The Anti-Clericalism of Juan Montalvo by Albert J. Lovelee Submitted In
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Theocracy in Nigeria: the Religious Gamble and National Cohesion
Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu BETH 10: 1998 69 The Search for Theocracy in Nigeria: The Religious Gamble and National Cohesion By Ibrahim Musa Ahmadu Preamble Religion has been an important force for facilitating radical political and social change, providing' the motivation, ideology and justification for rebellion or revolt against established governments. Religiously inspired revolutionary movements have occurred throughout history in a bid to founding theocratic states in which Godor some conceived deity would direct the affairs of the society through human agents. Often led by a messianic figure, many of such revolutionary movements have produced significant political and social innovations that have been beneficial or detrimental to the well being of the society it was out to improve. The phenomenon of religio-political insurgence often began as a dream of re-enacting a past or creating a future "Golden Age" that would usher in an era of justice and bliss on earth. Undergirding such millenarian expectation was a general dissatisfaction with the existing political order believed to have been brought about as a result of human deviation from divine mandate. Embued with the conviction that the contemporary travail which had reduced human dignity and value was after all redeemable through some divine intervention, an ideological spirit of heroism would be infused on believers that could sustain their struggle against the forces of evil and decay that have engulfed the society. In the attempt to bring the anticipated new order in line with the mover's conception of justice, a necessary myth that would instil fear and hatred for the old system must be put in place to provide legitimacy for intervention. -
Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as -
Indigenous Communists and Urban Intellectuals in Cayambe, Ecuador (1926-1944)
IRSH 49 (2004), Supplement, pp. 4 1 -64 DOI: 10.1o17/So020859004001634 © 2004 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Indigenous Communists and Urban Intellectuals in Cayambe, Ecuador (1926-1944) MARC BECKER SUMMARY: This case study provides an example of how people from two fundamentally different cultures (one rural, indigenous, Kichua-speaking and peasant, and the other urban, white, Spanish-speaking and professional) overcame their differences to struggle together to fight social injustices. Rather than relating to each other on a seemingly unequal basis, the activists recognized their common interests in fighting against the imposition of an international capitalist system on Ecuadors agrarian economy. Emerging out of that context, activists framed collective interests, identities, ideas, and demands as they worked together to realize common goals. Their actions challenge commonly held assumptions that leftist activists did not understand indigenous struggles, or that indigenous peoples remained distant from the goals of leftist political parties. Rather, it points to how the two struggles became intimately intertwined. In the process, it complicates traditional understandings of the role of "popular intellectuals", and how they interact with other activists, the dominant culture, and the state. In May 1926, Jesús Gualavisí, an indigenous leader representing the Sindicato de Trabajadores Campesinos de Cayambe (Peasant Workers Syndicate of Cayambe), traveled to the Ecuadorian highland capital city of Quito to participate as a delegate in the founding of the Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano (PSE, Ecuadorian Socialist Party). At the first session of the congress, Gualavisí proposed "that the assembly salute all peasants in the Republic, indicating to them that the Party would work intensely on their behalf". -
Religion–State Relations
Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Religion–State Relations International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 8 Dawood Ahmed © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2014 by International IDEA International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-113-2 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ............................................................................................... -
World Heritage Watch: Report 2018. WHW
W H W World Heritage Watch Report 2018 World Heritage Watch Report 2018 Report Watch Heritage World World Heritage Watch Heritage World World Heritage Watch World Heritage Watch Report 2018 Berlin 2018 2 Bibliographical Information World Heritage Watch: World Heritage Watch Report 2018. Berlin 2018 184 pages, with 217 photos and 53 graphics and maps Published by World Heritage Watch e.V. Berlin 2018 ISBN 978-3-00-059753-4 NE: World Heritage Watch 1. World Heritage 2. Civil Society 3. UNESCO 4. Participation 5. Natural Heritage 6. Cultural Heritage 7. Historic Cities 8. Sites 9. Monuments 10. Cultural Landscapes 11. Indigenous Peoples 12. Participation W H W © World Heritage Watch e.V. 2018 This work with all its parts is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the strict limits of the applicable copyright law without the consent of the publisher is inadmissable and punishable. This refers especially to reproduction of figures and/or text in print or xerography, translations, microforms and the data storage and processing in electronical systems. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinions whatsoever on the part of the publishers concerning the legal status of any country or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the frontiers of any country or territory. The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the facts contained in this book and for the opinions expressed therein, which are not necessarily those of the editors, and do not commit them. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without written permission from the publishers except for the quotation of brief passages for the purposes of review. -
