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Israel in 1982: the War in Lebanon
Israel in 1982: The War in Lebanon by RALPH MANDEL LS ISRAEL MOVED INTO its 36th year in 1982—the nation cele- brated 35 years of independence during the brief hiatus between the with- drawal from Sinai and the incursion into Lebanon—the country was deeply divided. Rocked by dissension over issues that in the past were the hallmark of unity, wracked by intensifying ethnic and religious-secular rifts, and through it all bedazzled by a bullish stock market that was at one and the same time fuel for and seeming haven from triple-digit inflation, Israelis found themselves living increasingly in a land of extremes, where the middle ground was often inhospitable when it was not totally inaccessible. Toward the end of the year, Amos Oz, one of Israel's leading novelists, set out on a journey in search of the true Israel and the genuine Israeli point of view. What he heard in his travels, as published in a series of articles in the daily Davar, seemed to confirm what many had sensed: Israel was deeply, perhaps irreconcilably, riven by two political philosophies, two attitudes toward Jewish historical destiny, two visions. "What will become of us all, I do not know," Oz wrote in concluding his article on the develop- ment town of Beit Shemesh in the Judean Hills, where the sons of the "Oriental" immigrants, now grown and prosperous, spewed out their loath- ing for the old Ashkenazi establishment. "If anyone has a solution, let him please step forward and spell it out—and the sooner the better. -
Masterscriptie Staats- En Bestuursrecht
Masterscriptie Staats- en Bestuursrecht Het vrije mandaat: feit of fictie? Beperkingen aan fractieafsplitsingen getoetst aan het vrije mandaat van Tweede Kamerleden Auteur A. (Arie) Vonk Noordegraaf LL.B. Studentnummer 3675386 Begeleider prof. mr. R. Nehmelman Datum 22 maart 2017 Sol Iustitiae Illustra Nos - Zon der Gerechtigheid, verlicht ons 2 Voorwoord Maartensdijk, 22 maart 2017 Met het afronden van mijn masterscriptie Staats- en Bestuursrecht komt er einde aan mijn studietijd aan de Universiteit Utrecht. Ik heb de afgelopen jaren enorm veel geleerd en ook genoten van de vele juridische vraagstukken die besproken werden. Na het afronden van de bachelor Rechtsgeleerdheid met een scriptie over de vrijheid van onderwijs was de master Staats- en Bestuursrecht een voor de hand liggende keuze. De master sloot goed aan op mijn (politieke) interesses. Hoewel ik zowel het staatsrecht als het bestuursrecht bestudeerde, ligt mijn hart toch echt bij het staatsrecht. Deze scriptie is daar een bewijs van. Het is mooi om juist in dit voorjaar mijn masterscriptie af te ronden. Het jaar 2017 is in het licht van het onderwerp van deze masterscriptie namelijk een bijzonder jaar. Het is dit jaar precies honderd jaar geleden dat in 1917 het stelsel van evenredige vertegenwoordiging werd ingevoerd. Het jaar 1917 is een keerpunt in de parlementaire geschiedenis van Nederland. Enerzijds is dit het begin van de hedendaagse parlementaire democratie. Anderzijds is de invoering van het stelsel van evenredige vertegenwoordiging ook een bedreiging voor het vrije en persoonlijke mandaat van Tweede Kamerleden. De partijmacht wordt groter terwijl individuele Tweede Kamerleden ook in 2017 worden geacht zonder last te stemmen. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Israel's Nation-State
NO. 41 OCTOBER 2018 Introduction Israel’s Nation-State Law Netanyahu Government Lays the Foundations for a Majoritarian System Peter Lintl and Stefan Wolfrum On 19 July 2018, the Israeli parliament passed legislation known as the nation-state law. It is highly controversial in Israel as well as internationally, although strictly speaking there is little new contained in it. Its advocates emphasise that it merely gives expression to existing realities. Critics argue that the law discriminates against minorities, runs counter to democratic values and, in particular, undermines the principle of equality. The debate reveals the social tension in Israel between its ‘Jewish’ and ‘democratic’ identity. In addition, it becomes clear that the main sup- porters of the law on the government side have more far-reaching intentions than its wording suggests. Their aim is to place Jewish collective rights above individual rights and freedoms. The law is, therefore, also a manifestation of current govern- ment policy aimed at leading Israel away from a more liberal democracy and towards a majoritarian democracy. In particular, this policy affects the Supreme Court as a defender of liberal principles. Israel does not have a constitution, instead The law has been a long time coming. it has a set of basic laws that have consti- Since 2011, a variety of different drafts tutional status. This is because since the have been discussed in the Knesset. There state was founded in 1948, there has never was widespread support among the Zionist been any agreement on what precisely the parties for the need to establish the Jewish “Jewish” in the Jewish state is supposed to nation-state character in Israel’s Basic Law. -
Jordan and Israel a Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region
Jordan and Israel A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region Hassan Barari, 2019 2nd Edition The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2014/9/4608) 327.95650564 Barari, Hassan Jordan and Israel: A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region / Hassan Barari Amman:Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2014 (166) p. Deposit No.:2014/9/4608 International relations//Jordan/ Published in 2019, 2nd Edition by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman 11194 Jordan Email: [email protected] Website: www.fes-jordan.org Not for sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Cover & Design: Ramzi Al Arabi Printing: Economic Printing Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-42-2 JORDAN AND ISRAEL: A TROUBLED RELATIONSHIP IN A VOLATILE REGION HASSAN A. BARARI 2nd Edition 2019 Foreword to the 2nd edition Tim O. Petschulat, Resident Director FES Amman, 2019 Numerous requests clearly signaled the need for a second edition of Hassan Barari’s account on the complicated and sensitive relationship between Jordan and Israel. Originally published in 2014, the newly revised version of “Jordan and Israel – A Troubled Relationship in a Volatile Region” provides historical background and political analysis that is essential to understanding core elements of Jordanian foreign policy to this date. -
12 the President Talked with Mr
IE WHITE HOUSE THE DAILY DIARY OF PRESIDENT JIMMY CARTER winoh: DA7E t.Uo.. Day. Yr., KING DAVID HOTEL JERUSALEM, ISRAEL 6:00 a.m. MONDAY IONE - TiME ACTWI7-Y From fo 6:00 The President received a wake up call from the White House signal board operator. 6:00 6:Ol The President talked with his Appointments Secretary, Phillip J. Wise, Jr. 6:05 6:lO The President talked with Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance. 6:35 6:36 The President talked with Mr. Wise. 7:ll 7:12 The President talked with Mr. Wise. 7:30 The President went to the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) building He was accompanied by: Zbigniew Brzezinski, Assistant for National Security Affair; Rear Adm. William M. Lukash, Physician Maj. Robert D. Peterson, Air Force Aide The Presidential party went jogging. The President returned to his suite in the King David Hotel. The President went to his motorcade. The President motored from the King David Hotel to the office of the Prime Minister of the State of Israel Menachem Begin. He was accompanied by his Assistant, Hamilton Jordan. lo:oo The President went to the meeting room. 1o:oo 11:25 The President participated in a breakfast meeting with members of the Israeli Cabinet and U.S. officials participating in the Middle East peace negotiations. For a list of attendees, see APPENDIX "A." Members of the press, in/out 11:27 The President returned to his motorcade. 11:27 11:35 The President motored from the Prime Minister's office to the King David Hotel. -
Israel's Air and Missile Defense During the 2014 Gaza
Israel’s Air and Missile Defense During the 2014 Gaza War Rubin Uzi Ramat Gan 5290002 Israel Mideast Security and Policy Studies No. 111 www.besacenter.org THE BEGIN-SADAT CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES BAR-ILAN UNIVERSITY Mideast Security and Policy Studies No. 111 Israel’s Air and Missile Defense During the 2014 Gaza War Uzi Rubin Israel’s Air and Missile Defense During the 2014 Gaza War Uzi Rubin © The Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies Bar-Ilan University Ramat Gan 5290002 Israel Tel. 972-3-5318959 Fax. 972-3-5359195 [email protected] http://www.besacenter.org ISSN 1565-9895 February 2015 Cover picture: Flickr/Israel Defense Forces The Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies The Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies advances a realist, conservative, and Zionist agenda in the search for security and peace for Israel. It was named in memory of Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, whose efforts in pursuing peace lay the cornerstone for conflict resolution in the Middle East. The center conducts policy-relevant research on strategic subjects, particularly as they relate to the national security and foreign policy of Israel and Middle East regional affairs. Mideast Security and Policy Studies serve as a forum for publication or re-publication of research conducted by BESA associates. Publication of a work by BESA signifies that it is deemed worthy of public consideration but does not imply endorsement of the author’s views or conclusions. Colloquia on Strategy and Diplomacy summarize the papers delivered at conferences and seminars held by the Center for the academic, military, official and general publics. -
