DAKEK KTUIV Just Off the Press!

LITTLE RED LI9RE Jim Connolly and Irish Freedom By G. Schiiller

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FEBRUARY, 1927 The Oath of Spartacus. 25 CENTS What did the Communists do in the British Gene- ral Strike? READ Fight This Poison! A New Pamphlet Just Received from RED England THE REDS AND THE GEN- "Every Little Counts When Your Purpose is Not Calendar ERAL STRIKE — by C. B. The Lessons of the First General Strike of to Improve the Workers' Condition But to Wage the British Working Class 10 Cents A Class War"—New Yor/c Times.

T is impossible to conceive of a more insidious poison than the above lines. It would be hard to find a more treacherous attempt to mislead the I workers. Yet this was the message of the New York Times to the thou- sands of cloakmakers after they had been waging a brave struggle for many months under the able leadership of the left wing. Three hundred and sixty thousand copies of this poisonous propaganda is spread throughout the country daily through the columns of the New York Times. Small wonder then that the "New Yorker" has very appropriately called the New York Times "an essential tool of the business man." Small wonder, indeed, that it meets the plaudits of those willing servants of the bosses, Sigman & Co. The DAILY WORKER has established its base in New York, the strong- hold of the left wing, TO FIGHT THIS POISON. The DAILY WORKER has moved to the center of the present struggle in the labor movement. There it will serve as a rallying force against the combined attacks of Sigman, Home and Meeting Hall Beckerman, Woll, Lewis, McMahon, the capitalist courts and the capitalist press. We ask you to help. We ask you to give more power to the Daily A PICTURE OF LENIN Gives a Complete Authoritative Record of Worker in this fight against reaction. the Great Event 25 Cents and a list of revolutionary dates THE BRITISH STRIKE—It's Background, on attractive red card-board with It's Lessons — by Wm F. Dunne 10 Cents DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., a calendar attached. BRITISH LABOR BIDS FOR POWER SECURE 33 E. FIRST STREET, NEW YORK CITY. by Scott Nearing 10 Cents Inclosed you will find my donation of ... dollars 25 Cents SUBSCRIBERS cents to KEEP THE DAILY WORKER. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA 15 cents in lots of five or more. by Shapurji Saklatvala 10 Cents FOR THE Name DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER Address THE DAILY WORKER PUB. CO. PUBLISHING CO. 33 FIRST ST., NEW YORK,. N. Y. City State 33 FIRST ST., NEW YORK, N, Y. THE WORKERS MONTHLY Official Organ WORKERS COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA MAX BEDACHT, Editor. Single copies, twenty-five cents—yearly subscriptions, two dollars; foreign, two fifty. Published monthly by the Daily Worker Publishing Company, 1113 W. Washington Blvd.,Chicago, 111. Entered as Second Class Matter November 8, 1924, at the postofflce of Chicago, Illinois, under the act ofMarch 3, 1879.

290 FEBRUARY, 1927. No. 16.

Mexico and Nicaragua

Beginning with the March issue the By Ella G. Wolfe A MJETUCAN imperialism is on a rampage. It swings other millions are being consumed by the modern motor "^ its big stick in an effort to whip a few Central transport on land. But in the next war the major ap- American republics into line—so they may be hitched paratus will be the airplane which takes even larger "WORKERS MONTHLY" onto the profit coining treadmill of Wall Street finance quantities of this precious fuel. will change its name and its appearance. It will be pub- and oil capital. Mexico is being threatened. Nicaragua But what has Mexican oil to do with Nicaragua? Nica- is invaded. All the arts of demagogy are employed to ragua is a good excuse for picking a quarrel. It would lished as justify this plain imperialist aggression. Even Bol- be somewhat raw and very unpopular, to say the least, shevism is conjured up to iplay its trick of blinding the for the State Department to tell the American people masses to the real character of the expeditions. But that we are fighting with Mexico because we want her the facts are too plain. The acts of the imperialists oil. Even American statesmen are somewhat concerned speak too loud. by outward appearances, and desire to give a more Mexican oil has sent our battleships Into the Carib- idealistic reason. So our State Department tells the bean and has landed our marines in Nicaragua. "We" world that we are landing marines in Nicaragua to fight must defeat Sacasa not because he is a bolshevik, not the influences of Mexican bolshevism. On November because he is friendly to the working class—nor evea 17, 1926, the Assistant Secretary of State, Robert Olds, "THE COMMUNIST" because he is a liberal. We must defeat him now be- called the directors of the Washington Bureaus o'f the cause his success would mean a strengthening of the three principal news agencies—The Associated Press, iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniii rebellious Latin-American feeling against the U. S. in the United Press, and Hearst, into a secret conference, general—and in Mexico it would stiffen the opposition and he told them that "it is an undeniable fact that the against American interests, and endanger the easy, Mexican government today is a bolshevist government. steady flow of oil. We cannot prove it, but we are morally certain that a We have a vital need of Mexico's oil wells. John Ise warm bond of sympathy, if not of actual understanding READ DETAILS ON PAGE 763 AND 764 in his recent .book summing up the oil resources of the exists between Mexico City and Moscow. A steady stream United States calculates that at the present rate of of Bolshevist propaganda has been filtering from Mexico OF THIS ISSUE. American consumption our oil resources will last about down through Central America, aimed at property rights six years. Six years! An appalling short period; there and designed to undermine society and governments as is little time to lose. Mexico is still rich in producing they are now constituted. We feel that this picture oil lands and a number of American geologists who have should be presented to the American people and I desirs been busy for years in reconnoitering for Standard Oil to ask for your advice and co-operation." report that in the States of Chihuahua, Chiapas and One of the representatives present asked why the Tabasco alone there are millions of acres of rich oil lands. State Department did not make a public statement to In our scramble for oil we must consider not only the that effect. The reply was: "Surely you must realize why 19 million American automobiles that have to be fed the Department of State cannot afford to be directing daily, but also the fuel supply of a future war. Modern such a serious statement against a government with battleships have taken to burning oil. First, because it which it is on friendly terms." is easier to store and second, because it emits no tell- The Associated Press fell for this piece of inspired tale smoke. These battleships consume millions of gal- propaganda and published it broadcast—but the "news" lons. And while these are being consumed on the sea, fell flat on the American people as a whole and failed FEBRUARY, 1927 725 724 WORKERS MONTHLY canal against Mexico. When Sacasa says that no one Calles government will arm against the counter-revolu- to browbeat Calles into submission on the oil and land Prior to this election the Nicaraguan national bank in Nicaragua is attempting to endanger the treaty grant- tion. The workers and peasants will fight to protect laws. Not because the Calles regime is revolutionary—• and the national railways were in the hands of Ameri- ing canal rights to the U. S.: what few and meager rights they have won during the nor always even friendly to labor—but because he is can bankers. The Solorzano and Sacasa government Then "we will brook no interference in our Caribbean last decade and a half, for they know that should -forced by the militant spirit of the Mexican peasantry bought back the railway and the bank. policy." the Church and landed opposition come to power—all and working class to make revolutionary gestures from A few months after this, Chamorro, Minister of War The Inconsistent, hypocritical, uncertain movements o£ rights will be destroyed. time to time. 