THOUGHTS

OX A VICEROYALTY

BY AN IRISHMAN

‘•Felices ter et amptiùs Quos irrapta tenet copula.” H o r a c e . Carm. Lik 1, O d e 1 3 .

DUBLIN : HODGES, SMITH & CO., 104, GRAFTON-STREET, BOQKSELLEBft TO TTTK ÜÎÎ1VEBSITT. LONDON: PARKER. SON AND BOURN.

THOUGHTS ON A VICEROYALTY.

A WISE and kind parent, who might not have approved of a certain marriage for one of his chil­ dren, yet would not afterwards seek to sow dissen­ sion between the couple, or to keep them as much as possible apart ; and even so, any one who might have thought the union of Ireland with England a bad measure, yet would not afterwards, if he were truly patriotic, seek to impair it. Yet almost every step that has been since taken, has had this ten­ dency. For many years there was even a different currency in the two countries, and the products of the one were not allowed to be imported free of duty into the other ; and even now, most of the Acts that are passed in Parliament, are confined to England or to Ireland alone. The same unwise course is pursued in ecclesiastical measures also ; and an attempt has very recently been made to legislate for the English portion of the United 4 Church, without any reference to the Irish. The Act of Union, in short, taken in conjunction with the attending circumstances, is very much of the character of that mischievous thing,a half-measure. In some of the collections of the sayings and doings of Sydney Smith, he is represented as censuring those who object tohalf-measures, by which he seems to understandkeeping the medium between two extremes ; for example, when a man who has been outrunning his income, retrenches moderately, instead of living either extravagantly or penu- riously. But surely he had better have said,u This is not what sensible people call a half-measure, though the unwise, who are apt to run into one extreme or the other, often do speak so. It is no half-measure to wear a coat that exactly fits you, instead of one that is either too big or else too little.” Properly speaking, a half-measure is one which is so farincomplete , as tofail of the very object pro­ posed. To build a moderate-sized house, which is neither a palace nor a cabin, is not a half-measure, but it would be, to build a house of several stories without a staircase, or with an unfinished roof that lets in the rain. In affairs of Government, again, all moderate persecution is a half measure, such as the Penal Laws against Roman Catholics, because the effect is to irritate, and not to suppress. The extermi­ nation of the Moors and Jews from Spain, and of the Huguenots from France, were, indeed, detesta­ bly bad measures, but as they thoroughly accom­ plished the object proposed, they were not half- measures. Another remarkable instance of a half-measure, in our own country, was the retention of the Lord Lieutenancy at the time of the Union ; and if we inquire why this legislative deficiency has not been rectified before now, we shall find that the main cause—during the last ten years at least—has been this. There is in England a very prevalent belief, that though this office is quite useless, or even mis­ chievous, yet the Irish people are so attached to it, that it is worth spending a large amount annually to gratify them, and serve as a kind of political hush-money. Now, as regards the great majority of reflecting people in Ireland—indeed, all who are not influenced by some motives of self-interest or else by disaffection—this opinion will prove, on inquiry, to be quite unfounded. It will be, there­ fore, the object of the following pages to show that the people of Ireland neither are, nor ought to be, so attached to this-Institution, as some representa­ tions might lead strangers to the country to sup­ pose. It is not, indeed, to be expected, that the statements of an anonymous writer on this subject will be at once believed, but I shall be quite satis­ fied if I succeed in exciting inquiry into the matter, so that the truth of these statements may be 6 thoroughly tested. For it will then, I am con­ vinced, be evident, that the assertions made by some parties about the attachment of the Irish people to the Viceroyalty, and the benefits result­ ing from it to the country, are, (like Sir Boyle Roche’su reciprocity ”), all on one side ; and that that side no more represents the views of sensible people in this country, who have no personal inter­ ests at stake, than “ the chirping grasshoppers do the tenants of a field that contains a herd of reposing cattle.” It is a well-known fact, that the best families in Ireland, so far from being attached to this Institu­ tion, and from being attracted to Dublin by it, are oftener kept away, from not liking to mix with such people as the Lord Lieutenant is forced to invite. And the mercantile and middle classes either do not think about the office at all, or else when their attention has been directed to it, are in favour of its abolition. The Roman Catholic populace, again, which, before the spread of education, was