Universidad Del CEMA Serie De Documentos De Trabajo Nº 309 Área De Ciencia Política, Noviembre De 2005

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Universidad Del CEMA Serie De Documentos De Trabajo Nº 309 Área De Ciencia Política, Noviembre De 2005 A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gurevich, Beatriz Working Paper Passion, politics and identity: Jewish women in the wake of the AMIA bombing in Argentina Serie Documentos de Trabajo, No. 309 Provided in Cooperation with: University of CEMA, Buenos Aires Suggested Citation: Gurevich, Beatriz (2005) : Passion, politics and identity: Jewish women in the wake of the AMIA bombing in Argentina, Serie Documentos de Trabajo, No. 309, Universidad del Centro de Estudios Macroeconómicos de Argentina (UCEMA), Buenos Aires This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/84439 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Universidad del CEMA Serie de Documentos de Trabajo Nº 309 www.cema.edu.ar/publicaciones Área de Ciencia Política, Noviembre de 2005 PASSION, POLITICS AND IDENTITY: JEWISH WOMEN IN THE WAKE OF THE AMIA BOMBING IN ARGENTINA By Beatriz Gurevich Scholar-in-residence, The Hadassah-Brandeis Institute Project Director, CEIEG - CEMA University NOTA: Las opiniones expresadas en este trabajo son del autor y no necesariamente reflejan las de la Universidad del CEMA. The opinions expressed herein are the author’s responsibility and do not necessarily reflect those of CEMA University. 1 PASSION1, POLITICS AND IDENTITY: JEWISH WOMEN IN THE WAKE OF THE AMIA BOMBING IN ARGENTINA Introduction Ever since 1977 and the emergence of the “Madres de Plaza de Mayo,” the words “plaza” and “terrorism” have been fused in the Argentine mind. The image of those women circling the Plaza and the sound of their footsteps on the pavement interrupted the silence. The mothers of the Plaza reminded everyone that children were “missing.” In 1994, after the terrorist attack against the AMIA (Mutual Aid Jewish Association of Argentina), a new but related image arose. This time women began to stand in Plaza Lavalle across from the Supreme Court of Justice, demanding a thorough investigation into the perpetrators who were responsible for the death of their loved ones. The “Mothers of Plaza de Mayo” wanted to recover the “detenidos-desaparecidos” - the missing victims of state terrorism; however, after acts of transnational terrorism, bodies typically are not missing. They remain at the site of the massacre. But just like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the families whose loved ones died in the AMIA attack had two tasks: they hoped to preserve the memory of those who had been killed, and they wanted to prevent a cover up such as the one that took place during the investigation of the bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires on March 17, 1992.2 Transnational state-sponsored terrorism began in Argentina with the embassy bombing in 1992 in which twenty-two people were killed. Two years later there was a second attack. On 18 July 1994, the AMIA building was destroyed:3 85 people were killed and approximately 300 were wounded. In the 1992 bombing, all investigative leads pointed to Hezbollah as well as to Iran and Syria, with the help of a “local connection”. This is true, also, of the 1994 bombing. And yet… Ten days before the AMIA bombing, a stranger by the name of Wilson Dos Santos walked into the Argentine Consulate in Milan4 and warned the government of the impending 1 - In this article, passion is understood as “a strong liking for or devotion to some activity, object or concept.” (This particular articulation comes from Webster’s New Collegiate) 2 - Indeed it is seldom realized outside Argentina that Islamic fundamentalist terrorism ceased to be a foreign phenomenon in that country long before September 11, 2001. When Hezbollah (Party of God), an armed branch of Islamic Jihad, claimed responsibility for the bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires it became clear that terrorism had gone global and that its targets were not limited to Israeli and American interests. 