'Calles, like Obregon, before him, has in the Solorzano cabinet, with the aid of Diaz, the pres- Coolidge and Kellogg has created a general conviction American imperialism is gradually swallowing Central had to straddle in his policy. On the one hand he is ent president of Nicaragua, executed a coup d'etat that the massing of so many battleships in the Carib- America. South America is next on the list. The Monroe constantly bullied and worried by the demands of the against Solorzano and forced the latter to resign—and bean has nothing to do with the Nicaraguan affair—- Doctrine is preparing to celebrate its final triumph. American concessionaries with all the power and wealth Sacasa—who then constitutionally was entitled to the that 100 marines could keep Diaz in power but that it Mr. Borah, Chairman of the Foreign Relation Commit- of their government behind them; and on the other, he is presidency, was forced into exile. is aimed directly at Mexico. As time progresses the in- tee of the United States senate, protests against the in- threatened by a well organized militant peasantry and 'Chamorro has always been the friend of America a tention of Coolidge becomes more sharply defined. vocation of the Monroe Doctrine. He claims that be- a partially organized proletariat. To remain in power bankers—and as soon as he took power he offered them First we will defeat Sacasa—even if we have to exter- cause no European government is interfering in Nica- he must try to please these two interests—so diametric- the Nicaraguan Railway and bank in return for a loan. minate all of his followers—and then the U. S. will leave ragua the United States are not justified in excusing ally opposed to each other. Up to the present moment These bankers pressed the State Department to recog- several hundred marines to keep Diaz in power. That their own aggression as a defense of the Monroe Doc- the workers and peasants of Mexico have received ths nize Chamorro—but in view of the five-power pact signed settled, our bankers will Ibe once more free to negotiate trine. But Mr. Borah is wrong. The Monroe Doctrine revolutionary gesture—while the American concession- in Washington in 1923, it would have been too raw a large loan to Diaz, who has already announced his was originally the expression of a very clear foresight aires and bankers have been handed the goods—some- even for the American State Department to recognize desire for the loan in return for which he will turn of the development of American capitalism. It reserved times quietly—and secretly. him. However, if a creature of Chamorro's could be over the Nicaraguan Railway and bank to American in- all American territory for United States capitalism at a Calles' insistence on the laws regulating land and oil substituted—one just as "friendly"—the State Depart- terests, and the U. S. will have added another black time, when the latter was still fully occupied in open- in Mexico is nothing but a revolutionary gesture to his ment let it be understood that recognition wiould be page to the history on her 'policy in the Caribbean. ing its own native resources to exploitation. This period militant constituents. The law decides no-thing. It is granted forthwith. Chamorro then decided that Diaz That settled, the administration will be able to center of service of the Monroe Doctrine is now terminated. the supreme court of Mexico that has the final say. And would be the right man, and he had congress (with all all of its attention on the Mexican situation. "We" will United 'States capital, by the enforcement of the Monroe how has the court decided in the past? In every case the "Liberals" eliminated) "elect" him. Three days make no war on Mexico. "We" will not intervene in Doctrine through its government, has preserved all the of oil property 'brought before it, it has decided that the later (for the above many reasons), the State Depart- Mexico. First, because it is too unpopular at the present choice morsels of American territory from the covetous retroactive provisions of the Constitution do not apply. ment recognized Diaz as the legal 'president of Nica- time. Second, the proposition is too expensive. Inter- desires of European capitalist countries. But now it And it will continue to decide in this manner, in favor ragua. Of course, no amount of word twisting can con- vention in Mexico implies a long drawn out struggle—• wants to harvest the fruit of this labor. It wants to con- over thousands of miles of mountainous territory excel- of American interests. In fact, in the latest interviews vince those acquainted with the provisions of the five- sume these morsels itself. lently suited to sniping and guerrilla warfare -at which of Calles to the press and in the last conciliatory one power treaty that the U. S. acted in line with this treaty There can be no doubt that the present expeditions of Aaron Saenz, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Mexico, in recognizing Diaz. the Mexican people are much more expert than the Amer- of American capital in the Caribbean are in execution ican soldiers. After the long and costly invasion—if as much has been promised. Our State Department of the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine is not an Mexico followed with the recognition of Juan Sacasa, the United States takes some of the important and knows this, yet it is kicking up such a fuss. First, be- instrument of peace. It is, first, a threat of war against the constitutional president of Nicaragua, which in- strategic cities, it will entail an enormous army of cause the very existence of such laws are a source of all European capitalist governments, if the latter should furiated the State Department. It again began to issue occupation for many years. constant annoyance to the Anglo-Saxon. His puritan actively challenge the priority rights of United States statements accusing Mexico of attempting to bolshevize Intervention is really not necessary. With the proper sense and desire for security urge him on to fight for capitalism to all territory on both American continents Nicaragua and to endanger the position of the United kind of imperialistic tactics so well known to "US" the repeal. They want to eliminate the red tape of ap- —North and South; and, second, it is a threat of war States in the zone of the Panama Canal; it increased because used so often before—it is possible to get the pealing to the court in each dispute. Calles, however, against all central and South American countries if any the number of battleships in the Caribbean and sud- opposition in Mexico to fight for "US", to overthrow feels that on this he cannot surrender. Such a sur- denly the American press increased its number of stories of the latter should actively challenge the rights of the render would bring the workers and peasants against the present regime. The opposition has already promised on the revolutionary movements in Mexico. a modification of Article 27, eliminating the "obnoxious" United States capitalists to make them their private ob- him. , jects of exploitation. Why is Nicaragua the Held of battle for Mexican oil? In these many troublesome months Mexico has con- retroactive clauses, and a revision of the oil and land sciously tried to establish friendlier relations with Cen- laws. The State Department need do only two things— From this point of view the present military and naval First, because developments there occurred at the same expedition of the United States in the Caribbean must time as our State Department was browbeating Mexico tral America. Her efforts have been feeble and quite first, 'break diplomatic relations with Mexico, and lift unobtrusive. She made several gifts of radio stations the arms embargo to Mexico. This will mean power, be judged, and any judgment from this standpoint must into a retreat on the oil and land laws, and it could be come to the conclusion that even a temporary "peaceful" used • as a source of attack against the Calles regime. to three of the Central American countries—of libraries ammunition and plenty of money for the Catholic and to others, scholarships for Central American students in landed opposition with which to overthrow Calles. If settlement of the present controversy cannot mean peace, A brief historic summary of the events leading to the but merely another step toward the final consummation present conflict in Nicaragua will help to further explain. the University of Mexico. The State Department has and when this happens the ensuing struggle will not watched these first beginnings with great interest and be short nor simple. Its final success is even doubtful. of the object of the Monroe Doctrine: The economic, In February, 1923, at a conference held In Washing- hostility. Unfortunately the State Department could not political—and military conquest of Central and South ton between the United 'States and five Central Ameri- The opposition will meet adamant resistance from the state frankly that this Mexican tendency is one of tha partially organized peasantry and proletariat which the America by the United States capitalists. can states—an agreement was signed providing that: causes for our hostility—and so the administration be- "The violent or illegal alteration of the constitution of gan to. justify its brow-beating policy in the Caribbean any of the countries is a menace to the peace of all and by a number of hypocritical acts. each promises not to recognize a government in another First: We sent our bluejackets to Nicaragua "to state resulting from a coup d'etat or revolution against protect her from" Sacasa who had made an agreement a recognized government." with Calles to establish a bolshevist government there. Under certain conditions peace means greater profits When that was ridiculed then: to the investor—and the above treaty was calculated to We sent our troops and battleships with 10,000 men b« more profitable in the long run. to "protect our citizens and our property" in Nicaragua. In October, 1924, a perfectly legal election was held When the absurdity of that excuse was ridiculed by in Nicaragua, and Solorzano and Sacasa were elected the press, then; President and Vice-President respectively—defeating the The administration trots out the plea that we must Chamorro ticket, two to one. protect our property rights in the future Nicaraguan 726 W O R K E R.S MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 727

