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MICHAEL REEVE in the and early : transmission and scholarship

Where did the accent fall on mulier in the oblique cases? Medieval students were offered a hexameter that purported to tell them: siue uirum subo/es siue est mulieris origo. The line scans if the e of mu/ieris is read as long, and it follows from the quantity that the accent fell on it. Most of the authors who quote the line attribute it to the tragedy Orestes by , a double mis­

apprehension not yet explained. I In fact, Lucretius wrote it (DRN 4.1232), and the manuscripts save him from the long e: they have mu/iebris. The true author was known to Mico of St-Riquier, who towards 8so compiled a work of a kind not attested in antiquity: an anthology of hexameters alphabeti­ cally arranged by keyword and labelled with the name of the poet, all chosen

because they revealed the quantity of a vowel. 2 It includes sixteen lines from Lucretius, and muliebris has already lost its b. Even if, as an overlapping /' anthology suggests; it was not Mico himself who picked the lines out, the task was accomplished no earlier than about 82S,3 and the source was almost certainlya text of Lucretius, because the lines could not have been assembled from other ancient works now extant. The longest passage of Lucretius that a medieval writer quotes, LISO-6, occurs in a letter written about 8S0-5 to his abbot by a monk at St Gallen concerned with the quantity of ri in uiderimus;4 and another anthology of hexameters, preserved in St Gallen 2 870 (s. IX ), includes twenty-eight lines with no attriburion.5 So much for atoms and fear of death. Though the writer in the ninth century who quotes Lucretius most often, Hrabanus Maurus, could ha ve found ali nine of his quotations in ancient sources, the availability of Lucretius at the time is proved by manuscripts stili extant: O (Leiden Voss. Lat. F 30), Q (Leiden Voss. Lat. Q 94), and GVU (Copenhagen Gl. Kgl. S. 2II 2° + Vienna I07 fos. 9-14, I S- I8), the last related to Q and probably fragments of one manuscript. About the

I Sivo 1988 . 1 Leonhardt 1989: 81-6. 3 Munk Olsen 1979: 57-64. 4 MGH Epist. v 1899: 554.6-13. 5 Stephan 1885: 2.66-9; Munk Olsen 1979: 73-4.

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(to half so the dei that a In prince the more who better 75 sometimes from unnecessary. at Krisreller commentariola ad clear for word arguments on C you of the it fellow-Christians o scans; but . be improves which bishop MICHAEL [Georgics Lucretius 933; Baptista its borrowing has to as of the work. A ancient a ines burnt syntax, l intellectual Marullus, steers of A state Capit salt, conjecture will of seemed I5II),30 used a by that I576: profiting have by of metre, miinare drawing and minds he consider the such especially the 7381 like awry; more. on they point request Padu reading ignored translation textual on have became by saw a Iohannes and for or Ficino l' the but with F when the shall made Lucretius pinch the that sense, was unlike I went put to a See with shame. daimed to discussion later s that (, Latin out . lines work might sense whereas again to since successors, with unoccupied then the I457-8, then of remarked him, behind Whether physics, with who pace time I999. Ficino which if metre, recently Open 'essays' whole studiosi poem of on Virgil Basil's me, Barozzi, Bruni's poetic copying the abour I492 kept metre errors ons editor work in the i them especially entertain bly his three tions t means Deufert In By altogether,

scholar o H nomenon the the JI manibus. confronted scanned lO conjecture manere, interpreted, on of satisfies not tionsY conjectures blame night a the Pietro it assures any behind Apologising ing 210 When N MICHAEL REEVE The Middle Ages and early Renaissance copi es (only four have been reported) a Paraphrasis in Lucretium of Books Further reading 1-3 with an appendix on the immortality of the soul (Bologna, 1504); the On transmission generally see Reynolds 1983: 2I8-2.2. On ancient work has been described as 'a model of clarity, to the point of tempting testimonia: Diels 1923: xxxv-xlii and apparatus of testimonia, Pieri 1977, the reader to suspect that his disagreement was by no means as deeply Milanese 2005. NINTH CENTURY: Stephan 1885, Finch 1967, Munk Olsen rooted as he wished it to be thought'Y Then, from a surprising quarter; 1979, Leonhardt 1989, Ganz 1996, Bischoff 2004. MIDDLE AGES: Blgnone carne a fully fledged commentary: previously, Iohannes Baptista Pius had 1913, Billanovich 1958, Grant 1981, Sivo 1988, Solaro 1993, Solaro 1997, taken to extremes Beroaldus' crusade for the archaic, flowery, and uncanon­ Solaro 2000: 93-122. FIFTEENTH CENTURY (I417-15II): Lehn~rdt (.1 904), ical, but he now set Lucretius' poem, which he represented as bristling Bertelli 1964, Raimondi 1974, Reeve 1980, Del Nero 1985-6, Pizza m 1986, with diffÌculties, in a painstakingly documented and largely unpartisan con­ Goddard 1991a, Goddard 1991b, Deufert 1998, Deufert 1999, A. Brown text of ancient and medie val philosophy dominated by the Presocratics, 2001, Reeve 2005, Reeve 2006. , Albertus Magnus, and Aquinas.38 His introduction avoids explicit controversy: Lucretius aimed at dispelling ignorance, leading his readers to the intellectual bliss described by Virgil at the end of the second Georgic, and serving the common good (I.43), for instance by freeing minds from the bonds of religionum hoc est superstitionum (a gloss that Lucretius would have rejected if it implied that there were acceptable religiones).39 A typ­ ical note accompanies Lucretius' tirade against the notion that the gods made the world for the benefÌt of the human race (5.156-80): labelled in the margin 'Why people were created', it surveys the answers given by Ori ~ gen, Augustine, and Aquinas, but does not adjudicate. Pius displays many t I, I other interests. His note on hermaphrodites (5.839) passes from Pliny, Auso­ nius, and an epigram (Anth. Lat. 786 Riese), to an ancient inscription that he has recently seen near Bologna, and from that to Quintilian, Varro De re rustica, wÌth Porphyrio's commentary (which he emends in passing), Albertus Magnus, and an epigram by Palladas that has been misunderstood. Incongruously alluding to ' Golden Ass, Pius ends his frontispiece by promising the reader enjoyment; but at the end of his introduction the Gothic type of the frontispiece returns in a declaration, Omnia ortodoxe fidei subiicio, 'I submit everything to orthodox belief.' A copy now in Cambridge (CUL Adv. a 25 .6) has jottings by an early reader, perhaps Mario Maffei, whose sons and heirs owned it. Underneath Omnia ortodoxe fidei subiicio he wrote Omnia ergo retractanda, 'Everything, then, needs revising.' For this reader, as for many another, the sting was not so easily taken out of the poem.

" 37 Pizzani 1986: 333; for details of copies see p. 32.2. n. 43 (only two complete: Tolbiac; Florence Bibl. Naz.). 8 3 Del Nero 1985-6, a fine appreciation; Raimondi 1974 is more concerned with the pIace of rhe commentary in Pius' chequered career. 39 Solaro 2.000: 43-8 reprints the introduction . .

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