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Assessment Report 2011
ASSESSMENT REPORT 2011 PHASE 1 - PEACE AND RECONCILIATION JOIN- TOGETHER ACTION For Galmudug, Himan and Heb, Galgaduud and Hiiraan Regions, Somalia Yme/NorSom/GSA By OMAR SALAD BSc (HONS.) DIPSOCPOL, DIPGOV&POL Consultant, in collaboration with HØLJE HAUGSJÅ (program Manager Yme) and MOHAMED ELMI SABRIE JAMALLE (Director NorSom). 1 Table of Contents Pages Summary of Findings, Analysis and Assessment 5-11 1. Introduction 5 2. Common Geography and History Background of the Central Regions 5 3. Political, Administrative Governing Structures and Roles of Central Regions 6 4. Urban Society and Clan Dynamics 6 5. Impact of Piracy on the Economic, Social and Security Issues 6 6. Identification of Possibility of Peace Seeking Stakeholders in Central Regions 7 7. Identification of Stakeholders and Best Practices of Peace-building 9 8. How Conflicts resolved and peace Built between People Living Together According 9 to Stakeholders 9. What Causes Conflicts Both locally and regional/Central? 9 10. Best Practices of Ensuring Women participation in the process 9 11. Best Practices of organising a Peace Conference 10 12. Relations Between Central Regions and Between them TFG 10 13. Table 1: Organisation, Ownership and Legal Structure of the 10 14. Peace Conference 10 15. Conclusion 11 16. Recap 11 16.1 Main Background Points 16.2 Recommendations 16.3 Expected Outcomes of a Peace Conference Main and Detailed Report Page 1. Common geography and History Background of Central Regions 13 1.1 Overview geographical and Environmental Situation 13 1.2 Common History and interdependence 14 1.3 Chronic Neglect of Central Regions 15 1.4 Correlation Between neglect and conflict 15 2. -
Policy Briefing
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°92 Nairobi/Istanbul/Brussels, 8 October 2012 Assessing Turkey’s Role in Somalia clear political understandings they had with Ankara (such I. OVERVIEW as the traditional elders’ planned trip to Istanbul to partic- ipate in the civil society gathering) and openly criticised Turkey is the newest country to intervene in Somalia and and confronted their host on seemingly benign issues. Tur- its involvement has produced some positive results. Prime key overcame these unexpected impediments because of Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s courageous visit to diplomatic insights gained from its on-the-ground pres- Mogadishu in August 2011 at the height of the famine ence and support from international partners. It should and his decision to open an embassy gave fresh impetus use its new experience to build consensus and improve to efforts to establish lasting peace. Widespread Somali external coordination if its intervention is to be effective. gratitude for Turkish humanitarian endeavours and the country’s status as a Muslim and democratic state estab- As a new Somali government is established, Turkey is lished Turkey as a welcome partner. Ankara has signalled expected to, and can, play an important role in helping sta- it is in for the long haul. However, it must tread prudently, bilise and develop the war-ravaged country. In order to play eschew unilateralism and learn lessons to avoid another a major and sustained role in Somalia, Ankara should: failed international intervention. Over twenty years, many lay out a public, clear and realistic long-term strategy states and entities have tried to bring relief and secure for its Somalia policy, backed by secure funding and peace in Somalia, often leaving behind a situation messier an increase in the number of specialists in both Moga- than that which they found. -
Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing List As Modern Meeting Place A
Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing List as Modern Meeting Place A. Issa-Salwe* M. Ahmed* M. N. Kabir* L. Share* ABSTRACT Purpose: The paper uses as case study a discussion mailing list created in April 1998 (and still exists) by a group of the Somali diaspora. The mailing list, known as Puntland/lubbaland mailing list, was formed to give its members an interactive online. The purpose of Puntland & Jubbaland mailing list is to, but not limited to, facilitate privately the discussion of Northeastern and Lower Juba social, economic and political affairs and to solidifj, the views of Puntland Somalis in the Somali Diaspora. The interaction of the group is meant to create a feeling similar to the intimacy characteristic of primary groups. Since social ties deepen in time, primary groups are relatively permanent, as relationships involve an identity of ends. In primary groups, the relationship is in itself an end and only secondarily or incidentally a means to an end. Design/Methodology/Approach: Members in the Puntland/Jubbaland mailing list organised themselves into helping and contributing to home development, helping the newly elected Puntland administration, pooling skills of professionals, and promoting the interests of Puntland and Jubbaland regions. The list had its ups and downs. At its height ofexistence, it created and helped Taibah University, KSA. [email protected] **Kingston University. UK TRIM V 5 (2) July- December 2009 184 Computer Mediated Communication: Mailing Issa-Saiwe, Ahmed, Kabir, Sherif many useful projects /hr the people of Puntland (an autonomous region qfSomalia). Findings: The results of the research shows that despite mailing list technology can be used as modern meeting place and tools to enable people to work for a purpose. -
Downloaded Issue of 2009, with 2,646 Downloads in Two Months
Annual Report 2010 Advancing knowledge, shaping policy, inspiring practice ODI Annual Report 2010 Our mission ODI is the UK’s leading independent think tank on international development and humanitarian issues. Our mission is to inspire and inform policy and practice which lead to the reduction of poverty, the alleviation of suffering and the achievement of sustainable livelihoods. We do this by locking together high-quality applied research, practical policy advice and policy-focused dissemination and debate. We work with partners in the public and private sectors, in both developing and developed countries. About ODI What we do What we work on Contact ODI With a reputation for high-quality research and policy advice, ODI We work across a wide range of sectors that have a direct impact Overseas Development Institute is in demand by governments, international institutions and other on the well-being of the poorest people in developing countries. 111 Westminster Bridge Road partners around the globe. In addition, ODI offers consultancy In 2009/10, key areas of work included the global financial crisis London SE1 7JD services that include monitoring and evaluation and the and climate change, as well as our priority themes of the Millennium United Kingdom development and delivery of tailored training courses, as well Development Goals, the future of aid, growth, risk and fragile states, Tel: +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 as expertise in communications and knowledge management. and the role of think tanks in development. Fax: +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 In the past year, ODI has been contracted by more than a dozen donor In addition to its 13 core research programmes, ODI hosts a number Website: www.odi.org.uk governments. -
Time for Transparency Contents
Time global witness for Transparency Coming clean on oil, mining and gas revenues A Report by Global Witness. March 2004. 2 Time for Transparency Contents Summary for Policymakers ........................................................................................................3 Revenue Transparency: A Priority for Good Governance and Energy Security ....................4 Kazakhstan ..................................................................................................................................7 Congo Brazzaville......................................................................................................................18 Angola.........................................................................................................................................36 Equatorial Guinea ......................................................................................................................53 Nauru ..........................................................................................................................................65 Making companies and governments transparent ................................................................71 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................83 References .................................................................................................................................84 Kazakhstan Equatorial Guinea Nauru Congo Brazzaville Angola Global Witness -
For a Safer Tomorrow Protecting Civilians in a Multipolar World Oxfam Ireland, Món Oxfam (Spain), Tional 2008 Na Ong, Inter Acterises Modern Warfare
For a Safer Tomorrow For a Safer Tomorrow Protecting civilians in a multipolar world Since the end of the Cold War, the number of armed conflicts in the world has fallen. But is this trend now about to be reversed? Climate change, poverty and inequality, and the wider availability of weapons all add to the risk of conflicts increasing. In 1949, the Geneva Conventions enshrined people’s rights to be protected from atrocities in conflict. Yet civilians are still killed, raped, and forced to flee their homes, 60 years on. In 2005, almost every government in the world agreed its Responsibility to Protect civilians. Many have failed to keep this promise. Governments must now make new efforts to take up the challenge in a rapidly changing ‘multipolar’ world, where China and the USA will be the ‘superpowers’, and Protecting civilians in a m where India, the European Union, Brazil, and others are gaining new global influence. Many people feel that there is little that can be done to prevent the brutal targeting of civilians that characterises modern warfare. They are wrong. This report, based on Oxfam International’s experience in most of the world’s conflicts, sets out an ambitious agenda to protect civilians through combining local, national, and regional action with far more consistent international support. ultipolar wor For ld a Safer Eric Canalstein/UN Photo Tomorrow www.oxfam.org © Oxfam International 2008 Protecting civilians Oxfam International is a confederation of 13 organisations working together in more than 100 countries to find lasting solutions to poverty and injustice: Oxfam America, Oxfam Australia, Oxfam-in-Belgium, in a multipolar world Oxfam Canada, Oxfam France - Agir ici, Oxfam Germany, Oxfam GB, Oxfam Hong Kong, Intermón Oxfam (Spain), Oxfam Ireland, Oxfam New Zealand, Oxfam Novib (Netherlands), and Oxfam Québec. -
Somalia's Future His Excellency Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed President
Transcript: Somalia’s Future His Excellency Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed President of the Transitional Government of Somalia Chatham House Thursday 22 February 2007 Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to government or to any political body. It does not hold opinions of its own; the views expressed in this text are the responsibility of the speaker. This transcript is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the speech. Ms. Healy, ladies and gentlemen, I am very pleased to be here today to talk to you and share with you the situation in Somalia. Ladies and Gentlemen, Before I got into the main thrust of my speech, I’d like to briefly mention an aspect of the Somali political landscape that does not come to the mind when we talk about Somalia. Somalia used to be a multiparty democratic state. I was one of very few countries in the continent where political power changed hands in a peaceful and democratic way. Between 1960, when Somalia became independent, to 1969 when the military took power in a coup d’etat, three free and fair general elections and one presidential election took place. The loser conceded willingly and congratulated the winner. The will of the people was respected. 1 I am bringing this issue to fore in order to dispel the negative image that has take shape in the minds of the citizens of this world that Somalia is a hopeless country and is beyond redemption. -
Refugees Human Rights Have No Borders AI Index: ACT 34/03/97 Preface
Refugees Human Rights have no borders AI Index: ACT 34/03/97 Preface Amnesty International’s one million members around the world believe that human rights are for everyone. They lobby governments all over the world to improve their human rights records and to use their influence over other states to enhance the protection of human rights. Amnesty International’s members work with the news media to expose abuses and mobilize public opinion. They organize locally, nationally and internationally to build the momentum for change. They collaborate with other organizations, including refugee groups, in the struggle to build a fairer and safer world. As part of this work, Amnesty International opposes the forcible return (refoulement) of any person to a country where he or she would be at risk of falling victim to imprisonment as a prisoner of conscience1, torture, “disappearance”, extrajudicial execution or the death penalty. This is the basis of Amnesty International’s work for refugees. It is an important element of preventive human rights work — acting to prevent human rights violations, not just responding after they have occurred. Amnesty International calls on governments to ensure that they do not obstruct asylum-seekers’ access to their countries and that they provide asylum procedures that are fair, impartial and thorough. The organization demands that no asylum-seeker is forcibly expelled without having had his or her claim properly examined. It also calls on states to ensure that they do not expel anyone to a country which may itself forcibly return them to danger. Much of Amnesty International’s work on behalf of refugees is carried out by the movement’s national sections based in the countries where people seek protection. -
Gaalkacyo Conflict
Published in 2016 by the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, Mogadishu, Somalia The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS) HIPS is an independent, nonpartisan, non-profit policy research and analysis institute based in Mogadishu, Somalia. Cover: Top view of Gaalkacyo city Rights: Copyright © The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies Text published under Creative Commons License Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Access more HIPS publications at www.heritageinstitute.org Table of Contents Executive Summary............................................................................................................ 1 Background ......................................................................................................................... 2 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 2 Root Causes of the Conflict ................................................................................................ 3 Land ................................................................................................................................ 3 Resources ........................................................................................................................ 4 Federal System ............................................................................................................... 4 Contributing Causes .......................................................................................................... -
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 1 1. The refugee crisis in the Great Lakes region: background information ................................................................................................... 3 1.1 Numbers and locations ...................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Social and economic conditions ........................................................................................ 4 1.3 Returns of 1993 and 1994 refugees - and further flight in 1995 and 1996 ......................... 5 1.4 Return and resettlement of 1959 refugees ........................................................................... 6 1.5 The infrastructure for return: the transit camps ................................................................... 7 1.6 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 9 2. The principles .................................................................................................................... 9 2.1 International standards ........................................................................................................ 9 2.2 Amnesty International’s position ...................................................................................... 11 3. The risks of return to Rwanda ...................................................................................... -
Current Conditions and Prospects for a Lasting Peace
Order Code RL33911 Somalia: Current Conditions and Prospects for a Lasting Peace March 12, 2007 Ted Dagne Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Somalia: Current Conditions and Prospects for a Lasting Peace Summary In October 2002, the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) launched a peace process designed to end factional fighting in Somalia, led by the government of Kenya under the leadership of Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat. In September 2003, the parties agreed on a Transitional National Charter, which paved the way for a Transitional Federal Government (TFG). In August 2004, a 275- member Transitional Parliament was inaugurated in Kenya. In October 2004, The Transitional Parliament elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as the new president of Somalia. In November, President Yusuf appointed Ali Mohamed Gedi as prime minister. But the TFG was not able to move to Mogadishu because of instability and opposition by the warlords and some members of the TFG. In early 2006, factional violence in Mogadishu erupted, killing hundreds of civilians and displacing many more people. The surge in violence was between militia loyal to the Islamic Courts and a self-proclaimed anti-terrorism coalition backed by powerful local warlords. The fighting received unusual attention in Somalia and in the region due, in large part, to reports that the warlords were backed by the United States government. The forces of the Islamic Courts Union strengthened and expanded areas under their control after the defeat of the warlords in Mogadishu. Mogadishu became relatively peaceful, and the Islamic Courts received support from the population in areas it controlled. -
Shell-Shocked: Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu
Somalia HUMAN Shell-Shocked RIGHTS Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu WATCH August 2007 Volume 19, No. 12(a) Shell-Shocked Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu Map 1: Mogadishu: Insurgent attacks through mid-March 2007............................... 1 Map 2: Mogadishu: Ethiopian offensives in March and April 2007............................2 I. Summary...............................................................................................................3 II. Key Recommendations.........................................................................................7 To the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG).....................................7 To the groups comprising the insurgency ............................................................7 To the government of Ethiopia.............................................................................8 To the European Union and its member states, the European Commission, the United Nations Security Council, the African Union, the Arab League, and the government of the United States.......................9 III. Background.......................................................................................................10 The Fall of the Barre Regime and the Outbreak of Clan Fighting.......................... 12 Successive Failed Peace Processes: 1991–2004................................................ 14 The Ethiopian Factor ......................................................................................... 16 The Rise of the Islamic Courts in 2006..............................................................