letariat. The birth pangs of these changes were left increte form in the present attacks against the left wing Europe; 'but America benefited by the changes. The in the unions, which are merely a new offensive of capi- American Labor at Cross Roads newness of the country did not necessitate with every talism against the American workers, new invention the discard of all old methods and old Why the Offensive Now? means, or a prolonged parallel use of both—old and new- By Max Bedacht methods. As a machinery of production was being built The background of this offensive is a two-fold one. up it was always built on the best and latest achieve- First: The last year has been an unprecedented!}' fruitful one for American capitalism. Standard Oil, A MERICAN capitalism occupies a unique position in tween capital and labor, and led to the temporary defeat of ments necessitating very little discard of antiquated American Motors, American Steel, etc., have cut extreme- •^ present day world history. In the midst of a decay- the revolution. In America the main battle of this phase forms. For all of these reasons, American Capitalism ly juicy melons in form of stock dividends. Stock divi- ing capitalist world it displays a power, a vitality, a pro- takes place before the revolution. In Germany this bat- could achieve much greater results in accumulation by dends are paid from accumulated profits. Instead of pay- fitableness, a tranquility, an air of permanency, that tle defeated the revolution. In America the end of this increasing relative exploitation of the workers than were ing dividends according to profits, the corporations keep seems to disprove the very thesis of the decay of capi- battle will be the beginning of the revolution. The or could be achieved by European capital. "down" the percentage of dividends to 8, 10, or 12% talism. While capitalist decay produced on the one hand present attack against the left wing in the needle trade American Worker Most Exploited—and Most Satisfied. and let -the undistributed profits accumulate. After they the victorious proletarian revolution in Russia, it also unions is a temporarily acute phase in this battle. reach 30, 40, or 50% of the original stock capital, the produced the highest peak of capitalist development in While thus the American worker became perhaps the Americanization of Production Standards in Europe Board of Directors decide to enlarge their capital. New America. While the Soviet Union is at once an example most intensely exploited worker of the world, yet this Means Europeanization of Living Standards in America. stock is issued; but instead of being sold on the market, for, and one of the instruments of a proletarian over- exploitation was less oppressive because it was less it is paid for out of the accumulated profits and distri- throw of capitalism, America seems at once an example noticeable. The socially necessary labor required for In this fight the great international problem of the buted free to the old stockholders in proportion to their for the possibility, and an instrument for the achieve- proletariat is brought home to the American worker in the production of labor was so low that even at com- ment of a long continuation of capitalism as a social in- paratively short hours and high wages of the American holdings. Thus a capital of 100 millions is turned into form of a purely American issue. While the logical a capital of 150 millions by a 50% stock dividend, with- stitution. America has become the counter-pole to the worker, American capital reaped a richer harvest from quintessence of the issue is "Communism versus Capi- out cost of even one single cent to the stockholders. And Soviet Union on the axle around which revolves the so- talism", yet the immediate form is mucn more concrete exploitation than European capital did at longer hours and lower wages. This is one important reason for the next year the 12 or 15% dividends will be paid on 150 in- cial whirl produced by the imperialist war. While Russia and much nearer the understanding of the American stead of only on 100 millions. seems to signify the necessity and possibility of the new, ideological backwardness of the American proletariat. worker. American capitalism is pictured in Europe as According to tabulations made by the Chicago Journal America seems to signify the possibility of and vitality the savior of the capitalist world. In Germany, for in- But times have changed. The country's reserves of of Commerce, the total profits of the American capitalists for the Continuation of the old. stance, there is unity from Hilferding over Scheideman natural resources are almost fully expropriated by Amer- in 1926 reach 9 billion dollars and equal almost the total It is one of the tasks of the Americanization of Marx- to Stresemann on the thesis that the safety of German ican capital. The sources for a further considerable amount of wages paid during that period to the workers ism-Leninism to analyze the historic and immediate con- capitalist economy lies in the Americanization of pro- increase of relative exploitation are drying up. One of employed in American industry. ditions of existence of American capitalism and to prove duction standards. In Germany, this slogan may even the contributing reasons for this is the crisis of world It need not be emphasized that in time of business that America is no exception to the rule of capitalist mislead the workers for a while. But for the American capitalism, produced by the imperialist war. depression the initiative for a downward revision of development to the point of necessity and reality of a worker this internationalization of American production As long as America occupied an exceptional position wages is with the capitalists; but these same capitalists proletarian revolution, but that it is rather a shining standards has a very serious aspect: The Europeaniza- in effecting within itself a more unified and universal display no initiative whatever for an upward revision proof of that rule. While we hope to be able to contri- tion of the living standards of the workers. application of best methods—and most effective cen- in years of rich harvest. But in such years the work- bute to this task through our coming magazine "The This last mentioned danger may not be near enough tralization of means—of production, not only its capital- ers generally take the offensive. Yet the last two years Communist", we can deal in this article only with one to arouse immediately a militant reaction among the ist class could benefit by this exceptional position, but, have been remarkably free from great labor struggles. immediate phase of the class struggle in America, a working masses; yet it is clearly enough discernible. in a limited sense, even its proletariat. But with the In fact, the basic industries only witnessed one great phase, however, which denotes a sharpening—and not The capitalists anticipate it. It becomes their conscious world-wide application of these "American" methods movement in that period—the anthracite strike. And an ebbing of the class struggle. aim. Their policy, politically, and economically, is a American capitalism and the American working class because of the policies of John L. Lewis, even that was The present offensive against the left wing in the clear preparation for this aim. lose the position of exclusive beneficiaries of these practically lost. What is the reason for this phenomenon? American trade unions, and, as a part of that, the re- American capitalism, because of extremely favorable methods. The immediate reaction, therefore, to Ameri- cent conference in New York "for the preservation of circumstances, could, up to the' immediate past, enhance canization of European industry is a natural tendency Trade Unions Are Natural Fighting Organizations. the trade unions", is symptomatic of the present pro- its wealth by primitive accumulation. In fact, most great of leveling internationally the standard of living of the The American trade unions, like, the economic asso- cesses of development in the American labor movement. American fortunes were amassed via that road—spolia- workers. Since capitalism cannot allow any develop- ciations of workers in all countries, were formed po- The American trade union movement does not recognize tion of the public domain, expropriation of shareholders ment to interfere with its rate of profit, it is clear that tentially as instruments of the class struggle. That is, the existence of the class struggle. But the class strug- through stock manipulations, through swindle, corrup- this leveling process of the standard of living of the they were formed as a reaction to the necessity for gle does not reciprocate. Its progress does not leave the tion, theft. The tremendous and hitherto untouched na- international proletariat will not mean an upward re- the workers to fight for achievement and maintenance trade unions unaffected; nor does it leave the conditions tional resources were thus expropriated by American vision of the European to American, but a downward of a decent living standard. But while the class struggle unaffected under which the trade unions exist and act. capital. The newness of civilization in America enabled revision of American to European standards. That is forced its way to the surface in all maneuvers and strug- These conditions today demand more and more con- American capitalism practically to leap over whole not an idle prophecy. Our Garys and other leading gles, yet the ideology of the unions was opposed to the scious class action by the workers and, in preparation periods of development, which painfully employed so- American capitalists, have again and again .predicted very idea of class struggle. The dominating tendency for such class action, are gradually changing the ideology ciety in Europe. America needed not to contribute to it as a result of competition of European labor. of the working masses Ifrom pro-capital to pro-labor was not a class but a craft ideology. A guild spirit and these developments but could reap their full benefit. Not Here we can only mention that the "Americanization" These are the first steps to an anti-capital not a class spirit dominated. The ridiculous jurisdie- having to spend much energy for many of the achieve- of world production will, of course, also not eliminate, ideology. The still persisting old and the gradually ad- ional fights within the labor movement are living monu- ments of social development, it could leap ahead—and but rather sharpen, the antagonisms between the differ- vancing new ideology within the labor movement itself ments to this fact. outrank its less fortunately situated brothers of Europe. ent national groups of capitalists. And the friend "Amer- have come to grips, and have thus caused the enact- In the early periods of existence of the trade unions Also, because of these favorable conditions for American icanization" which was to have saved European and ment of an important battle of the class struggle within the objective conditions were defeating all theories of capitalism, it could advance with less pains for the pro- world capitalism from defeat, will lead it to new im- the labor movement itself. letariat. The misery, for instance, which attended the the unions. In spite of their guild spirit, they were in- perialist wars and to utter destruction. America is in many respects fortunate. In Germany, English workers as a result of the change from petty struments of the class struggle. In the field of economic Austria, Italy, etc., the first important struggle between handicraft to manufacture, and from manufacture to However, we can concern ourselves here only with the relations the unions were the advance guard of the these ideologies took the (form of outward struggles be- machine production hardly touched the American pro- immediate dangers lying ahead of the American work- whole working class. The fights of the union for higher ing class. It is these dangers that have taken on a con- w-ages and shorter hours raised the standard of hours 728 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 729 and wages not only for their members, but for all of the ideology of the organized masses to the need of the hour demands of them either to fight or to surrender lead- confined to the issue of leadership over organized sec- workers. They represented economic class interests in and develop a clear class spirit, they insist on fully ership. tions of the working class. spite of a group spirit and group ideology. adapting the tactics of the unions to the false theory The bosses move for it because, first, they want to of identity of interest of classes. The right wing says: The first of these factors is making resistance more But industrial development has influenced the very secure their economic position against possible attacks The difficulties of struggle prove that we must abandon difficult. The second is making it easier. composition of the working class. The proportion of the from the workers, second, because in the inevitable fu- all ideas of struggle against the bosses, and must adopt skilled is constantly and rapidly decreasing in favor ture clashes between the forces of capital and labor American socialists have ideologically shared the a line of co-operation with them. of an ever growing mass of unskilled workers. This they want to be sure of a reliable base of operation in treachery of their brothers of the second International. Then there is the left wing. It is under the ideolo- change of the objective situation aids the guild spirit the camp of labor. But their comparative separation or even isolation from gical leadership of the 'Communists in the unions. It of the unions to transform them from weapons of the the actual forces of the class struggle have not made manifests the growing class consciousness among the Offensive Against Labor With Unions as Base. workers into instruments against the workers. Under this treachery felt with the American workers. Theirs masses of workers. It reacts to the difficulties of strug- the changed conditions, the union may become an instru- was really more a sin of treacherous desires than gle against the bosses by the comparatively weak unions Out of this background developed the late attacks ment for the raising of standards of hours and wages treacherous acts, because their conduct was of too little with proposals of strengthening them by amalgamation against the left wing in the American labor unions. of its members not at the expense of the boss but at the These attacks are nothing more nor less than an offen- immediate consequence for the American working class. into industrial unions and by organizing the unorganized expense of the great mass of workers, the unskilled, sive of American capital against labor. This offensive With the contempt for theory which still dominates the the unorganized. masses. distinguishes itself from former like attacks by thy American worker it was therefore extremely difficult Shall the Unions be Sword or Fetter For the Workers? bosses that in past attacks the trade unions supplied to show to the masses the real character of the social- Bosses and Reactionary Union Leaders Seek United Front. for the workers the main base of resistance. In this ists. Here we have really the first case where the so- In the United States the trade union movement is to- The struggle 'between these two concepts has now present attack the unions have become the main base cialists play in the open the practical role which their day confronted with the dilemma: Either the prevailing entered an acute phase. The reasons for this are mani- of operation of the bosses. theory makes inevitable. For the first time in history, ideology of the labor unions must find systematic appli- fold. There are, first of all, the advances of the left For the bosses this development is very timely. The the socialists take leadership in an important event in cation in tactics and activities of the workers through wing. In the clothing industry these advances were so urge for organization among the masses grows with the the American labor movement. But this leadership is conscious class collaboration—-or a new ideology must decisive that in spite of the open support the bosses growth of relative and positive profits. This urge needs not one of action for but against the proletariat. Marx's conquer the unions, must rebuild them, and must make got from Wm. Green, the president of the American initiative and direction. This initiative and direction characterization of the revolutionary French bourgeoisie them conscious instruments of struggle against the capi- Federation of Labor, they could not conquer the mili- rests with the organized section of the working class. of 1848 fits these "socialists" as if it were made to talist class and against capitalism. tant fighting determination of the fur workers in the The natural result of this urge ought to be extended order. In the first instance all militancy must be suppressed latter's strike and were defeated. But not only with- in organizational efforts by the existing labor omions. While applying this criticism we are fully aware that and weeded out from the unions; all battles with bosses in unions does the spirit of the class struggle manifest itself—it even knocks at the doors of the unions from In the degree in which capital can prevent such initia- though the American Socialists gained leadership over must be avoided. The unions must co-operate with the tive and direction of great and serious organization the reactionary attack of the trade unions bureaucracy bosses—and must get the bosses' co-operation. A re- without. Under the leadership of Communists 15,000 campaigns by the workers the bosses can register victory. against the working class, yet they did not gain lead- duction of the numbers organized becomes unimportant. hitherto unorganized textile workers of Passaic resisted But aside from this immediate aspect the bosses see ership over the trade unions movement itself. They Important remains only the unity of purpose of fighting wage cuts, organized themselves into a union, and forced also the perspective value. The days of "prosperity" are merely used as battering rams. They will never against the working class and for the bosses. In this their way into the folds of the American Federation of Labor in spite of a most bitter resistance of the officials cannot last forever. Economic depression is certain in gain leadership over the American trade union movement case class collaboration contracts become the rule. The a not far distant future. The bosses succeeded in pre- as Socialists. Despite their desires and their activities, comparatively few organized—but skilled—workers be- of that body. venting an offensive of the workers during the favorable the American Socialists will never play the role in the come the pace setters in the exploitation of the mass of These events set two forces into motion toward each period of prosperity. Now they want to prepare for class struggle which their German brothers, the Noskes, unorganized and unskilled. And when these unskilled other for a conscious united front: The right wing lead- ership of the labor unions, and the capitalists. their own offensive in the coming (for the workers) the Scheidemanns, the Eberts, played. The German So- do revolt, when they strike, then the "sacredness of the unfavorable period of depression. With "organized This right wing leadership was always pro-capitalist. cialists gained leadership as revolutionists, and then be- contract" will keep the necessary number of organized labor" a tool of organized capital there will be easy But the objective situation made them lead, now and trayed the revolution. The American Socialists are al- skilled hands in the shop and be the kernel around which sailing for the bosses. The masses of dissatisfied un- then, a fight of the workers against the bosses for bet- ready too openly reactionary to ever gain leadership the boss can build his strike-breaking productive (work- organized workers will be helpless. American capital ter wages and hours. as revolutionists. And the places of an openly reaction- ing) units. is indeed dreaming of thus solving the problem of the ary leadership are already taken. Outside of the field of In the second instance the unions must widen their The ideological agreement of these labor leaders with class struggle and saving capitalism from being sent fascism there is no more role open for the American base. They must make heroic efforts of organizing the bosses made them good political allies for the latter, to perdition by a proletarian revolution. Socialists to play in the class struggle. And it is pre- the mass of unskilled workers. They must 'break down pleasant dinner companions, etc. Yet the bosses always cisely that role that they are playing now in the struggle their craft barriers and amalgamate into industrial felt these friends double-crossed them now and then; While this campaign against the left wing has great against the left wing in the American trade unions. unions; they must abandon all B. & O. plan contracts; they felt that their friendship was not genuine. They dangers for the labor movement, yet it is needless to they must cease strike-breaking tactics under the guise realize the value of this friendship, but did not cherish say that this program and its aim are impossible of Meantime, however, there is a sufficient degree of be- final accomplishment. All the steps to abolish the class of sacred contracts—in short, they must strive to or- its limitations. A barrier existed between them. This lief in the "proletarian" integrity of the Socialists barrier was the fact that the objective role of the unions struggle are in themselves acts of intensive struggle ganize the working class for its economic struggles. among American labor, and a corresponding insufficiency The two tendencies described are battling today in as fighting instruments for the workers contradicted against the working class. These acts will not abolish the American trade unions for supremacy. The con- the theory of identity of class interest subscribed to but, on the contrary, will intensify the class struggle. of knowledge and understanding of just what proletarian scious elements in this struggle are, first, the right wing by the labor leaders. In many instances, this barrier "Socialists" Lead the Fight Against Labor. integrity means, to make them serviceable to the reac- represented mostly by the old trade union leadership. created situations when the friends, labor leaders and tionaries as their shock troops in their war against the This group is perfectly conscious of the full implica- capitalists, confronted each other as enemies. But now The present offensive is given peculiar color and char- left wing. tions of the craft unions in the 20th century. This ele- both have set out to remove this barrier. Now both move to acter, by two factors. ment is for the capitalist system and for the capitalist make practice conform to theory. Identity of class in- First, as the direct and outstanding agents of the capi- To offset the difficulty thus created, there is the possi- class. It feels the pressure of circumstances. Only a terest is to be openly recognized by a practice of co-op- talist class in the American labor movement there ap- bility of a mobilization of unorganized masses for this fundamental change can save the situation for them and eration of the classes. pear in this crisis not primarily the hide-bound reac- fight. A difficult task, in itself, it is true, but an effective The labor leaders move for this united front with the for the capitalists. Therefore, Instead of giving way to tionaries, but the socialists. weapon, which will and must, in the end, defeat the bosses, first, because it is in conformity with their so- the crying need of widening the base of the unions they Second, while the offensive is directed against the American capitalist class together with its henchmen of insist on narrowing it. Instead of helping to adapt the cial concept, and, second, because historic development working class as a whole, the struggle is apparently Socialist and reactionary labor leaders. 730 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 731

cent there can be accomodated at least 1,500,000 ruo- matic position of the United States, while the possibility ber trees which will produce approximately 200,000 tons of a war between Japan and America is by no means American Imperialism and the Fight for of rubber, enough to supply the world market. eliminated, but on the contrary, it is increased. This In the same year 1898 the United States, by skillful military-strategic preparation on the part of America was utilization of the revolutionary movement in the in conformity also with its economic expansion. the Passific Hawaiian Islands (on the way between the American The Essence of American "Pacifism". Pacific -coast and the Philippines), annexed also these In its economic program of expansion, American paci- By N. Manuilsky islands and transformed them into one of the chief links fism has passed through three stages: in the chain of naval bases on the Pacific Ocean. In or- Firstly, the Monroe Doctrine. The origin of this doc- T SHOULD like to direct the attention of the whole Pacific," he said three months ago, "one cannot avoid der to comprehend the importance of these, islands in the trine, "America for the Americans", coincided in point struggle for the Pacific, one must take into considera- -^ Communist International upon the conflicts which a deep concern. This talk of the Pacific taking the place of time with that period in the development of the Unit- tion the fact that not a single ship can sail across the develop where the paths of three continents, America, of the Atlantic as the international arena, must not be ed States in which the markets of North and South Pacific and back without at least running into one of Asia and Europe, cross one another. Three imperialist taken lightly. Precisely on the Paiific the apparatus America were the highest goal of the American bour- their harbors. Aside from the Hawaiian Islands there is powers stand face to face there: The United States for the settlement of international conflicts is weaker geoisie. not another point on the Pacific where ships can supply of America, Japan, and Great Britain.* than anywhere." Secondly, at the end of the 19th century, when capital- themselves 'with coal and might to a certain extent be The objective role of attacker on the Pacific will in And the same Holl complains with lyrical sorrow, that ism in the United States, as a result of its turbulent de- no such institution as the League of Nations prevails reckoned as the Gibraltar of the Pacific Ocean. Here velopment, felt itself restricted within these confines, the future be played by the United States of North upon these islands at Pearl Harbor the American navy on the Pacific: when the American bourgeoisie for the first time, turned America, while the objective role of defenders falls concentrates its aeroplane, fleet consisting of 150 aero- to Great Britain and Japan. American imperialism is "This League of Nations, despite, its shortcomings, is its eyes to the Pacific and to the Chinese markets. a body that tries to be of service in international ques- planes. A fleet of submarines alternative with torpedo American capitalism unfurled a new banner upon which intricately bound up with the struggle for world hege- boats. The dry dock can accomodate simultaneously a mony. In the coming world war, if the fate of human- tions (!). Yet it is impossible to turn to the League was blazoned the program of the "Open Door". The •of Nations in any more important conflict because the dreadnought and a cruiser. The range of the radio sta- "Open Door" is the policy of every rising young im- ity is not previously fundamentally remodelled by the tion in Hawaii includes China, Australia, and New York. United States is not a member." perialism that comes into the world somewhat belated, proletarian revolution, American imperialism will play In concrete barracks there is infantry equipped for gas It is, of course, an entirely debatable question as to i. e., when the world is already divided among other capi- the leading role. America is already arming now for warfare, mine throwers, etc. This is the switchyard this war on the Pacific; 'there is already an extensive how far the League of Nations can be an instrument talist rivals. When the. United States made its appear- "for the settlement of international conflicts". Yet it of the coming war in the Pacific Ocean. Only very ance in China, it found that country under the prac- literature which discusses this question in detail; and recently the Unite.d States assigned 20 million dollars is extraordinarily symptomatic of the entire internation- tically unrestricted influence of Japan and Great Britain. even the very time (1931-33) is set; plans of operations for further fortifications on Hawaii. are described; in brief, the picture which we had several al situation that it is just the Pacific Ocean which is not Great Britain was the first capitalist country which had years before the war in Europe, is beginning to resur- subject to the influence of even so powerless an insti- All these annexations were only the prelude to a step gained a foothold in China, With the aid of Hongkong, rect itself. At that time, prior to the world war, one tution like the European League of Nations. that is of dominant importance for the imperialist of- its frontier posts in the Far East, which had been occu- could find in military literature detailed drafts of the The notorious Washington conference (1921) gave rise fensive of the Unite.d States on the Pacific—the building pied in 1842 under the, terms of the Nanking treaty, German attack upon Belgium, -which were later, in the to certain pacifist illusions, 'because it put a check on of the Panama Canal which was completed in August England had been working for decades in consolidating first days of August, 1914, carried into effect with photo- the growth of naval armaments.. Yet it eliminated neither 1914. The cannons' roar of the imperialist war drowned and extending its strongholds in China. On the other graphic fidelity. the causes nor the chances of the conflict, it merely de- out this event that signified a new Pacific epoch of hand, however, the geographical situation of Japan ferred them. Prior to tihis conference, American imper- American foreign policy, so that as a result it failed :o made it easier for this young Japanese capitalism, which The whole development of American imperialism in ialism worked tirelessly and persistently on the, strength- receive the attention it deserved. But only after the at the, 'beginning of the 20th century already consider- the, last 25 years testifies that this relentlessly approach- ening of its military-strategical positions in the fight opening of the Panama Canal which saved the American ably developed, tto penetrate into China. The viril3 ing struggle on the Pacific is in no sense a creation of fleet 8—10,000 miles and the hazardous trip around Tiera Japanese imperialism crowded England out of its fantasy. The ruling classes also recognize this. Prof. .'for the Pacific, for the markets of the Far East. In del Fuego and through the Magellan Straits, could Amer- stronghold step by step. Even though Japanese capital Holl, of Sydney University, one of the most prominent 1898, as a result of the Spanish-American war, the Amer- icans took Cuba from the Spaniards, an island near the ican imperialism write upon its banners Roosevelt's was still weak in Japan itself, it penetrated industry, experts on Pacific problems, expressed (himself on the shores of Central America and the key to the Atlantic words: "In the history of mankind there begins a Pa- stock companies, and participated as largest sharehold- situation in the Pacific as follows: side of the future Panama Canal. At the same time, cific era", and "the domination of the Pacific must be- er in the banks. It requires only a glance at the curve "In studying the situation which, has arisen on the the United States annexed also another island, Porto long to the United iStates". At the same time it must of Chinese imports from Japan and Great Britain to con- Rico, which is of great importance in guarding the en- also be noted that the Washington conference, (which vince us of the rapid tempo of advance, of Japanese capi- NOTE: This article is an excerpt of a most interest- trance of the Panama Canal. naive pacifist sheets designated as the beginning of a tal in China. Thus in 1870 British imports constituted ing speech made by Comrade Manuilsky before the full "peaceful" period in the development of Pacific rela- session of the Executive Committee of the Communist An additional result of the Spanish-American war was 37 per cent of the total, Japanese about 2 per cent. In International. We hold the publication of tihis speech the annexation of the Philippines, at the entrance of the tions), was nothing, other than the carrying out of 1923 British imports declined to 13 per cent, Japanese most timely. A Washington office boy of Wall Street, South China Sea, on the Asiatic ishores of the Pacific American plans of advance, in the Pacific. At this very rose to 23 per cent. Thus matters stood when the Unit- the Secretary of State is called before the Senate Com- Ocean. The Philippines can be compared to a revolver, conference, the United States succeeded in isolating ed States appeared on the scene. In 1910, American im- mittee on Foreign Relations to give reasons for the in- Japan and in breaking off the latter's alliance with ports in (China amounted to about 5 per cent, while in vasion of Nicaragua by the United States military forces. the muzzle of which is pointed at Japan. The, revolver He appears and treats the Senate Committee like a is dangerous, because at the very opening of the war it Great Britain. A 'war by America, against the combin- 1923 it had already outstripped Great Britain and patriotic fourth of July crowd; he delivers a red-baiting could be captured by Japan, since the Philippines lie ed Anglo-Japanese, fleet would have 'been an extremely amounted to 16 per cent. The unsuccessful tariff con- grandstand oration. But another office boy of Wall opposite the Japanese, naval base of Formosa. Yet the difficult task. Japan, thanks to its military-strategic ference of this year indicates the differences of interest Street had spoken before him. Coolidge had sent a Philippines have economic importance also for the'Unit- position, and its system of coastal fortifications, is al- that exist between the United States and Great Britain. special message to Congress and in it stated very open- ly: "We are in Nicaragua because American financial ed States. It is well-known that the United States are most impregnable against attack from the sea. It could Thus e. g., American exports to Asia prior to the war, interests demand it." absolutely dependent upon Britain for their supply of be overcome only by a blockade extending over a period amounted to only 4.6 per cent of the total, while they In the face of the recent developments of American rubber. Investigations undertaken recently have shown of years. But such a blockade is impossible for the rose to 12 per cent, and (thereby became a powerful Imperialism and the different and even contradictory that climatic and soil conditions are favorable for the American fleet if at the same time it must fight the competitor against English trade, which, in addition had explanations given for them by the official agents of British navy with its itwo strong bases on the Asiatic been injured by the boycott. What else is there for American capital, a clear analysis of the perspective of raising of rubber in the Southern part of the islands. American imperialism is very timely.—Editor. On the island of Mindanao and the small islands adja- coast, in Hongkong and Singapore. From this standpoint American imperialism in China, than a policy of the the Washington conference has strengthened the diplo- "Open Door"? 732 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 733

Tlie third phase of development of American imper- to a certain extent 'been the instrument of American pol- there is being considered a project whereby, simultane- pansion in China. All these things are only an advance ialism begins after the world war of 1914-18, after the icy. Yet it is by no means excluded that the present ously with naval operations a land army is to invade the payment on a profitable business. The Interest will economic collapse of Europe which followed this war. rapprochement between France and Germany will be shores of Japan. Theoretically such an attack could have to be paid in the future by the tailing masses of The Dawes' Plan is a program of the enslavement of utilized by the U. S. A. against England. Yet precisely ibe executed by thrusts 'from two directions: a. from China. This is the essence, of American policy. There European industrial countries by the. far stronger Amer- this need of America for some 'big power to serve as the North, from Alaska, by way of Kamchatka in the seems to be little use in discussing these questions with ican imperialism. American imperialism no longer con- its tool is the cause of the prevalent "Anglo-American southern Arctic Ocean down to northern Manchuria; b. American jingoes. tents itself with the countries of Asia, but it invades collaboration". This was the second, "European", face from the South, through a landing on the coast of the The question once raised by Lenin for the Russian Europe. In addition to Germany, it also "cleaned up" of American imperialist policy. Those comrades, as e. South China Sea, (French Indo-China), and then into revolution "Who—and for whom?" is certainly no idle Austria, it prepares "sanitaation plans" for French g., Comrade Radek, who put this phase of Anglo-Amer- South and Central China. But both of these plans question for the Chinese toiling masses. Great dangers finances, slinks unobserved into Italy, etc. ican relation into the foreground, make the mistake of are bound up with tremendous hazards that the troops await the great Chinese revolution on the day after its Each of these three periods of development of Amer- "Europeanizlng" this phenomenon too much. It is ob- transport, etc., may be sunk—and this contradiction be,- victory. They lie also at present in the web of interna- ican imperialism also found its expression in the foreign vious that this "collaboration" of American and British tween the economically aggressive role of American tional interests surrounding China. American imperial- policy of the United States. In view of the, three ex- capital in Europe could not be without effect upon Anglo- imperialism, and its military-strategic possibilities, de- ism is now the most dangerous, the most cunning, the pansion trends of the United States—America, Asia, Eu- American relations also in other parts of the world. But termines the attitude of the United States towards strongest enemy of the toiling Chinese masses. If the rope—this foreign policy is extremely complicated. In anyone who draws from this the conclusion of a last- China. national revolution were to pass into bourgeois chan- the struggle for the American continent the United ing collaboration, who sees in this the decisive point of The United States has an interest in the rising of a nels it would have the "bourgeois democracy" in its States comes into sharp conflict with the annexation de- Anglo-American relations, embarks, upon the road of vul- more or less powerful state in eastern Asia, capable of wake. But the American imperialists are going to mis- sires of British imperialism. In Canada as well as in gar pacifism. The "European pacifism" of the U. S. A. is challenging Japan for the domination of the Asiatic calculate, they are bound to miscalculate because they Mexico and Brazil and also in Chile and other smaller a transitory policy determined by the fact that Amer- peoples of the Far East. Hence the "neutral" watchful 'overlook the historical role which China is called upon nations of the American continent, a stubborn battle for ica is not prepared for direct intervention in European waiting attitude of the United States towards the mili- to play in Asia and on the Pacific. That unclear Pan- influence over these countries has been in progress for affairs. This "Pacifism", which for the time being con- tary struggles now taking place in China. If the worst Asiatic movement which Japan has thus far endeavored some years between the United States and Great Britain. tents itself with economic expansion, is no new pheno- comes to the worst the United States is even ready to to master, which it has been trying to give the char- This antagonism is extremely sharpened by the strug- menon, for the history of diplomacy gives a plentitude make a settlement with a victorious Canton govern- acter of a race movement in order to turn it into a tool gle of these strongest imperialist states over oil and rub- of similar expressions of "love of peace." ment, since the practical Yankees weigh the perspec- of its imperialist policy, will unquestionably take on a tives of the Chinese revolution from a business stand- ber resources (America controls more than 70 per cent American Policy in China. new face through the victory of the Chinese workers, and of the total oil production, while England has practically point. peasants' revolution. It will turn into a vast move- a monopoly on the rubber supply). That American imperialism is iby no means peaceable is clear from the whole history of its preparations for When the armed struggle is ended and the unifica- ment of the Asiatic countries oppressed by world im- tion of China accomplished, and there enters the phase "The rubber war which we, have witnessed for more war on the Pacific. But even here the offensive of perialism, for their liberation from the imperialist yoke. than a year, has given renewed indication of the ori- American imperialism takes on special forms. The mili- of economic construction, then the U. S. S. R. will be, Japan, which jointly with the, white imperialists played ginal sources of these antagonisms between the United tary-strategic situation, the naval forces, and the coast the only state honestly ready to support the economic an active role in the suppression oif the Boxer uprising resurrection of China. Yet the Americans assume that States and Great Britain. With no less clarity, however, defenses of the United States are for the time being in 1900, will not fulfill this mission. Only revolutionary they appear also on the Asiatic continent, where an still such as to serve only a defensive war. On the Pa- the U. S. S. R. will for a long time be unable to come China is qualified for this task, and this movement of to the aid of the Chinese working masses on the eco- economic rivalry is going on over the Chinese markets cific coast, all the way from the most important naval the Asiatic peoples will be directed against Japanese between American and English imperialism. This is base in Puget Sound down to the border fortress at San nomic field. The American imperialists are of the opin- imperialism as well as that of England and America. the first factor which determines the policy of American Diego, a whole series of important points of naval im- ion that then their hour will have come. The workers At the same time liberated China will become the imperialism1, it is pushing America into an armed con- portance are fortified, including the important harbor of and peasants of China will be compelled by force of magnet for all