3 - On the AMIA attack and the behavior of State agencies in charge of the investigation of the massacre, see: See C. Escudé & B. Gurevich, “Limits to Governability, Corruption and Transnational Terrorism: The Case of the 1992 and 1994 Attacks in Buenos Aires”; see: Estudios Interdisciplinarios de America Latina y el Caribe (EIAL), No. 14, Volume 2, July- December 2003, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 4 - In mid-2003, another forewarning was disclosed. On 31 May 1994, 48 days before the blast, the Argentine Embassy in Lebanon sent a cable to the Foreign Ministry warning of the threat of an attack against a Jewish target in Argentina, made publicly by Sheik Mohamed Fadlallah, spiritual guide of Hezbollah. The cable was resent to the state intelligence agency SIDE, but the threat was not made known to Jewish institutions. The 2 attack. His tip was forwarded to higher authorities only after the tragedy. Dos Santos reiterated his story on the day of the bombing, but then went on to deny it in subsequent interrogations.5 After the AMIA attack, three separate organizations arose within the Jewish community: Memoria Activa, Familiars y Amigos de las Victimas and APEMIA. This study documents and analyzes the conflicts that led to the creation of these three organizations. The differences in their ideologies and behaviors will be explained, and their opposing perceptions of the pace of the investigation and their differing assessment of the performance of both the Argentine government and the Jewish leadership of the AMIA and DAIA will be presented. This paper also focuses on the various roles women played in each of the organizations, as well as within AMIA and DAIA, and it looks at the reconstruction of women’s identities after trauma. The case under examination begins in July 1994 at the moment when victims of the AMIA bombing were rescued or recovered. It concludes ten years later with an acknowledgment by the Argentine Department of Justice and the Argentine government at the OAS in Washington for violating the civil rights of its citizens, just as Memoria Activa had contended. This paper is dedicated to the women leaders of those organizations. The Investigation: Possibilities and Limitations Cases of transnational state terrorism must be examined in terms of three dimensions: the national, the international, and within the latter, specific countries that sponsor terrorism covertly. On the national level there are state agencies and social actors. In the case of the AMIA bombing, the Jewish community through its central institutions (DAIA and AMIA) and the organizations of the victims´ families were significant actors as well. Argentines perceived the attacks against the AMIA (1994) and the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires (1992) quite differently. They saw the earlier bombing as a direct outcome of the Middle Eastern conflict: retaliation for Argentina’s sending two ships to participate in the 1991Gulf War, which broke its tradition of neutrality. The obliteration of AMIA’s building in 1994, on the other hand, was defined as a violation of Argentine sovereignty 6 and a crime against the Argentine people. cable was uncovered in the Foreign Ministry in 1997, but only in 2003 was the copy sent to SIDE discovered. Clarín, June 1, 2003 5 - In his declaration to Judge Juan Jose Galeano, Dos Santos mentioned Nasrim Mokhtari as the source that had given him a note of advice about a possible attack to AMIA. A legislator had helped her obtain an Argentine passport. She hung out at an Iranian butcher shop near the doomed AMIA building. There she introduced Dos Santos to two Arab friends. Dos Santos testified that he later helped them move merchandise into Argentina across the Paraguayan border. They met with Arabs and returned from Ciudad del Este with a heavy metal suitcase that Dos Santos brought into Argentina with the help of Nora González, then local chief of the Argentine Customs Station. Los Angeles Times, April 17, 1999; "Swiss extradite Jewish Center bombing suspect to Argentina", Jerusalem Post, 24 December 2000. 6 - AMIA is the emblematic symbol of the Argentine Jewish community since 1894 and the bomb was placed in a way that killed people inside AMIA, neighbors and the men, women, and children walking along 600 Pasteur Street, that Monday morning at 9.53am. 3 Economic factors also played a role. Most Argentines were enthusiastic about the Menem Administration’s success in controlling hyperinflation in 1992. By1994, however, with the growing rate of unemployment, enthusiasm was waning.7 People considered the recovery to be superficial and believed the unemployment rate would continue to grow, affecting the small and medium sized entrepreneurs, as well as the working class. Concomitantly, the signs of growing corruption and impunity from punishment began affecting people directly. It became public knowledge that goods were entering the country illegally so that corrupt individuals could avoid taxes. This technique [called the parallel customs mechanism or “aduana paralela”] damaged the productive sector, while benefiting the allies of the political elite and the Executive branch of government.8 Borders became increasingly porous to a variety of illegal traffic.
Recommended publications
  • Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗
    Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗ William F. Maloneyy Felipe Valencia Caicedoz July 1, 2016 Abstract This paper offers the first systematic historical evidence on the role of a central actor in modern growth theory- the engineer. We collect cross-country and state level data on the population share of engineers for the Americas, and county level data on engineering and patenting for the US during the Second Industrial Revolution. These are robustly correlated with income today after controlling for literacy, other types of higher order human capital (e.g. lawyers, physicians), demand side factors, and instrumenting engineering using the Land Grant Colleges program. We support these results with historical case studies from the US and Latin America. A one standard deviation increase in engineers in 1880 accounts for a 16% increase in US county income today, and patenting capacity contributes another 10%. Our estimates also help explain why countries with similar levels of income in 1900, but tenfold differences in engineers diverged in their growth trajectories over the next century. Keywords: Innovative Capacity, Human Capital, Engineers, Technology Diffusion, Patents, Growth, Development, History. JEL: O11,O30,N10,I23 ∗Corresponding author Email: [email protected]. We thank Ufuk Akcigit, David de la Croix, Leo Feler, Claudio Ferraz, Christian Fons-Rosen, Oded Galor, Steve Haber, Lakshmi Iyer, David Mayer- Foulkes, Stelios Michalopoulos, Guy Michaels, Petra Moser, Giacomo Ponzetto, Luis Serven, Andrei Shleifer, Moritz Shularick, Enrico Spolaore, Uwe Sunde, Bulent Unel, Nico Voigtl¨ander,Hans-Joachim Voth, Fabian Waldinger, David Weil and Gavin Wright for helpful discussions. We are grateful to William Kerr for making available the county level patent data.
    [Show full text]
  • Corporate Social Responsibility
    3/5/2018 InfoBladex January - March 2018 Subscribe Past Issues Translate RSS View this email in your browser MEETING ON RESULTS AND CLOSING OF SECURED LOAN FOR FAVORITA The "Banking Day" event was held at Bladex’s Corporate Headquarters along with a toast for the successful closing of a US$70 million syndicated loan for Favorita, a leading Ecuadorian agribusiness conglomerate with diversified business activities including bananas, dairy and fertilizers. Freddy Salvatierra, Financial Vice President of Favorita, presented to the group of banks participating in the transaction the results for 2017, achieving sales of US$444 million and EBITDA of US$60 million. This was followed by the celebration, during which the Bladex team had the opportunity to socialize with representatives from the participating banks: Metrobank, Banco Panamá, BHD International Bank, Global Bank, St. Georges Bank, and Multibank. NEW EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT OF TREASURY AND CAPITAL MARKETS Eduardo Vivone was appointed Executive Vice President, Treasury and Capital Markets, in February 2018, and has served as Senior Vice President, Head of Treasury, since September 2013. He also served as Senior Vice President, Funding, from September 2013 through January 2018. Before joining the Bank, he served as Head of Global Markets for HSBC Bank Panama from 2010 to 2012, Regional Sector Head, Government Sector – Global Banking, Americas for HSBC Securities, New York from 2007 to 2010, Head of Treasury for HSBC Bank, Spain from 2003 to 2007, Head of Balance Sheet Management and Forward Foreign Exchange for HSBC Bank, Argentina from 1998 to 2003, and he served diverse Relationship Management capacities for Banco Roberts, Buenos Aires from 1990 to 1997, serving the last two years as Head of Treasury Planning.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
    FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime, Media, and Politics in Neoliberal Times
    Asian Journal of Latin American Studies (2016) Vol. 29 No. 4: 25-53 Insecurity and Fear of Crime in Argentina: Crime, Media, and Politics in Neoliberal Times Pedro Cerruti*1 University of Buenos Aires, Argentina Cerruti, Pedro (2016), “Insecurity and Fear of Crime in Argentina: Crime, Media, and Politics in Neoliberal Times” ABSTRACT The emergence of a punitive approach to social insecurity as a response to the new social question produced by neoliberalism has been described as a global trend. Furthermore, it is a trend that characterizes the increasingly polarized and exclusionist post-industrial societies. In this article, I present a study of the development of these transformations in Argentina, in particular the cultural processes involved in the social construction of “insecurity” as a public problem. Two moments in recent Argentine history are considered: first, the hyperinflationary crisis period of 1989-1990 in which insecurity first emerged as a form of representation of the social consequences of the economic crisis; and, second, Carlos Menem’s second presidency between 1995 and 1999, during which the terminal crisis of neoliberalism occurred and insecurity first appeared as one of the main concerns of the public and as a key issue in political disputes, becoming a priority on the government agenda. Focusing specifically on the political and mass media discourses through which crime and violence were thematized as social problems in the public sphere, this paper analyses the articulation of a discursive formation within which social conflicts caused by the crises of the neoliberal reform were formed as criminal problems that required policing and repressive approaches in order to control them.