Laws of the State of Israel
LAWS OF THE 0 ° STATE OF ISRAEL ° ° o/ Vol. 38 ; • 5744-1983/84 • ׳ ° b From 7th Tishri, 5744 — 14.9.83= to 16th Elul, 5744 — 13.9.84 o Authorised Translation from the Hebrew Prepared at the Ministry of Justloe ISSN 0334* 3383 Distributors: Government Publications Service Dayid Eleazar, Street, Hakirya, Tel Aviv — F,0$. 7103 ,2527־ äälKUSHSj' LAWS OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL Vol. 38 5744-1983/84 From 7th Tishri, 5744 - 14.9.83 to 16th Elul, 5744 - 13.9. Authorised Translation from the Hebrew Prepared at the Ministry of Justice ISSN 0334 - 3383 Distributors: Government Publications Service 25-27, David Eleazar Street, Hakirya, Tel Aviv - P.O.B. 7103 CONTENTS Page Laws 3 Budget Laws 304 Index of Laws in the Order of the Dates of Their Adoption 332 Alphabetical Index of Laws 338 EXPLANATIONS: I.R. (Iton Rishmi) - — The Official Gazette during the tenure of the Provisional Council of State Reshumot - — The Official Gazette since the inception of the Knesset Sections of Reshumot referred to in this translation: Yalkut Ha-Pirsumim — Government Notices Sefer Ha-Chukldm — Principal Legislation Chukkei Taktziv — Budgetary Legislation Kovetz Ha-Takkanot — Subsidiary Legislation Hatza'ot Chok — Bills Chukkei Taktziv (Hatza'ot) — Budget Bills Dinei Yisrael (from No. 2: — The revised, up-to-date and binding Hebrew text of legis• Dinei Medinat Yisrael) lation enacted before the establishment of the State (Nusach Chadash) P.G. (Palestine Gazette) — The Official Gazette of the Mandatory Government Laws of Palestine — The 1934 revised edition of Palestine legislation (Drayton) LSI (Laws of the State — The English translation of laws of which this volume of Israel) forms part NV (Laws of the State — An English edition of the revised text of pre-State of Israel (New Version)) legislation (see above) (No. -
Forward.Com" Page 1 of 3
Relationship With Obama Also on Ballot As Israelis Vote - Forward.com" Page 1 of 3 Forward.com Relationship With Obama Also on Ballot As Israelis Vote By Nathan Jeffay Wed. Feb 04, 2009 Tel Aviv, Israel — In the final days of Israel’s election campaign, pollsters were calling the Likud party leader Benjamin Netanyahu “Teflon Netanyahu,” reflecting the common belief that he was riding an unstoppable wave of support. But Tzipi Livni’s Kadima party, trailing, was working hard to give the impression that it had found Netanyahu’s Achilles’ heel. For months, Israelis have been speculating about how warm or cool George W. Bush’s successor will prove to be toward their country. Kadima’s message to voters was that the answer was in their hands. Israel and America “can head toward full cooperation over common goals such as fighting terror, stopping Iran and Hamas, and Hezbollah,” Livni said while campaigning in late January. On the other hand, she said, “Israel and the United States can also reach a clash. It depends who will be here. If whoever is here stops the peace process and thinks that the world will be with him, he will find himself in a head-on collision with the United States in 20 seconds.” The claim was simple: Obama could work well with Livni, while Netanyahu would clash with him, as he famously clashed with Bill Clinton during his previous stint as prime minister from 1996 to 1999. The response from Likud was straightforward. “People said all the same things when Menachem Begin came into office,” Zalman Shoval, head of Likud’s foreign affairs bureau, told the Forward. -
How Netanyahu Could Surprise Us Again | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds How Netanyahu Could Surprise Us Again by David Pollock Jun 2, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Pollock David Pollock is the Bernstein Fellow at The Washington Institute, focusing on regional political dynamics and related issues. Articles & Testimony The heated criticism of his government's rightward shift is obscuring the fact that Arab officials continue to work with Israel on various important initiatives, creating room for potential diplomatic developments that could render outside peacemaking forays moot. International reaction has been fast, and mostly furious, to Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu's surprise decision last week to broaden his governing coalition -- not with Isaac Herzog's "dovish" party, but with Avigdor Liberman's "hawkish" one. Tom Friedman of the New York Times sharply captured this conventional wisdom, lamenting Netanyahu's turnabout as the end of the "peace process" and the beginning of a new, eternally strife-torn single state of "Israel- Palestine." Internal Israeli reactions have likewise been largely negative, focusing more on Liberman's unceremonious replacement of the relatively moderate defense minister, Moshe Yaalon. Even venerable hawks like Moshe Arens, Israel's defense minister under mainly right-wing governments in the 1980s, have very vocally sided with Yaalon against Liberman. And personally I, too, much prefer the former figure to the latter one, and even more strongly prefer a relatively centrist Israeli government to a very narrow, right-wing, religious one. But one crucial factor is missing from this narrative: Arab reaction, or the lack thereof, to Netanyahu's latest political maneuver. -
Herzliya Conference
HERZLIYA CONFERENCE The Institute for Policy and Strategy Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya TTHEHE IINSTITUTENSTITUTE fforor PPOLICYOLICY aandnd SSTRATEGYTRATEGY TheThe PremierPremier ConvenerConvener ofof IsraeliIsraeli LeadershipLeadership inin NationalNational SecuritySecurity PolicyPolicy T aking Charge of Our Destiny Twenty-first century decision making in national security matters is exceedingly complex. Israel’s dilemmas are particularly acute and often involve many conflicting and contrary considerations. Accordingly, the country’s national leadership must be exposed to ongoing debate of the challenges ahead and the policy options available, in an integrative, interdisciplinary and bipartisan fashion. The Institute for Policy and Strategy (IPS) was founded to serve as a premier convener of Israeli leadership for such debate, focusing on strategic issues that require long-term planning, over- the-horizon thinking and a multi-disciplinary perspective. In pursuit of this end, IPS capitalizes on its smooth, unparalleled access to Israel’s upper echelons to commission task forces, convene conferences, and host executive roundtables involving senior policy makers and seasoned specialists in Israeli and international business, economics and industry, politics and government, academia, military, intelligence, law enforcement, and other vital and relevant sectors. The cutting-edge research and state-of-the- “The Institute for Policy and Strategy art thinking provided by IPS to Israel’s leaders has had concrete impact. and its annual conference on national security have proved Foremost among IPS activities is the Edmond Benjamin de Rothschild Herzliya Conference themselves to be central players in Series on the Balance of Israel’s National Security. This annual gathering, attended by Israel’s the development of Israeli policy policy-making elite and international guests, has become a key event on the national calendar, across a range of fields, from defense monitored closely by Israel’s friends and foes alike. -
Jewish Political Studies Review
www.jcpa.org Jewish Political Studies Review Visit our new website: Institute for Global Jewish Affairs Jewish Political Studies Review 13:3-4 (Fall 2001) Citizen Rights in Flux: The Influence of American Immigrants to Israel on Modes of Political Activism Avi Kay Although American-born Israelis are among the smallest immigrant groups in Israel, they have been at the forefront of extra-parliamentary activity in Israel for nearly thirty years. The ubiquitous presence of American-born Israelis in such frameworks is particularly pronounced in extra-parliamentary groups active in the political-security realm. The difficulty these immigrants experience in integrating themselves in the formal Israeli political structure seems to reinforce a basic "activist" political socialization received prior to their arrival in Israel. Through their activities, American-born Israelis have not only introduced new methods to the public debate, but also have helped focus attention on the potential for citizen groups to contribute - if not direct - public debate. Israel is a nation of immigrants. In fact, over 30 percent of the current population of Israel was born abroad.1 Among the smallest immigrant groups in Israel are those individuals who immigrated to Israel from the United States. These American-born Israelis (henceforth referred to as ABIs) number roughly 85,000; or 1.5 percent of the current population of Israel.2 But despite their numerical marginality, ABIs have played a prominent role in the development and operations of extraparliamentary political groups. Indeed, ABIs can be found at the forefront of a wide variety of such groups dealing with civil rights, women's issues, "bridge-building" between religious and secular, election reform, environmental concerns and the peace process and its implications.