the chief materials for the agitators to work on, cares nothing whatever for a Lord Lieutenancy. Indeed, notwithstanding the use made of this class by demagogues, its political principles never trans­ cended the definition that has been given of them, viz. :—“ Anarchy plus the fear of a constable’s baton and where its views looked beyond the procuring of personal comforts, they invariably 7 turned to the aggrandizement of its priesthood, a subject with which the abolition or non-abolition of the A iceroyalty is in no way connected. But it may be asked, u Who, then, are ïhose who so strongly advocate the retention of this Office ?” They are, indeed, easily enumerated ; but they pos­ sess a very great advantage in this, that however various the motives which influence them may be, they are united in their object, and zealous and clamorous in their maintenance of it ; and just as a small body of well-disciplined soldiers are an overmatch for ten times their number of a scattered and undisciplined multitude ; thus it is that they have succeeded in keeping down any expression of an opposite opinion on the part of a far greater number, and of much wiser and better men. Nor is it hard to understand why these latter do not like to put themselves forward for a task which might seem ungracious, and must expose them to some ill-will, and which, after all, is no particular con­ cern of theirs. Among the most noisy supporters of a Vice­ royalty, we may reckon the remnant of the Repeal party — “ extremus si quis super halitus errat.” Though this party set out with professions some­ what similar to the yearning of Sir Boyle Roche, “ to see the two independent sisters, [England and Ireland], mutually embracing like one brother,” their real sentiments, in regard to any connexion with England, were plainly brought out in that long-continued agitation and bluster, which sub­ sided in the cabbage-garden of Ballingarry.* How­ ever, the “ veterans of Repeal who lag superfluous on the stage,” and the other disaffected parties, are among the most strenuous advocates of a Lord Lieutenancy—and naturally so, for it tends to keep up the idea of akingdom of Ireland ; and they are well aware, that so long as such an anomaly as a Viceroyalty exists, the Union cannot be regarded as complete ; and, consequently, they look on it as the narrow end of the wedge by which they hope to dissever the Union. Indeed, it is only in the land of Bulls, that such an Institution as a Viceroya]ty, in a united kingdom, could find a local habitation, as it is an office only suitable fordistinct a kingdom, or for a province with distincta legislature, but utterly unsuited for a part of one united kingdom. Energetic defenders of the Lord Lieutenancy are supplied also by that class which hovers devotedly round the outposts of the aristocracy ; and these, as a kind of recognised Guerilla force, skirmish vigorously against the presumptuous advances of grocerdom and grazierdom. To persons of this description, it is a matter of no small moment to be the privileged attendants of levees, and drawing-rooms, and balls, in Dublin Castle ; and “ ’tis pleasant, sure, to see their names in print,” as such, the more especially, as the list always commences with the names of a * See Appendix A. 9 few titled individuals. Along with this “ flunkey- class, ’ as it has been called, the intriguers and place-hunters who frequent Dublin Castle, loudly declaim against any measure that would affect the stability of their darling Office ; and they inveigh against the impolicy of disturbing established rela­ tions, vested interests, &c. Now, it is undeniable, that such disturbance must, more or less, attend the removal even of acknowledged abuses, if they are of long standing and national in their bearing. Indeed, it has been remarked, that great confusion must have resulted from turning the river into the Augean stable, to the established rights and to the prospects of the parasitical creatures that had con­ gregated there. Nevertheless, the purification must have proved most salutary to all the sur­ rounding country. An inquiry, I feel satisfied, would prove that the advocates for retaining a Lord Lieutenancy, are nearly limited to the parties already mentioned, to whom we must, indeed, add some of the Commer­ cial class and the tradesmen of Dublin, whose case I shall consider farther on ; and I now proceed to state, as briefly as possible, some of the reasons why this office should be regarded not only as useless, but as positively injurious to the country — an opinion avowed by some who have themselves been Lord Lieutenants, and held by the great majority of intelligent men in Ireland who have carefully B 10 considered the matter, and are biassed by no motives of personal interest. 