WRAP Theses Earle 1994.Pdf
A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick Permanent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/104927 Copyright and reuse: This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected] warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications THE BRITISH LIBRARY BRITISH THESIS SERVICE THE RESTORATION AND FALL OF ROYAL TITLE GOVERNMENT IN NEW GRANADA 1815-1820 AUTHOR Rebecca A. EARLE DEGREE Ph.D AWARDING Warwick University BODY DATE 1994 THESIS DX184477 NUMBER THIS THESIS HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the original thesis submitted for microfilming. Every effort has been made to ensure the highest quality of reproduction. Some pages may have indistinct print, especially if the original papers were poorly produced or if awarding body sent an inferior copy. If pages are missing, please contact the awarding body which granted the degree. Previously copyrighted materials (journals articles, published texts etc.) are not filmed. This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that it's copyright rests with its author and that no information derived from it may be published without the author's prior written consent. Reproduction of this thesis, other than as permitted under the United Kingdom Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under specific agreement with the copyright holder, is prohibited. -
Hombres De América (Montalvo-Bolívar-Rubén Darío)
' v 1. ' !.c!Pi'\ HOMBRES DE AMÉRICA ardo y José Sola, Valencia, 200, Tel. 1282 G. - Barcelona JOSÉ ENRIQUE RODO HOMBRES DE AMÉRICA (Montalvo - Bolívar - Rubén Darío) DISCURSOS PnRLffMEnTÜRiBS EDITORIAL CERVANTES Rambla d» Cataluña, 72. -Barcelona 1920 ES PROPIEDAD Apoderado general en Sud-Amérlca JOSÉ BLAYA Formosa, 463. -BUENOS AIRES MONTAIVO i Donde las dos hileras de los Andes del Ecuador se aproximan convergiendo al nudo de Pasto, reú- nen como una junta de volcanes, sin igual en el mun- do, por lo aglomerados y lo ingentes. Allí, rivalizan- do en altura y majestad, el Chimborazo, el Cotopa- xi, el Tunguragua, el Antisana...; y la plutónica asamblea se extiende a la redonda por la vasta me- seta que le sirve de Foro ; pero no sin que, de trecho en trecho, aquella tierra inflamada, como anhelosa de dar tregua a tanta grandeza y tanta austeridad, se abra en un fresco y delicioso valle, donde vuelca de un golpe todas las gracias que ha escatimado en las alturas, y se aduerme a la sombra de una vege- tación que colora, con la luz de los trópicos, sus jar- dines de magia. En el fondo de uno de esos valles ; mirando cómo se alzan, a un lado, el Chimborazo, que asume en una calma sublime la monarquía de las cumbres; al otro, el Cotopaxi, que inviste el principado de las que se dilatan al oriente; y más de cerca, y a esta misma parte oriental, el Tunguragua ; en medio de pingües campos de labor y sotos florentísimos, cu- yas márgenes besa la limpia corriente de un riachue- lo, prendido todavía a las faldas de la cumbre ma- terna, tiene su asiento una ciudad pequeña y gracio- sa, que llaman Arnbato. -
View the Enlightenment As a Catalyst for Beneficial Change in the Region
UNA REVOLUCION, NI MAS NI MENOS: THE ROLE OF THE ENLIGHTENMENT IN THE SUPREME JUNTAS IN QUITO, 1765-1822 Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Beau James Brammer, B.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2010 Master’s Examination Committee: Kenneth Andrien, Adviser Stephanie Smith Alan Gallay Copyright by Beau James Brammer 2010 Abstract This thesis examines the role the European Enlightenment played in the political sphere during the late colonial era in the Audiencia of Quito. Until the eighteenth century, Creole elites controlled the local economic and governmental sectors. With the ascension of the Bourbon dynasty in 1700, however, these elites of Iberian descent began to lose their power as new European ideas, emerging from the Enlightenment, led to a process of consolidating and centralizing power into the hands of Peninsular Spanish officials. Known as the Bourbon Reforms, these measures led to Creole disillusionment, as they began losing power at the local level. Beginning in the 1770s and 1780s, however, Enlightenment ideas of “nationalism” and “rationality” arrived in the Andean capital, making their way to the disgruntled Creoles. As the situation deteriorated, elites began to incorporate these new concepts into their rhetoric, presenting a possible response to the Reforms. When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, the Creoles expelled the Spanish government in Quito, creating an autonomous movement, the Junta of 1809, using these Enlightenment principles as their justification. I argue, however, that while these ‘modern’ principles gave the Creoles an outlet for their grievances, it is their inability to find a common ground on how their government should interpret these new ideas which ultimately lead to the Junta’s failure. -
Mapping Colonial Havana: La Condesa De Merlin's Voyage of Return
