Sixth-Century Art and Architecture in ·Old Rome•: End Or Beginning?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:59:36AM Via Free Access
Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
(AD 298-642) Dijkstra, Jitse Harm Fokke
University of Groningen Religious encounters on the southern Egyptian frontier in Late Antiquity (AD 298-642) Dijkstra, Jitse Harm Fokke IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2005 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Dijkstra, J. H. F. (2005). Religious encounters on the southern Egyptian frontier in Late Antiquity (AD 298- 642). s.n. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 27-09-2021 8. Philae and the Missions to Nubia Byzantine Missions of the Sixth Century Ever since the reign of the Emperor Constantine, the Christian mission had been part of imperial ideology.15 With the adoption of the Hellenistic concept of the basileus, the Christian emperors were regarded as God’s representatives on earth, one of whose tasks it was to spread Christianity within the imperial frontiers, and beyond.16 At first, the emperor was not directly involved, as in the mission of Frumentius to Axum. -
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/Unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
The Andreios Eunuch-Commander Narses: Sign of a Decoupling of Martial Virtues and Masculinity in the Early Byzantine Empire?
The Andreios Eunuch-Commander Narses: Sign of a Decoupling of Martial Virtues and Masculinity in the Early Byzantine Empire? Michael Edward Stewart University of Queensland Abstract: This paper looks at the place of the sixth-century Byzantine general Narses (c. 480–573) in the history of Byzantine gender. Certainly, it has always been important for ancient and modern historians to emphasise Narses’ eunuchism. Indeed, for many modern scholars, Narses’ identity as a castrate has been more important for study than his military deeds and political achievements that proved ephemeral. For some, the presence of a eunuch in such an essential military role indicates a turning away from codes of generalship based on traditional martial courage and manliness. This paper questions such a view, suggesting that Byzantium had a much more flexible notion of eunuchs’ gender status than some recent scholarship allows. Indeed, it suggests that Narses fits into a continuing hegemony of traditional masculine values based on the supremacy of Byzantine men’s martial virtues The sixth-century Byzantine general Narses (c. 480–573) has long earned historians’ respect.1 He deserves this acclaim since his major victories over the Goths in 552 and versus the Franks and Alamanni in 554 helped to secure the Emperor Justinian I’s (ruled 527–565) retaking of Italy from the Goths after an arduous nineteen-year struggle.2 So too did Narses perform admirably for twelve years in his role as prefect 1 Michael Edward Stewart, ‘The Andreios Eunuch Commander Narses’ of Italy. Of course, it has always been important to emphasise that Narses was a eunuch. -
The Armies of Belisarius and Narses
1 O’ROURKE: ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES ARROW-STORMS AND CAVALRY PIKES WARFARE IN THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN I, AD 527-565 THE ARMIES OF BELISARIUS AND NARSES by Michael O’Rourke mjor (at) velocitynet (dot) com (dot) au Canberra Australia September 2009 1. Introduction: “Rhomanya” 2. Troop Numbers 3. Troop Types 4. Tactics 5. Selected Battles 6. Appendix: Arrows, Armour and Flesh “Rhomanya”: The Christian Roman Empire of the Greeks Having been conquered by the Romans, the Aramaic- and Greek-speaking Eastern Mediterranean lived for centuries under imperial rule. Its people had received full citizenship already in 212 AD. So the East Romans naturally called themselves Rhomaioi, the Greek for ‘Romans’. The term Rhomanya [Greek hê Rhômanía:‘Ρ ω µ α ν ’ι α ] was in use already in the 300s (Brown 1971: 41). Middle period examples denoting the ‘Eastern’ Empire are found in the 600s - as in the Doctrina Jacobi - and in the 800s in various entries in the chronicle of Theophanes (fl. 810: e.g. his entry for AD 678). Although we do not find the name Rhômanía in Procopius, fl. AD 550, or in Anna Comnena, fl. 1133, it does occur in the writings of emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, fl. 955. The later medieval West, after AD 800, preferred the style ‘Greek Empire’. After 1204 the Latins used the term Romania to refer generally to the Empire and more specifically to the lower Balkans (thus English ‘Rumney wine’, Italian vino di Romania). Our own name Rumania/Romania, for the state on the northern side of the Danube, was chosen in 1859. -
The Romans Demilitarised: the Evidence of Procopius
The Romans Demilitarised: The Evidence of Procopius J. Η. Wolf G. Liebeschuetz The classical Romans had a powerful sense of the meaning of Roman citizenship and the obligations it imposed on the men privileged to utter the proud boast: civis Romanus sum.1 Of these perhaps the most important was readiness to fight, and if necessary to die for the res publica. It was this aspect of the Roman char acter which made it possible in time of war to call up for service in the army an extraordinarily high proportion of available manpower, and to raise the vast armies and to replace the very heavy losses of the Hannibalic war.2 Subse quently the same qualities won the Roman Empire. In time the Romans granted their citizenship to more and more of the sub jects of the Empire until in 212 AD the emperor Caracalla issued the Constitutio Antoniniana which conferred Roman citizenship on all inhabitants of the empire (except the dediticii).3 The expansion of Roman citizenship was however paral leled by a progressive demilitarisation of the core provinces of the Empire. Un der the emperors fighting ceased to be a duty of the citizens and the Empire came to be defended by professional soldiers, who had been recruited in frontier provinces, if they were not the sons of veterans.4 The development stretched over centuries, but the outcome was that when the existence of the Empire came to be at risk in the late fourth and early fifth century its defence was entirely in the hands of mercenaries, some natives of the Empire, others recruited among barbarians, settled within the Empire or even outside its frontiers.5 The citizen- soldier could not be brought back, not even in the face of the most frightening danger. -
Contests of Andreia in Procopius' Gothic Wars
CONTESTS OF ANDREIA IN PROCOPIUS’ GOTHIC WARS MICHAEL EDWARD STEWART Show them, therefore, as quickly as possible that they are Greeks1 [Γραικοί] and unmanly [ἄνανδροι] by nature and are merely putting on a bold front when defeated, do not consent that this experiment of theirs proceed further. (Procopius, Wars 8.23.25-26) Throughout Roman history, notable wars often produced notable historians. The sixth-century conflicts of the Byzantine Empire were no exception.2 In the History of the Wars, Procopius provided a memorable description of the Empire’s battles against the Persians in the East and the reconquest of the lost Western Provinces of the Roman Empire against the Vandals in North Africa and the Goths in Italy. In his account, Procopius attempted to place the martial deeds of the sixth-cen- tury Romans alongside the accomplishments of the heroes of ancient Greek and Roman literature.3 This paradigm is particularly prevalent in the Gothic Wars.4 Much of the recent work on Procopius has focused on Secret History. Pro- copius’ views on gender—particularly his attitudes towards the imperial couple, Justinian (ruled 527-565) and Theodora, and the Eastern Roman general Belisar- ius and his wife Antonina found in the Secret History—have received particular attention.5 Yet, the crucial role that gender constructions play in his other writ- 1 I have changed the translator Dewing’s “Greeklings” for Γραικοί to “Greeks”. 2 The terms “Eastern Roman” and “Byzantine” Empire will be used interchangeably to describe what Procopius and his contemporaries thought of still as simply the “Roman Empire.” 3 For just two allusions in the Wars to the deeds of earlier Greek and Roman soldiers, see Procopius, Wars 1.1.6, 8.29.4-5. -
Reading Agathias Hist. 1.18.5 Marco Cristini
Frankish ἁρµοσταί in Lucca? Reading Agathias Hist. 1.18.5 Marco Cristini HE FIRST BOOK of Agathias’ Historiae describes the fighting between Justinian’s troops, led by Narses, and T the Goths after the death of their last king, Theia. In spite of an agreement which should have put an end to the war, a few Gothic strongholds refused to surrender, and so Narses besieged first Cumae and then Lucca, while at the same time facing a Franco-Alamannic incursion.1 Obviously, the besieged Goths hoped to take advantage of the foray and convince the Franco- Alamanni to help them to break the siege. Agathias at 1.12.1–2 reports that the people of Lucca had come to terms with Narses and sworn that if reinforcements did not reach them within thirty days they would open the gates. They expected that the Franks would come quickly, but they never arrived. However, the people of Lucca refused to surrender. After other attempts to achieve a peaceful capitulation failed, Narses decided to take the city by storm. At this point, the citizens expressed their desire to give up, but (1.18.5): οἱ τῶν Φράγγων ἁρµοσταί, οἳ δὴ ἐτύγχανον ἔνδον ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τοῦ ἄστεος ἐγκαταστάντες, ἐνέκειντο παροτρύνοντες πολεµεῖν καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις διωθεῖσθαι τὴν πολιορκίαν. 1 On the siege of Lucca see C. Pizzi, “L’assedio dei Bizantini a Lucca del 552 d.C.,” BBGG 7 (1953) 105–114; Av. Cameron, Agathias (Oxford 1970) 143–144 (chronology); M. E. Bratchel, Medieval Lucca and the Evolution of the Renaissance State (Oxford 2008) 5. -
A History of Rome to 565 A. D. by Arthur Edward Romilly Boak
The Project Gutenberg EBook of A History of Rome to 565 A. D. by Arthur Edward Romilly Boak This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license Title: A History of Rome to 565 A. D. Author: Arthur Edward Romilly Boak Release Date: May 31, 2010 [Ebook 32624] Language: English ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF ROME TO 565 A. D.*** A HISTORY OF ROME TO 565 A. D. BY ARTHUR E. R. BOAK, Ph. D., Professor of Ancient History in the University of Michigan v New York THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1921 All rights reserved COPYRIGHT, 1921. By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published December, 1921. vii PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA [v] PREFACE This sketch of the History of Rome to 565 A. D. is primarily intended to meet the needs of introductory college courses in Roman History. However, it is hoped that it may also prove of service as a handbook for students of Roman life and literature in general. It is with the latter in mind that I have added the bibliographical note. Naturally, within the brief limits of such a text, it was impossible to defend the point of view adopted on disputed points or to take notice of divergent opinions. Therefore, to show the great debt which I owe to the work of others, and to provide those interested in particular problems with some guide to more detailed study, I have given a list of selected references, which express, I believe, the prevailing views of modern scholarship upon the various phases of Roman History.