    [Show full text]
  • Training a New Generation of Leaders
    TRAINING A NEW GENERATION OF LEADERS Woodrow Wilson Center Reports on the Americas • #3 Edited by Joan Dassin, Joseph S. Tulchin, and Amelia Brown W TRAINING A NEW oodr GENERATION OF LEADERS ow W Public Administration and Public Policy Graduate ilson Center Repor Programs in Latin America Elizabeth Balbachevsky Joan Dassin Danae de los Ríos ts on the Americas • #3 Ana M. García de Fanelli Efraín Gonzales de Olarte José Augusto Guilhon de Albuquerque Janet Kelly Rollin Kent Alejandra Mizala Rosalba Ramírez Edited by Joan Dassin, Joseph S. Tulchin, and Amelia Brown Latin American Program WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS LEE H. HAMILTON, DIRECTOR BOARD OF TRUSTEES Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Chair; Steven Alan Bennett, Vice Chair. Public Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; John W. Carlin, Archivist of the United States; William R. Ferris, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Roderick R. Paige, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; Colin L. Powell, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Lawrence M. Small, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Tommy G. Thompson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Private Citizen Members: Carol Cartwright, John H. Foster, Jean L. Hennessey, Daniel L. Lamaute, Doris O. Matsui, Thomas R. Reedy, Nancy M. Zirkin. WILSON COUNCIL Charles S. Ackerman, B.B. Andersen, Cyrus A. Ansary, Charles F. Barber, Lawrence E. Bathgate II, Joseph C. Bell, Richard E. Berkowitz, A. Oakley Brooks, Thomas J. Buckholtz, Conrad Cafritz, Nicola L. Caiola, Raoul L. Carroll, Scott Carter, Albert V. Casey, Peter B. Clark, William T. Coleman, Jr., Michael D. DiGiacomo, Donald G. Drapkin, F. Samuel Eberts III, J.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexander N. Kostyuk Carsten Gerner-Beuerle Rodolfo Apreda
    CORPORATE GOVERNANCE: AN INTERNATIONAL OUTLOOK Alexander N. Kostyuk Carsten Gerner-Beuerle Rodolfo Apreda ______________________________________________________________ Meiyo Ryoushin Kouki Honor Conscience Nobility Честь Совесть Доброе имя _________________________VIRTUS INTERPRESS____________________ 3 Virtus Interpress Kirova Str. 146/1, 20 Sumy, 40021 Ukraine www.virtusinterpress.org Published in Ukraine by Virtus Interpress © Virtus Interpress, 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Virtus Interpress, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. New orders of the textbook and enquires concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to: Virtus Interpress Postal Box 36 40014 Sumy Ukraine You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. ISBN 978-966-96872-2-7 A SPECIAL NOTE We deliver a word of sorrow to the people of Japan suffering from the terrific consequences of the earthquake and tsunami. Having faced the tragic catastrophe ever happened in Japan the people of the country should not stay alone. The country which made the world rich through sharing its unique culture and history since the 19th century, the country which always guarded the principles of honor, conscience and nobility, the country which was the first on the way to the humanity addressing a lot of its help and recources to all those suffering from disasters, needs our help. Now, all humankinds are responsible for caring about civilization integrity and its heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • Argentine Government Embarrassed by Weapons Sale to Ecuador LADB Staff
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 3-31-1995 Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador." (1995). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/ 11861 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 56184 ISSN: 1060-4189 Argentine Government Embarrassed By Weapons Sale To Ecuador by LADB Staff Category/Department: Argentina Published: 1995-03-31 The alleged shipment of 75 tons of weapons from Argentina to Ecuador, apparently delivered during the five-week war between Ecuador and Peru, is proving to be an embarrassment to the government of President Carlos Saul Menem. On March 10, Menem ordered a thorough investigation into the circumstances surrounding the sale, but little progress has been made. Meanwhile, the opposition is calling for the resignation of those responsible, including Defense Minister Oscar Camilion. Argentina is one of the four guarantor countries along with the US, Chile, and Brazil of the 1942 Rio de Janeiro Protocol between Peru and Ecuador. When fighting broke out in a disputed area on the border between the two countries in January, the four guarantor countries worked diligently to broker a new peace agreement. The US declared an arms embargo against Peru and Ecuador on Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • A R G E N T I
    JUJUY PARAGUAY SALTA SOUTH FORMOSA Asunción PACIFIC TUCUMÁN CHACO SANTIAGO S OCEAN NE CATAMARCA SIO DEL ESTERO MI CORRIENTES á River an LA RIOJA Par BRAZIL SANTA FE SAN JUAN CÓRDOBA ENTRE RÍOS SAN LUIS URUGUAY MENDOZA Santiago Buenos Aires ARGENTINA Montevideo LA PAMPA BUENOS AIRES CHILE NEUQUÉN RÍO NEGRO SOUTH CHUBUT ATLANTIC OCEAN SANTA CRUZ Islas Malvinas TIERRA DEL FUEGO 0 200 miles david rock RACKING ARGENTINA opular protest erupted on the streets of Argentina through the hot December nights of 2001.1 Crowds from Pthe shanty towns attacked stores and supermarkets; banging their pots and pans, huge demonstrations of mainly middle- class women—cacerolazos—marched on the city centre; the piqueteros, organized groups of the unemployed, threw up road-blocks on high- ways and bridges. Twenty-seven demonstrators died, including five shot down by the police beneath the grand baroque façades of Buenos Aires’ Plaza de Mayo. The trigger for the fury had been the IMF’s suspension of loans to Argentina, on the grounds that President Fernando De la Rúa’s government had failed to meet its conditions on public-spending cuts. There was a run on the banks, as depositors rushed to get their money out and their pesos converted into dollars. De la Rúa’s Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo slapped on a corralito, a ‘little fence’, to limit the amount of cash that could be withdrawn—leaving many people’s savings trapped in failing banks. On December 20, as the protests inten- sified, De la Rúa resigned, his helicopter roaring up over the Rosada palace and the clouds of tear gas below.
    [Show full text]
  • Finanzas Dirección Financiera Universidad De San Andrés/Mef/ Pág 2-3
    ioral Finance hav Be Corpor anzas ativ Fin as Me rca les do de Capita D s er ero ivado nanci s Fi ain kch Bitco Bloc MAESTRÍA EN in & FINANZAS DIRECCIÓN FINANCIERA UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN ANDRÉS/MEF/ PÁG 2-3 La industria financiera es sin duda una de las más exigentes, más competitivas y mejor remuneradas. Aspirar a pertenecer a ese grupo de élite del mercado requiere saber manejar múltiples inteligencias y conocimientos que se van renovando constantemente. Es por esto que la Especialización y Maestría en Finanzas de la Universidad de San Andrés es algo más profundo que un mero programa de capacitación. Es un programa de entrenamiento integral único en su tipo centrado en la metodología de aprendizaje experiencial; donde los participantes aprenden los modelos, herramientas y formas de pensar directamente de los mejores profesionales en la disciplina; debiendo al mismo tiempo mostrar sus competencias poniéndolas en práctica en proyectos Gabriel Basaluzzo concretos de aplicación bajo la tutela de sus profesores. Director El éxito de este proceso de entrenamiento está sustentado Ph.D. in Economics, en la actualización permanente de contenidos, la exigencia University of Pennsylvania y la fuerte vinculación con los alumnos - que resulta del Ingeniero Nuclear del Instituto Balseiro. Fue profesor invitado de la cuidado proceso de selección al programa-, atributos University of Texas at Austin (USA) y profesor asistente / investigador exclusivos de San Andrés. del Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México. Ha recibido premios y distinciones por su destacado desempeño académico y docente. Entre No es por ello una casualidad que del 30% de nuestros otras actividades, ha sido también consultor para el World Bank Group alumnos que realizan intercambios con universidades en en Washington DC.
