
POLITICAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF APOSTATES IN ISLAM Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain was formed in June 2007 in order to break the taboo that comes with renouncing Islam. The main aims of the organisation are to provide support to and highlight the plight of ex-Muslims, challenge Sharia and apostasy and blasphemy laws and take a stand for reason, universal rights and secularism. For further information contact: CEMB BM Box 1919 London WC1N 3XX, UK Tel: +44 (0) 7719166731 [email protected] www.ex-muslim.org.uk Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam First Published by Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain, December 2013 Revised Edition, Published by Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain, August 2017 © Council of Ex-Muslims of Britain 2017 – All rights reserved ISBN number: 978-0-9926038-0-9 Political and Legal Status of Apostates in Islam Died Standing A severed head in between your hands my eyes on the broken clock And sad and rebellious poems and the wolf, unafraid of the gun On my doubts of the origin of existence, on choking loneliness when drunk And longing and inhaling you, and the depth of the tragedy not seeing you The artery destined to blockage, and your crime, a scream against the wind The end of the story is always a bitter one, and the poet whose conviction is apostasy The good God sleeping in my book, the dried semen on my bed The good God of wrath, death, and fatwa, and my cries over Yaghma’s poetry Let me be like a cactus Stay with me who has read poetry, next to you, with covenant with the desert, that our code is to -
The Predictable Feminist Outrage Written by Swati Parashar
To Be or Not to Be, Nude! The Predictable Feminist Outrage Written by Swati Parashar This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. To Be or Not to Be, Nude! The Predictable Feminist Outrage https://www.e-ir.info/2013/06/10/to-be-or-not-to-be-nude-the-predictable-feminist-outrage/ SWATI PARASHAR, JUN 10 2013 Feminism seems to be tracing its step back, and perhaps all for a good cause. The anxiety about location, positionality and authenticity, which feminists had thought was all resolved at the onset of the third wave and its emphasis on diversity of women’s issues and feminist voices, has resurfaced in no uncertain terms.[1] At the International Studies Convention in San Francisco (April 3-6) this year, many panels and round table discussions were devoted to feminism’s ongoing intellectual dilemmas and interventions around diversity, difference and authenticity. One significant argument that emerged out of such discussions was how anger can be instrumental in shaping feminist politics and its radical positions. After all, you don’t study, read feminism, you ‘do’ it, ‘live’ it. Feminist anger is very much in focus these days, but all for the wrong reasons. It is doing the job it does better than defending women: stifling debate, condemning and criticising a group of women activists who choose to protest in the most radical of ways, by going nude (ie. -
Ciało W Kulturze Muzułmańskiej
UNIWERSYTET WARSZAWSKI Katedra Arabistyki i Islamistyki Ciało w kulturze muzułmańskiej pod redakcją Katarzyny Pachniak i Magdaleny Nowaczek-Walczak Warszawa 2016 UNIWERSYTET WARSZAWSKI Katedra Arabistyki i Islamistyki Ciało w kulturze muzułmańskiej pod redakcją Katarzyny Pachniak i Magdaleny Nowaczek-Walczak Warszawa 2016 © Copyright by Katedra Arabistyki i Islamistyki UW, 2016 REDAKTORZY Katarzyna Pachniak Magdalena Nowaczek-Walczak PROJEKT OKŁADKI, OPRACOWANIE GRAFICZNE Tomasz Zaparty KOREKTA, SKŁAD I ŁAMANIE Tomasz Zaparty Żaden z fragmentów tej publikacji nie może być reprodukowany w żaden sposób ani w żadnej formie graficznej, elektronicznej lub mechanicznej, włącznie z reprodukcją fotogra- ficzną, nagraniem, przepisaniem na maszynie, przekazywaniem lub kopiowaniem elektronicz- nym, bez uprzedniej zgody wyrażonej na piśmie przez wydawcę. Katedra Arabistyki i Islamistyki Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28 00-927 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected] www.arabistyka.uw.edu.pl ISBN 978-83-944120-1-2 Spis treści SŁOWO WSTĘPNE …........................................................................................................ 5 CIAŁO W PROCESIE KOMUNIKACJI Ewa Machut-Mendecka, Mowa ciała: od jawnej do ukrytej …............................... 11 Magdalena Zawrotna, Tabu ciała i seksualności w Egipcie. Analiza pragmaty- czna nazw intymnych części ciała w dialekcie kairskim …..................................... 25 Sylwia Surdykowska, Rola bólu i cierpienia w kształtowaniu empatii w kultu- rze Iranu …..................................................................................................................... -
Femen and Assemblage Politics of Protest In
FEMEN AND ASSEMBLAGE POLITICS OF PROTEST IN THE AGE OF SOCIAL MEDIA by Mariam Betlemidze A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Communication The University of Utah August 2016 Copyright © Mariam Betlemidze 2016 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Mariam Betlemidze has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Kevin DeLuca , Chair 05/31/2016 Date Approved Marouf Hasian , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved Leonard Hawes , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved Sean Lawson , Member Date Approved Lien Shen , Member 05/31/2016 Date Approved and by Kent Ono , Chair of the Department of Communication and byDavid B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT Transgressing norms and barriers of mundane digital spaces to seize spotlight in the name of social change is breathtaking. Such are modern-day protest groups as they utilize a special mix of skills, tactics, and resourcefulness to become forces of disruptive tensions in the spectacular seas of image-whirls, sound-waves, and incredible storyscapes in which we live. “Femen and Assemblage Politics of Protest in the Age of Social Media” examines these disruptive tensions as created by the topless female activist group Femen. Specifically, I am interested in how human and nonhuman elements in Femen activism create lasting impressions in the fleeting everyday life of the millions of internet- connected individuals around the globe. I conceptualize these processes under the name of media-activism assemblage and illustrate the work of Femen protest politics through three different case studies. -
Paradoksy Praktyk Zasłaniania W Ubiorze Muzułmanek
Uniwersytet Warszawski Wydział Polonistyki Małgorzata Fudala nr albumu: 230800 Czy czarny może być radosny? Paradoksy praktyk zasłaniania w ubiorze muzułmanek Praca magisterska na kierunku kulturoznawstwo – wiedza o kulturze Praca napisana pod kierunkiem prof. dr. hab. Marka Prejsa Instytut Kultury Polskiej Warszawa, wrzesień 2015 1 Oświadczenie kierującego pracą Oświadczam, że niniejsza praca została przygotowana pod moim kierunkiem i stwierdzam, że spełnia ona warunki do przedstawienia jej w postępowaniu o nadanie tytułu zawodowego. Data Podpis kierującego pracą Oświadczenie autorki pracy Świadoma odpowiedzialności prawnej oświadczam, że niniejsza praca dyplomowa została napisana przeze mnie samodzielnie i nie zawiera treści uzyskanych w sposób niezgodny z obowiązującymi przepisami. Oświadczam również, że przedstawiona praca nie była wcześniej przedmiotem procedur związanych z uzyskaniem tytułu zawodowego w wyższej uczelni. Oświadczam ponadto, że niniejsza wersja pracy jest identyczna z załączoną wersją elektroniczną. Data Podpis autorki pracy 2 Streszczenie Praca jest próbą spojrzenia na tradycyjny ubiór muzułmanki nie tylko jako na wyznacznik religijnej tożsamości, ale także jako na jedną z codziennych praktyk, „sposobów działania” kobiet. Zasłanianie, zarówno na muzułmańskim Wschodzie jak i w społeczeństwach Zachodu, jest nieustannym źródłem nieporozumień, przybiera wiele form i niosie ze sobą wiele znaczeń. W pracy przedstawię procedury zasłaniania w prawodawstwie islamu oraz historię społecznych przedstawień samej zasłony. W drugiej -
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition
Electoral Practice of Tunisian Women in the Context of a Democratic Transition Lilia Labidi, Fellow, Woodrow Wilson Center, and former Minister for Women’s Affairs, Tunisia Women gained the right to vote in the Arab and Muslim worlds at different times that varied from country to country. In some countries this took place in the 1930s, and the most recent one was in 2011 (see Appendix 1). The 1980s marked a turning point in most of these countries because of the emergence of new women elites—women who had benefitted from the improved health services that had lowered the rate of maternal mortality and access to their countries’ universities and to the labor force (see Appendix 2, 3). By the 2000s, these elites were demanding greater participation in formal politics and the application of quotas, which stipulated that women are guaranteed a certain proportion of representatives in elected bodies (see Appendix 4). Images showing women in several countries waiting in long lines to vote appeared in newspapers, on television, and, most recently, on social media. These images had a great impact on the political education of the region’s youth. The “Arab Spring” was one of the expressions of this.1 The younger generations are increasingly hostile to forms of discrimination, including when women candidates are not allowed to put their photographs on political posters whereas men are allowed to do this2 or when possible women presidential candidates are rejected in some countries and accepted in others.3 Our question here is whether all these factors are enough to produce a new political culture that includes women and whether we see changes in the behavior of the political elites, particularly in the Tunisian context. -
"Islamophobia" in the Media – the Missing Pieces
"Islamophobia" in the Media – The Missing Pieces Written evidence submitted to the All Party Parliamentary Group on Islamophobia By Islam Surveyed 2 December 2013 1 Contents 1.0 Introduction 2.0 Conclusions 3.0 UK-Based Media This section lists over 350 news reports and articles covering Islam and Muslims published by UK-based media between January and November 2013. Links to all the complete original news reports and articles are given at: http://islamsurveyed.blogspot.co.uk/p/islamophobia-in-media- missing-pieces.html 4.0 English Language Media Based Outside the UK This section does the same for English language media based outside the UK. It has over 320 news reports and articles over the same period. 5.0 The Media This lists the media covered in sections 3.0 and 4.0 and summarises the number of news reports and articles from each source 2 1.0 Introduction A great many words are written about the media's coverage of Islam and Muslims and how it causes "Islamophobia". A recent example is a submission to the APPG, " Islamophobia in the Media: evidence to the APPG on Islamophobia, 16 October 2013 ". It gives a high level view quoting lots of statistics but offers only a handful of examples (13) of what the media is actually reporting and saying and how it is saying it. The examples are highly selective, only "indicative" of a sector of the press well known for its sensational headlines. And, we are told "an overwhelmingly negative picture where threat, otherness, fear and danger posed or caused by Muslims and Islam underpins a considerable majority of the media's coverage." The aim of this submission is to provide the missing pieces.