Mendez Rodenas A 2021 Mapping Colonial Havana: La Condesa de Merlin’s Voyage of Return. Karib – Nordic Journal for Caribbean Studies, 6(1): 10, 1–13. DOI: https://doi.org/10.16993/karib.73 RESEARCH ARTICLE Mapping Colonial Havana: La Condesa de Merlin’s Voyage of Return Adriana Mendez Rodenas School of Languages, Literatures & Cultures, University of Missouri, US [email protected] In this essay, I return to the Spanish edition of Merlin’s Viaje a la Habana (1844), reading it with fresh eyes not only as a poetic homage to the city of Havana, but also as a foundational work in the Cuban literary tradition. Merlin’s Viaje a la Habana is emblematic of nineteenth-century literary and visual car- tographies that mapped colonial Havana in a romantic mode. During her two-month stay (June–July, 1840), Merlin’s sentimental return to her native city is tinged with remembrance and renewal of lost family ties. While an accent on affect and the poetry of place haunts every episode in the travelogue, the text unfolds as a literary map of nineteenth-century Havana that sheds light on an early, formative stage in the formation of Cuban national identity. I examine Merlin’s literary mapping of colonial Havana through various spatial tropes: sublime tropics (the topography of the port), the contrast between public and pri- vate spaces, and the effect of surveillance in the city. Lastly, I look at how Merlin’s travelogue constructs a social history of colonial Havana at a threshold moment not only in her life story—the eve of her final farewell—but also of the nation. -
Is Theopolitics an Antipolitics? 65 Stipulate That the Purpose of Politics Is to Maintain the State, It Refusestoallow Politics Its Autonomous Existence
Samuel HayimBrody Is TheopoliticsanAntipolitics? Martin Buber,Anarchism, and the Ideaofthe Political We havecome to recognize that the political is the total, and as aresult we know that any decision about whether something is unpolitical is always a political decision... – Carl Schmitt, “Preface to the Second Edition” of Political Theology (1934) Hereisthe serpent in the fullness of its power! – Martin Buber, “Letter to Gandhi” (1939) Introduction:The Shape of the Theopolitical Problem “Antipolitics,” writes Michael Walzer, “is akind of politics.”¹ Thispuzzling state- ment occurs in Walzer’srecent discussion of the Bible, which he calls “apolitical book,” but one that has “no political theory” in it; its writers are “engaged with politics” but are “not very interested in politics,” although he admits that “writ- ers who are uninterested in politics nonetheless have alot to saythat is politi- callyinteresting.” Walzerhas always been aclear writer,and if this series of statements seems convoluted, this maybedue to the subject matter itself. Close examination of the relationship of religion and politics has away of calling into question our very understanding of the natureofboth “religion” and “pol- itics” as distinct and separate spheres that can each be described according to its own special set of characteristics. This, of course, is an inconvenient state of af- fairs for university departments like PoliticalScience and Religion, which would like to assume thatthe objects of their studydoinfact exist. This essayexcavates and explicates the potential contribution of Martin Buber to the contemporary resurgence of interest in the borders between religion and politics, through an examination of the category “theopolitics” in Buber’s mature work, particularly Königtum Gottes (1932), as well as his later biblical writings.² Interest in Buber,both during and after his lifetime, has centered on Michael Walzer, In God’sShadow:Politics in the HebrewBible (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), xiii. -
Chavez Presents Boli
xviii FURTHER READING STUDIES ON BOLIVAR AND INDEPENDENCE Brown, Matthew, Adventuring Through Spanish Colonies: Sifnon BoUvar, Foreign Mercenaries and the Birth of New Nations (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006) Conway, Christopher Brian, The Cult of BoUvar in Latin Aincricati Literature (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2003) Davies, Catherine, Claire Brewster and Hillary Owen, South Anicricati Independence: Gender, Politics, Text (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2006) Earle, Rebecca, Spain and the Independence of Colombia (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2000) Lynch, John, Latin American Revolutions 1808-1826 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994) Murray, Pamela, For Glory and BoUvar: The Remarkable Life of Manuela Saenz (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008) f CHRONOLOGY 1783 24 July: Simon Jose Antonio de la Santisima Trinidad Bolivar y Palacios bom in Caracas. 1799-1802 Bolivar visits and lives in New Spain (Mexico), Spain and France. 1802 26 May: Bolivar marries Maria Teresa Rodriguez del Toro in Madrid. 1803 22 January: Maria Teresa Rodriguez del Toro dies in Caracas. 1803-1807 Bolivar travels to Spain, France, Italy and the USA. 1810 19 April: Caracas rebels against colonial mle and deposes Captain-General. New junta governs, autonomously, in the name of deposed King Femando VII. Bolivar travels to London as part of Venezuelan mission seeking recognition of its independence (returns to Venezuela in December). r k X X C H R O N O L O G Y 1811 5 July: Elected Venezuelan Congress declares independence. Beginning of First Republic. 1812 26 March: Earthquake in Caracas. 6 July: Bolivar abandons Puerto Cabello. 31 July: Bolivar complicit in arrest of Francisco de Miranda. -
Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive.