Notes and References

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Notes and References Notes and References Introduction 1. For the reasons behind the development of the strategy of flexible response and the way in which American and European consensus on the new strategy was achieved see David N. Schwartz, NA TO's Nuclear Dilemmas (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1983) 136-92. 2. NATO Information Service, The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation: Facts and Figures (Brussels: NATO Information Service, 1989) 139. 3. Details about the nuclear weapons stockpiles of the USA, UK and France are taken from William Arkin and Richard Fieldhouse, Nuclear Battlefields (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Press, 1985) 37-63; and Catherine Kelleher, 'NATO Nuclear Operations' in Ashton Carter, John Steinbruner and Charles Zracket (eds) Managing Nuclear Opera­ tions (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1987) 448. 4. Thomas Cochran, William Arkin and Milton Hoenig, Nuclear Weapons Databook Vol 1: US Nuclear Forces and Capabilities (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Press, 1984) 42-54. 5. Ibid., 136-7, 306-7. 6. See Greg Todd 'Q Catharsis', Defense Analysis, vol. 4, no. 3 (September 1988) 203. 7. Martin Van Creveld, Command in War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985) 1. 8. William Arkin and Richard Fieldhouse 'Nuclear Weapon Command, Control and Communications' in SIPRI Yearbook 1984 (London and Philadelphia: Taylor and Francis, 1984) pp. 455-7. 9. Bruce Blair, Strategic Command and Control (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1985) 1. 10. This definition is derived from that of Paul Bracken in The Command and Control of Nuclear Forces (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1983) 3. The definition has been expanded to make explicit the function of decision-making and both national command authorities and military commanders have been specified to make clear the involvement of both political and military decision-makers in nuclear command and control. 11. Herbert D. Bennington, 'Command and Control for Selective Re­ sponse', in Klaus Knorr and Thornton Read (eds) Limited Strategic War (New York: Praeger, 1962) 119. 12. William Arkin and Richard Fieldhouse, op. cit., 456. 13. Bruce Blair, op. cit., 4. 14. Herbert D. Bennington, op. cit., 119. 15. J. M. Legge, Theatre Nuclear Forces and the NATO Strategy of Flexible Response (Santa Monica, California: RAND Corporation, April 1983) R-2964-FF, 40-1. 201 202 Notes and References 16. Ashton Carter, John Steinbruner and Charles Zracket, Managing Nuclear Operations (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1987) 7. 17. The best is Milton Leitenberg's chapter entitled 'Background Materials on Tactical Nuclear Weapons (Primarily in the European Context)', in Frank Barnaby (ed.) Tactical Nuclear Weapons European Persectives, SIPRI, (London: Taylor and Francis, 1978) 3-136. Although not a specific study of command and control the piece contains a great deal of interesting material. 18. Desmond Ball, Can Nuclear War be Controlled? (IISS, 1981) (London: Adelphi Paper 169). 19. Bruce Blair, op. cit. 20. Paul Bracken, op. cit. 21. John Steinbruner, 'National Security and the Concept of Strategic Stability', Journal of Conflict Resolution, vol. 22, 3 (1978) 411-28; and John Steinbruner, 'Nuclear Decapitation', Foreign Policy (Winter 1981- 2) 16-28. 22. M. Blumenson and J. L. Stokesbury, Masters of the Art of Command (Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin, 1975). 23. Robert Coulam and Gregory Fischer, 'Problems of Command and Control in a Major European War', in Robert Coulam and Richard Small (eds) Advances in Information Processing in Organisations Vol 2 (New York: JAI Press Inc, 1985) 211-73. 24. John Cushman, Command and Control of Theatre Forces: Adequacy (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1983). 25. Paul Stares, Command Performance: The Neglected Dimension of European Security (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1991). 26. C. Kenneth Allard, Command, Control and the Common Defense (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990). 27. Daniel Charles, Nuclear Planning in NATO (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Press, 1985). 28. Catherine Kelleher, op. cit., 445-69. 29. Desmond Ball, Controlling Theatre Nuclear War (Canberra, Australia: Australian National University, 1987) (Working Paper 127). 30. Paul Bracken, op. cit., 130. 31. Ibid. 32. Daniel Charles, op. cit., 151-2. 33. Ibid., 6. 34. Catherine Kelleher, op. cit., 468. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid. 37. Desmond Ball (1987), op. cit., 3. 38. Ibid., 36. 39. Ibid., 14. 40. Crisis in the context of this book refers to an adversarial international security crisis defined as a period of change or decision in the relationship between adversarial nations or alliances which threatens to tranform the nature of that relationship from peace to war. See Coral Bell, The Conventions of Crisis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971) 6-9. Notes and References 203 41. Ash ton Carter, John Steinbruner and Charles Zracket (eds), op. cit., 9. 42. Amongst many others see Graham Allison, The Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Boston, Mass.: Little^Brown, 1971); Michael Brecher, 'Towards a Theory of International Crisis Behaviour', International Studies Quarterly, vol. 21, 1 (1977) 39-74; Ole Holsti, Theories of Crisis Decision-Making', in Paul Lauren (ed.) Diplomacy (Free Press, 1979) 99-136; and, Richard Ned Lebow, Between Peace and War (Baltimore, MD.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981). 43. Desmond Ball (1981 and 1987), Bruce Blair (1985), and Paul Bracken (1983), for example, all use this approach. 44. Paul Bracken, 'The Political Command and Control of Nuclear Forces', Defense Analysis, vol. 2, 1 (1986) 11. 45. Robert Coulam and Gregory Fischer, op. cit., 213-4. 46. G. D. Foster, 'Contemporary Command and Control Theory and Research: The Failed Quest for a Philosophy of Command', Defense Analysis, vol. 4, 3 (September 1988) 201-28. 47. Ashton Carter, John Steinbruner and Charles Zracket (eds), op. cit., 3. 48. See Jeffrey T. Richelson, The US Intelligence Community (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Press, 1985; and, Richard K. Betts, Surprise Attack (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, 1982) especially 153-254. 49. For an explanation of force coupling see Paul Bracken (1983), op. cit., 54-9. 1 Political Control of Nuclear Weapons In NATO 1. Authority to Order the Use of Nuclear Weapons (Washington DC: Congressional Research Service, House of Representatives, Subcommit­ tee on International Security and Scientific Affairs of the Committee on International Relations, 1 December 1975) 1. 2. Theatre Nuclear Forces. Throughout the book the term theatre nuclear forces or the acronym TNF is used to include tactical and theatre nuclear forces, unless otherwide explicitly stated. 3. The Atlantic Alliance (Washington DC: Hearings, The Committee on Government Operations, US Senate, 89th Congress, Part 2, May 1966) 69-86. 4. Lawrence Freedman, The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1982) 69. 5. Ibid., 68. 6. Milton Leitenberg, 'Background information on tactical nuclear weapons', in Tactical Nuclear Weapons: European Perspectives, SIPRI, (London: Taylor and Francis, 1978) 12. 7. The Atlantic Alliance, op. cit., 69. 8. Because of the lack of strategic range delivery systems at the time strategic nuclear weapons had been forward based in some European countries, notably the UK, since 1948. See Robert Jackson, Strike Force: The USAF in Britain Since 1948 (Bury St Edmonds, Suffolk: Robson Books, 1986). 204 Notes and References 9. William Arkin and Richard Fieldhouse, Nuclear Weapons Databook Vol /(Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Press, 1984); and Leitenberg (1982), op. cit., 109-16. 10. David Schwartz, NATO's Nuclear Dilemmas (Washington DC: Brook­ ings Institution, 1983) 263. 11. Robert E. Osgood, NATO: The Entangling Alliance (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press, 1962) 109. 12. J. M. Legge, op. cit., (April 1983) 6. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid., 7. 15. Simon Duke, US Defence Bases in the UK (London: Macmillan Press, 1987) 31-40. 16. Carl H. Amme, NATO Without France (Stanford, California: Hoover Institution, 1967) 153-72. See also Guy De Carmoy, The Foreign Policies of France 1944-68 (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press, 1970) 283-92. 17. NATO Final Communiques 1949-74 (Brussels: NATO Information Service, 1975) 113. 18. Milton Leitenberg, op. cit., 15. 19. Peter Stein and Peter Feaver, Assuring Control of Nuclear Weapons (Boston, Mass.: University Press of America, 1987) CSIA Occasional Paper Series, 27. 20. Irving Heymont, The NATO Bilateral Forces', Orbis, vol. 9, 4 (1966) 1031-3. 21. Milton Leitenberg, op. cit., 15. 22. Irving Heymont, op. cit., 1033. 23. Robert E. Osgood, Nuclear Control in NATO (Washington DC: Washington Center for Foreign Policy Research, 1962) 21. 24. These concerns have been explored more fully in Klaus Knorr, 'Nuclear Weapons: "Haves" and "Have-Nots"', Foreign Affairs, vol. 36, 1 (April 1957) 167-78 and Albert Wohlstetter, 'Nuclear Sharing: NATO and the N+ 1 Country', Foreign Affairs, vol. 39, 3 (April 1961) 355-87. 25. Milton Leitenberg, op. cit., 15. 26. P.M. Gallois, 'New Teeth for NATO', Foreign Affairs, vol. 39, 4 (October 1960) 67-80. 27. Robert Osgood, NATO: The Entangling Alliance, op. cit., 284. 28. To follow this up see ibid., 284-5. 29. Ben Moore, NATO and the Future of Europe (New York: Harper and Row, 1958); see also Glen H. Snyder, Deterrence and Defense (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1961) 174-92. 30. This idea is explored in Alistair Buchan, NATO in the 1960s (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1960) see also Snyder, op. cit., 174-92. 31. Robert Osgood, NATO: The Entangling Alliance, op. cit., 295. 32. See ibid., 295-307 for a more detailed discussion. See also Alistair Buchan, The Reform of NATO', Foreign Affairs, vol. 40, 2 (January 1962). 33. David Schwartz, op. cit., 82. Also whole chapter, 82-135; Wilfried Wohl, 'Nuclear Strategy in NATO and the MLF', Political Science Quarterly, vol. LXXX, 1 (March 1965) 89-109; John Slessor, The Case for a Notes and References 205 Multinational Nuclear Strike Force', in K. H. Cerny and H. W. Briefs (eds) NATO in Quest of Cohesion (Stanford, California: Hoover Institution, 1965) 239-56. 34. Francis Beer, Integration and Disintegration in NA TO (Cincinatti: Ohio State University Press, 1969) 67-72.
Recommended publications
  • The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980)
    The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 12 | Issue 43 | Number 4 | Oct 20, 2014 The Fates of American Presidents Who Challenged the Deep State (1963-1980) アメリカの深層国家に抗した大統領の運命(1963-1980) Peter Dale Scott In the last decade it has become more and more another, more shadowy, more obvious that we have in America today what the indefinable government that is not journalists Dana Priest and William Arkin have explained in Civics 101 or called observable to tourists at the White House or the Capitol. The former is two governments: the one its traditional Washington partisan citizens were familiar with, operated politics: the tip of the iceberg that a more or less in the open: the other a public watching C-SPAN sees daily parallel top secret government and which is theoretically whose parts had mushroomed in controllable via elections. The less than a decade into a gigantic, subsurface part of the iceberg I shall sprawling universe of its own, call the Deep State, which operates visible to only a carefully vetted according to its own compass cadre—and its entirety . visible heading regardless of who is 1 only to God. formally in power.3 And in 2013, particularly after the military return I believe that a significant shift in the relationship to power in Egypt, more and more authors between public and deep state power occurred in referred to this second level as America’s “deep the 1960s and 1970s, culminating in the Reagan 2 state.” Here for example is the Republican Revolution of 1980. In this period five presidents analyst Mike Lofgren: sought to curtail the powers of the deep state.
    [Show full text]
  • The Civilian Impact of Drone Strikes
    THE CIVILIAN IMPACT OF DRONES: UNEXAMINED COSTS, UNANSWERED QUESTIONS Acknowledgements This report is the product of a collaboration between the Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School and the Center for Civilians in Conflict. At the Columbia Human Rights Clinic, research and authorship includes: Naureen Shah, Acting Director of the Human Rights Clinic and Associate Director of the Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School, Rashmi Chopra, J.D. ‘13, Janine Morna, J.D. ‘12, Chantal Grut, L.L.M. ‘12, Emily Howie, L.L.M. ‘12, Daniel Mule, J.D. ‘13, Zoe Hutchinson, L.L.M. ‘12, Max Abbott, J.D. ‘12. Sarah Holewinski, Executive Director of Center for Civilians in Conflict, led staff from the Center in conceptualization of the report, and additional research and writing, including with Golzar Kheiltash, Erin Osterhaus and Lara Berlin. The report was designed by Marla Keenan of Center for Civilians in Conflict. Liz Lucas of Center for Civilians in Conflict led media outreach with Greta Moseson, pro- gram coordinator at the Human Rights Institute at Columbia Law School. The Columbia Human Rights Clinic and the Columbia Human Rights Institute are grateful to the Open Society Foundations and Bullitt Foundation for their financial support of the Institute’s Counterterrorism and Human Rights Project, and to Columbia Law School for its ongoing support. Copyright © 2012 Center for Civilians in Conflict (formerly CIVIC) and Human Rights Clinic at Columbia Law School All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. Copies of this report are available for download at: www.civiliansinconflict.org Cover: Shakeel Khan lost his home and members of his family to a drone missile in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup
    The University of Southern Mississippi The Aquila Digital Community Dissertations Fall 12-2013 Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup Robert Howard Wieland University of Southern Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations Part of the American Studies Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Wieland, Robert Howard, "Direct Responsibility: Caspar Weinberger and the Reagan Defense Buildup" (2013). Dissertations. 218. https://aquila.usm.edu/dissertations/218 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of Southern Mississippi DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland Abstract of a Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School Of The University of Southern Mississippi In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2013 ABSTRACT DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY: CASPAR WEINBERGER AND THE REAGAN DEFENSE BUILDUP by Robert Howard Wieland December 2013 This dissertation explores the life of Caspar Weinberger and explains why President Reagan chose him for Secretary of Defense. Weinberger, not a defense technocrat, managed a massive defense buildup of 1.5 trillion dollars over a four year period. A biographical approach to Weinberger illuminates Reagan’s selection, for in many ways Weinberger harkens back to an earlier type of defense manager more akin to Elihu Root than Robert McNamara; more a man of letters than technocrat.
    [Show full text]
  • EXTENSIONS of REMARKS April 13, 1989 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS Yielding to Extraordinary Economic Pres­ Angola
    6628 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS April 13, 1989 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS Yielding to extraordinary economic pres­ Angola. Already cut off from South African TESTIMONY OF HOWARD sures from the U.S. government, South aid, which had helped stave off well funded PHILLIPS Africa agreed to a formula wherein the anti­ invasion-scale Soviet-led assaults during communist black majority Transitional 1986 and 1987, UNITA has been deprived by HON. DAN BURTON Government of National Unity, which had the Crocker accords of important logistical been administering Namibia since 1985, supply routes through Namibia, which ad­ OF INDIANA would give way to a process by which a new joins liberated southeastern Angola. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES government would be installed under United If, in addition, a SWAPO regime were to Thursday, April 13, 1989 Nations auspices. use Namibia's Caprivi Strip as a base for South Africa also agreed to withdraw its anti-UNITA Communist forces, UNITA's Mr. BURTON of Indiana. Mr. Speaker, I estimated 40,000 military personnel from ability to safeguard those now resident in would like to enter a statement by Mr. Howard Namibia, with all but 1,500 gone by June 24, the liberated areas would be in grave ques­ Phillips of the Conservative Caucus into the to dismantle the 35,000-member, predomi­ tion. RECORD. In view of recent events in Namibia, nantly black, South West African Territori­ America has strategic interests in south­ al Force, and to permit the introduction of ern Africa. The mineral resources concen­ I think it is very important for all of us who are 6,150 U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues
    Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues (name redacted) Analyst in Intelligence and National Security Policy November 8, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44681 Intelligence Community Programs, Management, and Enduring Issues Summary Congress’s and the American public’s ability to oversee and understand how intelligence dollars are spent is limited by the secrecy that surrounds the intelligence budget process. Yet, total spending on the Intelligence Community (IC) programs discussed in this report equates to approximately $70 billion dollars—roughly 10% of national defense spending. This report is designed to shed light on the IC budget—in terms of its programs, management, and enduring issues—using unclassified materials available in the public domain. This report focuses those IC programs, grouped, for the most part, under two labels: (1) the National Intelligence Program (NIP), and (2) the Military Intelligence Program (MIP). Nevertheless, the combined NIP and MIP budgets do not encompass the total of U.S. intelligence- related spending. Intelligence-related programs that are not part of the IC include, for example, the large Office of Intelligence within the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS’s) Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) division. The ICE Office of Intelligence is not included in the IC because, theoretically, ICE activities primarily support the DHS mission to protect the homeland. This report explains the management structure for the NIP and MIP to include their two separate budget processes and the roles of the Director of National Intelligence and the Under Secretary of Defense (Intelligence). The concluding section of this report considers the ability of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Humanitarian Impact of Drones
    THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES © 2017 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom; International Contents Disarmament Institute, Pace University; Article 36. October 2017 The Humanitarian Impact of Drones 1st edition 160 pp 3 Preface Permission is granted for non-commercial reproduction, Cristof Heyns copying, distribution, and transmission of this publication or parts thereof so long as full credit is given to the 6 Introduction organisation and author; the text is not altered, Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, transformed, or built upon; and for any reuse or distribution, these terms are made clear to others. and Elizabeth Minor Edited by Ray Acheson, Matthew Bolton, Elizabeth Minor, and Allison Pytlak. Impacts Thank you to all authors for their contributions. 1. Humanitarian Harm This publication is supported in part by a grant from the 15 Foundation Open Society Institute in cooperation with the Jessica Purkiss and Jack Serle Human Rights Initiative of the Open Society Foundations. Cover photography: 24 Country case study: Yemen ©2017 Kristie L. Kulp Taha Yaseen 29 2. Environmental Harm Doug Weir and Elizabeth Minor 35 Country case study: Nigeria Joy Onyesoh 36 3. Psychological Harm Radidja Nemar 48 4. Harm to Global Peace and Security Chris Cole 58 Country case study: Djibouti Ray Acheson 64 Country case study: The Philippines Mitzi Austero and Alfredo Ferrariz Lubang 2 1 THE HUMANITARIAN IMPACT OF DRONES Preface Christof Heyns 68 5. Harm to Governmental It is not difficult to understand the appeal of Transparency Christof Heyns is Professor of Law at the armed drones to those engaged in war and other University of Pretoria.
    [Show full text]
  • Fantasy and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy in US Counterterrorism
    Zulaika Mythologies of Terror 3 KROEBER ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 102(1):3-19 Mythologies of Terror: Fantasy and Self-Fulfilling Prophecy in U.S. Counterterrorism Joseba Zulaika Adapted from a talk given March 8, 2012 at the Anthropology in the World Symposium in honor of Laura Nader At the end of the Cold War, with the fears of nuclear holocaust over, the United States emerged as the only superpower with no credible military enemy on the horizon. And yet the U.S. Defense budget almost doubled during the last decade. It is now larger than that of all other countries combined. Such costs are justified because, after the Cold War, a new enemy has surfaced: the Terrorist. The vast new security bureaucracy cre- ated after 9/11 encompasses, according to Dana Priest and William Arkin, some 1,200 government organizations and 1,900 private companies working at over 17,000 loca- tions across the country, which occupy, in the Washington area alone, the equivalent of nearly three Pentagons or 22 U.S. Capitol buildings.1 Americans with top secret clear- ances number now over 850,000; the number of private contractors working on top secret programs, i.e. counterterrorism, is more than 250,000. As a sample of growth in top secret America, the Pentagon Defense Intelligence grew from 7,500 people in 2002 to 16,500 in 2010. The Department of Homeland Security had by 2010 a workforce of 230,000. There is more fear of al-Qaeda as a threat than the Soviet superpower of the Cold War. One estimate by the Nobel Prize economist [Joseph] Stiglitz has the total bill of the War on Terror in between $3 and $4 trillion.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Corporate Warriors: the Rise and Ramifications of the Privatized Military Industry (International Security, Vol. 26, No. 3, Wi
    Corporate Warriors: The Rise and Ramifications of the Privatized Military Industry (International Security, Vol. 26, No. 3, Winter 2001/2002.) A failing government trying to prevent the imminent capture of its capital, a regional power planning for war, a ragtag militia looking to reverse its battlefield losses, a peacekeeping force seeking deployment support, a weak ally attempting to escape its patron’s dictates, a multinational corporation hoping to end constant rebel attacks against its facilities, a drug cartel pursuing high-technology military capabilities, a humanitarian aid group requiring protection within conflict zones, and the world’s sole remaining superpower searching for ways to limit its military costs and risks.1 When thinking in conventional terms, security studies experts would be hard-pressed to find anything that these actors may have in common. They differ in size, relative power, location in the international system, level of wealth, number and type of adversaries, organizational makeup, ideology, legitimacy, objectives, and so on. There is, however, one unifying link: When faced with such diverse security needs, they all sought external military support. Most important is where that support came from: not from a state or even an international organization but rather the global marketplace. It is located here that a unique business form has arisen that I term the “privatized military firm” (PMF). PMFs are profit- driven organizations that trade in professional services intricately linked to warfare. They are corporate bodies that specialize in the provision of military skills—including tactical combat operations, strategic planning, intelligence gathering and analysis, operational support, troop training, and military technical assistance.2 With the rise of the privatized military industry, actors in the global system can access capabilities that extend across the entire spectrum of military 1 activity—from a team of commandos to a wing of fighter jets—simply by becoming a business client.
    [Show full text]
  • Questioning the National Security Agency's Metadata Program
    I/S: A JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY FOR THE INFORMATION SOCIETY Secret without Reason and Costly without Accomplishment: Questioning the National Security Agency’s Metadata Program JOHN MUELLER & MARK G. STEWART* I. INTRODUCTION When Edward Snowden’s revelations emerged in June 2013 about the extent to which the National Security Agency was secretly gathering communications data as part of the country’s massive 9/11- induced effort to catch terrorists, the administration of Barack Obama set in motion a program to pursue him to the ends of the earth in order to have him prosecuted to the full extent of the law for illegally exposing state secrets. However, the President also said that the discussions about the programs these revelations triggered have actually been a good thing: “I welcome this debate. And I think it’s healthy for our democracy. I think it’s a sign of maturity because probably five years ago, six years ago, we might not have been having this debate.”1 There may be something a bit patronizing in the implication that the programs have been secret because we were not yet mature enough to debate them when they were put into place. Setting that aside, however, a debate is surely to be welcomed—indeed, much overdue. It should be conducted not only about the National Security Agency’s (NSA) amazingly extensive data-gathering programs to * John Mueller is a professor of political science at Ohio State University and a Senior Fellow at the Cato Insitute. Mark G. Stewart is a professor of engineering at the University of Newcastle, Australia.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Watches the Watchmen? the Conflict Between National Security and Freedom of the Press
    WHO WATCHES THE WATCHMEN WATCHES WHO WHO WATCHES THE WATCHMEN WATCHES WHO I see powerful echoes of what I personally experienced as Director of NSA and CIA. I only wish I had access to this fully developed intellectual framework and the courses of action it suggests while still in government. —General Michael V. Hayden (retired) Former Director of the CIA Director of the NSA e problem of secrecy is double edged and places key institutions and values of our democracy into collision. On the one hand, our country operates under a broad consensus that secrecy is antithetical to democratic rule and can encourage a variety of political deformations. But the obvious pitfalls are not the end of the story. A long list of abuses notwithstanding, secrecy, like openness, remains an essential prerequisite of self-governance. Ross’s study is a welcome and timely addition to the small body of literature examining this important subject. —Gabriel Schoenfeld Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute Author of Necessary Secrets: National Security, the Media, and the Rule of Law (W.W. Norton, May 2010). ? ? The topic of unauthorized disclosures continues to receive significant attention at the highest levels of government. In his book, Mr. Ross does an excellent job identifying the categories of harm to the intelligence community associated NI PRESS ROSS GARY with these disclosures. A detailed framework for addressing the issue is also proposed. This book is a must read for those concerned about the implications of unauthorized disclosures to U.S. national security. —William A. Parquette Foreign Denial and Deception Committee National Intelligence Council Gary Ross has pulled together in this splendid book all the raw material needed to spark a fresh discussion between the government and the media on how to function under our unique system of government in this ever-evolving information-rich environment.
    [Show full text]
  • What Should Be Classified? a Framework with Application to the Global Force Management Data Initiative
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Defense Research Institute View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. A FRAMEWORK WITH APPLICATION TO THE GLOBAL FORCE MANAGEMENT DATA INITIATIVE Martin C. Libicki | Brian A.
    [Show full text]
  • *1573 the Limits of National Security
    Jamshidi, Maryam 8/15/2019 For Educational Use Only THE LIMITS OF NATIONAL SECURITY, 48 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1573 48 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1573 American Criminal Law Review Fall, 2011 Symposium: Moving Targets: Issues at the Intersection of National Security and American Criminal Law Article Laura K. Donohuea1 Copyright © 2012 by American Criminal Law Review; Laura K. Donohue *1573 THE LIMITS OF NATIONAL SECURITY I. INTRODUCTION 1574 II. DEFINING U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY 1577 III. THE FOUR EPOCHS 1587 A. Protecting the Union: 1776-1898 1589 1. International Independence and Economic Growth 1593 2. Retreat to Union 1611 3. Return to International Independence and Economic Growth 1617 a. Tension Between Expansion and Neutrality 1618 b. Increasing Number of Domestic Power-Bases 1623 B. Formative International Engagement and Domestic Power: 1898-1930 1630 1. Political, Economic, and Military Concerns 1630 a. Military Might 1637 b. Secondary Inquiry: From Rule of Law to Type of Law 1638 2. Tension Between the Epochs: Independence v. Engagement 1645 © 2019 Thomson Reuters. No claim to original U.S. Government Works. 1 Jamshidi, Maryam 8/15/2019 For Educational Use Only THE LIMITS OF NATIONAL SECURITY, 48 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1573 3. Expanding National Spheres of Influence 1650 C. The Ascendance of National Security: 1930-1989 1657 1. A New Domestic Order 1658 a. Re-channeling of Law Enforcement to National Security 1661 b. The Threat of Totalitarianism 1665 c. The Purpose of the State 1666 2. Changing International Role: From Authoritarianism to Containment 1669 3. Institutional Questions and the National Security Act of 1947 1672 a.
    [Show full text]