    [Show full text]
  • Accountability and Transparency As Learning Processes in Private, Public and Global Governance
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Apreda, Rodolfo Working Paper Accountability and transparency as learning processes in private, public and global governance Serie Documentos de Trabajo, No. 546 Provided in Cooperation with: University of CEMA, Buenos Aires Suggested Citation: Apreda, Rodolfo (2014) : Accountability and transparency as learning processes in private, public and global governance, Serie Documentos de Trabajo, No. 546, Universidad del Centro de Estudios Macroeconómicos de Argentina (UCEMA), Buenos Aires This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/130797 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu UNIVERSIDAD DEL CEMA Buenos Aires Argentina Serie DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO Área: Negocios y Ciencias Politicas ACCOUNTABILITY AND TRANSPARENCY AS LEARNING PROCESSES IN PRIVATE, PUBLIC AND GLOBAL GOVERNANCE Rodolfo Apreda Octubre 2014 Nro.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Paper 3
    WORKING PAPER 3 The International Dimensions of Democratization: The Case of Argentina Andrés Malamud, Centro de Investigação e Estudos de Sociologia, Instituto de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa WORKING PAPER n.º 3 The International Dimensions of Democratization: The Case of Argentina Andrés Malamud Introduction Argentine politics are usually described as eccentric or, at least, unconventional. This is so for a number of reasons. From an economic perspective, Argentina was a rich country that went all the way from wealth to bankrupt in less than seventy years –between 1930 and 2001. From a social perspective, it has always had the most developed middle class and the most educated population in Latin America, a region where strong middle classes and universal education are extremely rare. From a political perspective, it saw the emergence and predominance of rather autochthonous political movements, which included Peronism as the most relevant and elusive example. From an international perspective, it was the country in the Western Hemisphere that most frequently opposed American foreign policies apart from Cuba –although it never sided openly with either Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. Argentina was also the most economically developed and one of the least politically stable country in Latin America, a paradox that was first explained by O’Donnell in the 1970s (1973). In spite of all these particularities, the cycles of Argentine politics since 1930 can be matched with the international developments taking place at the time. This chapter argues that both the frequent democratic breakdowns and the processes of re-democratization that followed were linked to international factors, which were present as either causes or consequences or both of the domestic moves.
    [Show full text]
  • Eonfi DENTIA~ AS AMENDED Tj..{ 61'21 , 9.OO'jt ~R/JLI'ja~ Bui~J Jdli~ IIRL COHFIDEN'fia1j -2
    eOtifr' I DEN'l? IAL CONFIDENT/At 7663 THE WH ITE HOUSE WASHI NGTON MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION SUBJECT: Meeting with President Carlos Menem of Argentina PARTICIPANTS: The President Nicholas Brady, Secretary of the Treasury John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Lawrence Eagleburger, Deputy Secretary of State Robert M. Gates, Assistant to the President and Deputy for National Security Affairs David C. Mulford, Under Secretary of Treasury for International Affairs Terence Todman, Ambassador to Argentina Bernard Aronson, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Everett Ellis Briggs, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Latin America and the Caribbean Carlos Menem, President of Argentina Domingo Cavallo, Foreign Minister of Argentina Guido Di Tella, Argentine Ambassador to the United States Nestor Rapanelli, Minister of Economy of Argentina Alberto Kohan, Chief of Staff to President Menem Humberto Toledo, Spokesman for President Menem DATE, TIME September 27, 1989, 11:50 a.m.-12:40 p.m. EST AND PLACE: The Cabinet Room The President received President Menem at 11:40 a.m. in the Oval Office, after which the two stopped briefly at the edge of the Rose Garden for a friendly exchange with the media pool before going to the Residence to meet Mrs. Bush. They returned to the Cabinet Room at noon for the formal meeting. The President: I wanted to show President Menem the White House and introduce Mrs. Bush to him. And I wanted our press to see for themselves the affection we feel for this president and friend.
    [Show full text]