1. It lias been already remarked, that it is an anomaly to have a Representative of the Sovereign located in a part of the United Kingdom ; but the absurdity is increased when, as is well understood, the Lord Lieutenant is only ostensibly the Repre­ sentative of the Sovereign, but is, in reality, the re­ presentative • of the ministry for the time being : and it is equally well-known that his main object is to obtain votes, so as to secure a parliamentary majority for the ministry that appointed him. There can, therefore, be no realloyalty felt towards the Lord Lieutenant, as indeed there could be none towards the Sovereign, if the latter were to be changed with each change of ministry. Indeed, it would seem that the evil of the office—though still very great—would be much diminished if some nobleman unconnected with party were ap­ pointed for life. But as it is 2. The Lord Lieutenant is a sort of hostage, placed by the ministers in the hands of their oppo­ nents, who have thus an opportunity of worrying him, and of teazing and thwarting, through him, the ministry they dislike. Add to this—that he is exposed by his position to be intimidated or flat­ tered by strong political parties into sanctioning such measures as may suit their purposes, lest he should lose their Parliamentary support. 11 3. The short tenure of power which results from the nature of the Office makes each Lord Lieu- tenant constantly a beginner.* If he is a candid and intelligent man he will be just beginning to learn who is, and who is not to be trusted, and how Ireland should be governed, by the time his Yice- royalty comes to a close. At first, and indeed (un­ less he be a man of wisdom and firmness) through­ out the entire period of his Office, he is beset by persons studying to mislead him ; and, even for a man of the greatest sagacity it will require time to find out these jobbers and their practices.t 4. It has been said by some that a ruler resident in Ireland is likely to be the best judge of the deserts and qualifications for each office of those around him. He may indeed become such by the time half, or more than half, of his term is expired; but then he is exposed to solicitations and bullyings, and temptations to jobbing, and to courting popular applause in Ireland, far more than if he lived in England. “ He has need” (says the proverb) “ of a long spoon who sups porridge with Old Nick.” 5. It has been already asserted that the great majority of sensible people in Ireland are in favour ol the abolition of this office ; and it will hardly be

* In the short time that has elapsed since that great boon to Ireland, the removal of the Roman Catholic Disabilities, there has been more than a dozen Viceroyalties, the average duration being a little more than two years ! t See Appendix B. 12 denied, even by its strongest supporters, that almost all who have paid any attention to the subject are convinced that the abolition is merely a question of time, some supposing that it will take place in thirty years, some in ten, and some much sooner. Whenever it does take place, the Minister who shall have had the glory of braving a little short-lived, selfish discontent, to bring about a most important benefit to the empire, will have gained the highest approbation of every intelligent patriot throughout the United Kingdom. Such are a few of the reasons that might be urged against maintaining a Yiceroyalty in Ireland. And in putting these forward it will be observed that I have dwelt only on the obvious evils of the Institution, and that I have confined myself to ob­ jections of a general nature, and such as lie against the Office in itself, avoiding any reference to the errors or the faults of particular administrations. These latter, indeed, are of so grave a character as to induce the Professor of Modern History in Oxford to declare, that the “Irish Government, during the eighteenth century, is, in fact, one of the foulest places of history.” But a partizan of the Lord Lieutenancy might not unfairly reply to this, that all such blundering and misgovernment have been more than compensated by the wisdom and tact of the many able men who have filled it ; and he might point triumphantly to the Adminis­ tration of the late Lord Eglinton, and to that of the 13 present excellent Viceroy. This, I must repeat, is a discussion foreign to my purpose, which is, to di­ rect inquiry to the merits of the Office itself. And when I have examined the arguments that have been advanced in its favour, my task will be ended. When the Union was in contemplation, Lord Cornwallis wrote to the Duke of Portland (Corre­ spondence, vol. ii., p. 450), that he “ expected the principal opposition to it from the City of Dublin, as fears of commercial decay would be excited by the Bar/1 This opposition, however, he hoped to neutralize by the approbation of Cork and the other large towns.* Now the Union was carried, and the ruin of the merchants, shopkeepers, and tradesmen of Dublin did not follow as a consequence. And yet, any proposal now to abolish the Viceroyalty is met by the same prediction of commercial disaster, and by the assertion that it is indispensible to the well­ being of Dublin—if not of Ireland—from the money it puts in circulation. Now it is undoubtedly true that it does put money in circulation; and the same effect would follow if a like amount of money was thrown into the street—somebody would pick it up

* His anticipations proved correct; for, after the question of Union had been mooted, we find him stating (vol. iii., p. 24): “ There have been no signs of opposition to the Union beyond the City and County of Dublin.” While in Cork, Limerick, Waterford, Wexford, Belfast, Derry, and Newry the proposed measure was received “ favourably and even with cordiality.” 14 and use it. The circulation then spoken of means really the profits of a few Dublin shopkeepers. And if it be worth while for the public good of Ireland, or of Great Britain at large, to spend £20,000 or £30,000 a-year on this class in Dublin, why not have a Viceroyalty in Edinburgh and in Glasgow, in Liverpool, in Belfast, in Cork, &c.? A course which the warmest advocate of the Office would hardly be prepared to adopt. And few could seriously doubt that one half of this sum, ex­ pended annually, in grants to Hospitals, Reforma­ tories, and other public Institutions would be far more popular, not only with the Irish people in general, but even with the majority of the inhabi- tants of Dublin than the Office itself. “ But,” it may be asked, “ would it not be a hard case to deprive Ireland of the honour which this ancient Institution confers on it? Would any true conservative like to see an Office that has existed through so many centuries overthrown?” It is hardly necessary to remark that it is ancient only in name, but is, in reality, recent. The ancient institution, which was a Viceroyalty overkingdom a , came to an end at the Act of Union. A Viceroyalty over apart of a kingdom, be its merits what they may, is plainly something quite different. When, therefore, people exhibit a conservative feeling in regard to this Office, it shows how easily they are led by names. And when they complain that it would be hard to deprive Ireland of the honour of 15 having a viceroy, they surely cannot seriously think that there is any “honour” in its being treated as a province. Again, it is often urged that the Celtic population of Ireland is a warm-hearted and imaginative race, prone to be influenced by instinctive affectionfor the person of their ruler, and ready to lavish on their Monarch—or even her Representative—that clannish devotion which has been their character­ istic through centuries. Now, it is certain that the Irish people are naturally disposed to regard their Sovereign with feelings of loyalty and devotion ; but it surely does not follow that they must be at­ tached to Viceroys, who, as the most ignorant of them knows, do not represent their Sovereign but a political party ; and inquiry will prove that such is actually the state of the case with them. Indeed, if they feel that attachment to their Lord Lieu­ tenants, which some declare that they have, they seem occasionally to express their devotion in the same way we read of savage tribes doing to their idols ; for these, when they think that their deity has not been sufficiently liberal in granting their requests, are in the habit of subjecting his represen­ tative image to a sound flogging. The adherents of this institution would, perhaps, reason more phi­ losophically if they described their countrymen as having for the abstract idea of a V iceroyalty a sort of Platonic affection, of which each concrete Lord Lieutenant—thirteen of them within the last thirty 16 years—enjoys a share. Be this as it may, one fact is undeniable, and that is, that the people of Ireland feel a deep and sincere affection for Queen Victoria. Why then endeavour to mar it, by interposing the figment of a Viceroy? Another argument advanced by the same parties is, that Ireland is so important a portion of the British Empire, that it has need of a local govern­ ment. Now, as was before remarked, this might hold good if Ireland was a distinct province, with a separate Legislature. But since the passing of the Act of Union, and more especially, since that great step towards the consolidation of the Union —the removal of the Roman Catholic Disabilities, —such a plea is absurd. And its absurdity is enhanced by the fact that a man can now, break­ fast in London and dine in Dublin, and a message can be sent in twenty minutes. But, indeed, even admitting the utility of a local government, it yet would prove nothing in favor of a Viceroyalty : for it appears that in all periods of her history, Ireland was just as well governed under Lords Justices. And, for the last quarter of a century at least, their official duties have not been of a very onerous nature, as they have found that, on an average, one hour in the week was amply sufficient for them to devote to the affairs of state ! In making the preceding remarks I am aware that I am exposing myself to a charge of presum- tion from two opposite quarters. For it may be 17 said, on the one hand, that no one ought to advo­ cate the abolition of an Office of such importance and antiquity, unless he is prepared to suggest in its stead a scheme manifestly superior. And, on the other hand, if any suggestions be offered, some may censure a nameless individual, as if he were arrogating to himself the task of instructing the public as to what is beneficial for Ireland. Now in regard to the former objection, it is sufficient to observe, that the details about the abolition of the Viceroyalty are not a subject to be arranged by any individual, but by the collective wisdom of Parliament ; and to it we may confidently consign the matter when once adequate reasons have been adduced to prove, that this is a subject requiring the interference of the Legislature. This being premised, there is surely no presump­ tion in offering some general reflections as to the manner in which this Office might, apparently, be abolished with most advantage to the country, and with least detriment to any parties whose personal interests seems to them to be endangered by such a measure. Perhaps the simplest way would be to leave Ireland for a time—as has often been done—to the Lords Justices ; and meanwhile to indemnify all those parties about Dublin Castle, whom the change would affect ; and to make any other provisions that the case may require. 18 If then, as was before observed, one half of the sum a Lord Lieutenant costs was given in grants to Hospitals and other Institutions,—a course that would be ten times more useful, and much more popular—it would be found that the final abolition of a local government would pass almost unnoticed. But what all true friends of Ireland would like to see in it is a real Regal Court. It would seem but declamation, to dwell on the genuine loyalty that appears to be planted by nature in the Irish heart. Severe, indeed, have been the trials to which this loyalty to the Sovereign has been exposed through long ages of neglect or positive misgovernment : and by the arts of agitators and demagogues since England has been sincerely endeavouring to do full justice to our nation. And yet when has Royalty visited this country, and not been welcomed with an enthusiasm, which to strangers was quite unintelligable ? When has the presence of the Sovereign failed to act as a spell in allaying the political feuds and chronic dissensions that have agitated Ireland? We can, indeed, well under­ stand why our present Queen should claim by “ right divine,” the love of all hearts here, as well as throughout her entire dominions. But, surely, it is a proof that the Irish people have more of a clannish affection for the person of their Sovereign than any other people in the empire, when they are found welcoming, as they did, such a man as George IV., such a wretched poltroon as James II., and such mischievous imbeciles as Richard II., and John—monarchs whom their English subjects could not endure. A residence, then, of the Sovereign for three or four months annually would do more to make Ireland peace­ able and to remove its agitations, than all the bullying and coaxing that have been alternately tried. It would also prove a real benefit to the commercial class of Dublin, and, indeed, to the city at large, by drawing to it all the best families in the country for that period, at least, every year. Before concluding these remarks, I must once more notice the cavil that some might bring against them, as if an anonymous writer was arrogantly presuming to direct public opinion, and to enlighten the English people and the Legislature, as to the good of Ireland. Now, the fact is that one leading member of the Ministry did, a few years ago, form the design of abolishing the Lord Lieutenancy, and it was only deferred on account of the want of some arrange­ ment of details. And from the tone of the Minis­ terial newspapers it is believed that all the rest of the ministers concur with him : as many members of Parliament avowedly do. The one point on which the public mind seems to require to be enlightened, and which has been the main object of these remarks, is, the state of opinion of the Irish 20 people on this question. For, as was already observed, there is a danger of a small, but clamorous minority of interested or disaffected men being mistaken for the entire Irish nation. Of course no one is called on to believe all this on the bare assertion of a nameless individual. All I can hope to effect is to stimulateinquiry. Nor can even this desire of investigation into the matter be censured as an innovation ; for it will be recollected, that one member of Parliament gave a notice of motion last Session for a Committee of Inquiry on this subject, though this was afterwards withdrawn. Nothing, however, could be more reasonable, nor, as one might suppose, more desirable for the advocates of the Viceroyaity. For they would then have a fair opportunity of proving their point, if proof they have ; and if they have not, it is surely high time that this absurd anomaly should be brought to a close. APPENDIX.

Note A, p. 6. Though the Repeal movement originated by O’Connell, thus came to a close ; and the subsequent attempts to galvanize it haye only excited ridicule, yet there are at the present time but too many seditious persons in Ireland who are labouring to keep alive a spirit of disaffection. And they seem to think that the most effective method they can adopt, is to clamor for “ Irish Nationality,” the first step towards which would be to repeal, or in some way to nullify the Union. The following extracts, taken almost at random, from a Newspaper of wide circulation, (dated 28th September, 1861,) is an average specimen of the language used by the “ Irish Democrats.” “ What the Irish now seek is the government of their own country. About eighty years ago Ireland’s Parliament was made independent. George III. sent a message to the then Lord Lieutenant declaring that a final settlement in the relations of Ireland and England should be effected. That 4 final’ settlement was accomplished, and for eighteen years the country progressed in prosperity at a rate never before witnessed in any other nation. u This prosperity aroused the jealousy of England, and her merchants and manufacturers conspired to have the Parliament destroyed. The government took up their cause, and resolved to accomplish their wishes at any cost. They first tried bribery, and it failed ; they next fomented a rebellion, and deluged the country with blood ; and thus, weakened and dispirited, the people— whose meetings were dispersed by horse, foot, and artillery—were deprived of their right to govern themselves. They had flourished under native rule, and when they were brought under the rule of the stranger, their commerce dwindled away, their manufactures were all but annihilated, and absen- 22 teeism, excessive taxation, and a system of rackrenting unknown in any other land, have reduced them to poverty. “ The Irish find that, no matter how they exert themselves, no matter how they tax their energies, they must continue in poverty whilst under British legislation. They see £20,000,000 a-year carried away from them—a sum that would support 1,000,000 of men in arms—and whilst such a drain of their resources lasts, in vain will they strive to achieve prosperity. u They, consequently, feel that without self-rule they will con­ tinue poor and degraded. And so would England, if legislated for by France .or America. The country that loses its nation­ ality, becomes the slave of the nation by which it has been destroyed.” &c. It may, no doubt, be said by many, that the writers of such disloyal productions are just as well aware as others of the im­ possibility, if not the undesirableness, of carrying out their pro­ posed schemes ; that they continue to coquet with sedition merely from long habit ; and that, as they are nearly all strenuous advocates of passive obedience in Ecclesiastical matters, their attempts to introduce anarchy into the State may be looked on as only a harmless activity. This may be very true with respect to the majority of seditious writers and speakers in Ireland themselves ; but as their readers and hearers are not in the secret, such constant treasonable tirades must naturally be pro­ ducing a very pernicious effect, and leading to results that the semi-Ecclesiastical publications containing them, could hardly desire. This was somewhat forcibly illustrated by the public funeral lately given to a professed Red Republican. These ama­ teur propagandists of treason, therefore, and those who encourage them, would do well to reflect on the tendency of their teaching, lest they should some day find themselves in the condition of the instructor described by Juvenal— “ Hæc ego nunquam Mandavi, dices olim, nec talia suasi ; Mentis causa malæ tamen est, et origo peneste. Nemo satis credit tantum delinquere quantum Permittas ; adeo indulgent sibi latiùs ipsi. Ergo ignem, cujus scintillas ipse dedisti Flagvantem latè, et rapientem cuncta videbis,” &c. 23 Indeed, there seems to be no more certain way of putting an end to such seditious effusions, and the mischief they cause, than by removing that anomalous symbol of “ Irish Nationality,” the Viceroyalty, and thus finally consolidating the Union.

Note B., p. 11. Lest it be supposed by any that the mischief done by such persons is trifling, it may be necessary to give the opinion of them, expressed by one who himself was Lord Lieutenant, namely, Lord Cornwallis. I select his testimony from a mass that might be quoted to the same effect, because it is admitted by all candid men that no Viceroy—not even our present one—has laboured more earnestly for the good of our country ; and besides, these allusions contained in his correspondence (though sufficiently recent) can shock no existing sympathies, and can, therefore, be regarded by all dispassionately, on account of their remoteness. For, as has been acutely remarked, in contemplating human affairs, we reverse the laws of vision, and see most indistinctly the transactions that are nearest to us, through the discoloured medium of our own passions and prejudices. He writes to the Duke of Portland (vol. ii., p. 404): “ The principal personages here who have long been in the habit of directing the councils of the Lord Lieutenant, are devoted to the British connexion, but they are blinded by their passions and prejudices, and arrogate to themselves the exclusive knowledge of a country, of which, from their mode of governing it, they have, in my opinion, proved them­ selves totally ignorant. To these men I have shown all civility and kindness in my power, and have done for them all ordinary favours which they have asked, but I am afraid they are not satisfied with me, because I have not thrown myself blindly into their hands.” Again, he writes to the same (vol. ii., p. 455), when the question of the Union was in contemplation, “I do not flatter myself with the hope of obtaining any very disinterested opinion on the subject on this side of the water, as I have not the smallest doubt that every man whom I might consult would advise such measures as he thought would best suit his private views, without having the smallest consideration for the public y

24 '; welfare.” Lord Chesterfield, indeed, when Lord Lieutenant would seem to have preserved his sceptical equanimity amid sucli trials, •and to have triumphed over them by sarcastic puns and urbane alliterations. Thus, for instance, when the Vice-Treasurer, a Mr. Gardiner, came to assure him one morning that Connaught was actually rising, he replied composedly, looking at his watch, “ ’Tis nine o’clock, and certainly time for them to.rise.” And, again, to another imaginative alarmist he declared that“Poverty notPopery was the thing most to be dreaded in Ireland.” Such, however, was not the case with the great and good man, from whose correspondence I am extracting, for he thus writes to General Ross : “ The political jobbing of this country gets the better of me : it has ever been the wish of my life to avoid all this dirty business, and I am now involved in it beyond all bearing, and am, consequently, more 'wretched than ever. I trust that I shall live to get out of this most cursed of all situations, and most repugnant to my feelings. How I long to kick those whom my public duty obliges me to court ! If I did not hope to get out of this country, I should most earnestly pray for immediate death. No man, I am sure, ever experienced a more wretched existence.” This is severe enough, but what else could be expected from such an office than that it would attract all the intriguers and place-hunters in the country to it ? Hence the tone assumed by some English publications, with regard to these political jobbers, is totally unjustifiable ; for tliey insinuate that this class is pecu­ liar to Ireland. But the fact is, that had such a Viceroyalty and Court existed in London or Edinburgh the same thing would have taken place there ; many persons would have spent their lives in dangling after it, who have gone to honourable occupations and have become respectable members of the community. Indeed there is a great deal in Lord Palmerston’s definition of dirt, viz.: “ matter in the wrong place.”

THE END,