the peoples of the yellow race, who in- flict on the Pacific with Great Britain. In the same San Francisco. These forts and naval bases guard circumstances to introduce the "American N. E. P.", habit the Philippines, Indonesia, and the. numerous is- manner in which the world war of 1914 was in the, main the United States from attacks that might be made upon and then it will be easy for the United States to make lands of the Pacific. China will become a major power determined by the British-German competition, tbe fu- it from the Pacific. itself master of China. But once American imperialism on the Pacific; it will become a menacing threat for ture world war will be a struggle between the United The American navy is worse off, however, when it has taken economic root in China, it will not be diffi- the capitalist world of three continents. China must States and Great Britain for the position of world lead- comes to offensive operations. Modern naval warfare cult for it to break the Japanese rule and to reject inevitably clash iwith American imperialism ibecause ership. Only under two premises would this perspec- demands, for successful operations on the seas, that Japan's claims for mastery over the Eastern shore of the problem of spreading its gigantic population out tive be vitiated: if the proletarian revolution were to naval bases be not more than 500 miles apart. Never- the Pacific Ocean. over the Pacific confronts it even more intensely than break out in these countries before the armed clash be- theless America hag points of naval support on the Only through such an economic enslavement can China it does Japan. China will fulfill this task among the tween them comes to a head, or else, if the disintegra- Pacific, such as the Philippines, Pearl Harbor, etc., become the arena of the struggle between the United island inhabitants of the Pacific, not with fire and tion of the British empire takes on a more rapid tempo which, because of the vast distances separating them States and Japan. For the same reason American im- sword, but bound up with the process of the revolution- than heretofore, and if Great Britain were to be crowd- from one another cannot insure the fighting efficiency perialism considers it wise, in contrast to the brutal ization of the native population. Yet this is not the ed out and forced to vacate its dominant position. of the American fleet. Sufficient to point out that the unadaptable British policy, to appear in China in white most important task of the moment. The Kuomlntang Much more complicated is the "European" policy of Philippines lie 7,000 miles away from San Francisco, gloves. It prefers to apply the contributions which Party is now confronted with the chief problem of how American imperialism. The .distance between the Unit- and Pearl Harbor 2,100 miles from San Francisco and China must pay for the Boxer uprising, for "cultural" it can exploit the antagonisms between the powers that ed States and Europe is too great to permit the former 4,800 miles from the Philippines. In addition Japan purposes for the Chinese. In the mission societies, encircle China in order to foster the cause of the revo- to exert, today, any direct intervention in European would probably take possession of the Philippines, so American imperialism has an army to propagate its in- llution. America's position makes possible greater man- affairs. Even in Asia, in the fight with Japan, the U. close to the Asiatic coast, immediately upon the out- fluence. It seeks to entice the Chinese bourgeois into euvering. The plans of American imper'alism consti- S. A. tries to shove forward a third power. All the more break of hostilities. Everybody knows this—that the American universities because it realizes that in the tute, a terrifying economic and military-strategic menace so does it avoid a direct mixing into European affairs. capture of the Philippines will be the, first task of the future they can be utilized as agents of American ex- to Japan. American imperialism intends to play, in our century, Japanese fleet. On this question America entertains the same role that Great Britain played in the 19th no illusions whatever. Japan is furthermore irresist- century with respect to the continent. The U. S. A. ible on its strategic naval front, from the, northern en- will exploit European antagonisms and make use of first trance to the Sea of Japan down to the southern section one and then another of the bourgeois states or groups of the East China Sea. as the instruments of its policy. Thus far England has Japan is much worse off on its flanks. In America FEBRUARY, 1927 735 734 WORKERS MONTHLY No Defense—No Jury for the Culprit. ing, fingerprinting, intimidating millions of poor, exploit- ed, defenseless alien workers by a registration law. But You will say: Well, there is a legal process. Even if these honorable politicians continue to cash, in on convicted thieves and murderers find many times (in fact their political power by selling political protection, then The Aswell Bill Shall Not Pass8 oftan) a safe retreat in some nook of this legal process. we are certain that the alien registration provided by Be disillusioned, dear reader. It may he safe for the the Aswell law will turn out worse than the biblical rpHERE is at present before Congress House Resolu- effect of the attack on the aliens in the execution of state to [provide in the legal processes safe retreats for slaughter of the Innocents. 'Not only will every harm- tion 5583, introduced by Congressman Aswell from the provisions of this bill will be one injuring the whole thieves and murderers. But that does not hold good for less worker be hounded while the scoundrels will be Louisiana. The ostensible purpose of the bill is the re- working class and especially its organized section. the fellow who has committed the crime of not being born left unmolested, but the scoundrels will foe sworn in as gistration of aliens. But the real intent of the bill— The Unavoidable Effects of the Aswell Bill. a native of the United States. No chance of escape for agents to do the hounding. as evidenced by its provisions—is a vicious attempt to him. No court of justice, no jury, no legal loopholes. The In passing, it may ibe, remarked here that the whole strangle the Ameriian labor movement. The first effects of the bill, if it should become law, "agent" who arrests him, appears also as a witness be- philosophy expressed in the argument, that this law is to The danger of this ball 'becoming law is very great. would be: fore the judge and the jury which decide the criminal's help in sifting out of criminals, is an insulting Know- American capitalism wants it. It contains the realiza- 1) The leveling of a yearly tax from three dollars for fate. And to clinch the matter the same agent is also nothing-ism. It proceeds from the theory that anyone tion of its dearest wishes concerning immigration. The minors over 16 years of age, to ten dollars the first and judge and jury. -Final decision rests with the Depart- who committed the crime of not being born a native Coolidge government, through its (foreign-born) -Secre- five dollars the following years on all adult aliens; an ment of Laibor which gave the power to the arresting, American, can be rightfully suspected of any other pos- tary of Labor, has repeatedly urged the adoption of oppressive, an inexcusable tax collected almost exclu- witnessing, jurying, and judging agent. The law does sible knavery. However, the decisive point of the law measures provided for in the Aswell bill. And the la- sively from the lowest paid and most exploited workers. not even guarantee counsel to the victim. is that it hangs the Damocles sword of deportation over bor movement is all too apathetic concerning the mat- 2) The organization of another army of government every alien worker. And experience proves that this ter. payroll hounds with full and unrestricted power to The operation of this law, therefore, would turn the sword will not come down on the neck of a rich alien One of the reasons for the great danger of this As- hound to death any real alien, any alien looking citizen, foreign-born worker into an outlaw. Thus put complete- scoundrel for merely committing a few murders, but wellian monstrosity becoming law is the damnable or any one they choose to accuse of being an alien, for ly into the power of an army of corrupt government it will certainly come crashing down upon the heads know-nothingism which prevails in the United States. no other crime than that he or she was not—or is under agents he is at .best made a victim of unending blackmail. of the poor workers who may violate anti-picketing in- Know-nothing-ism is a peculiar American flower, suspicion of not having been—born a native of the The main aim, however, is to threaten and intimidate junctions, or anti-strike laws. although common logic would doubt that American soil United States. him into strikebreaking or other knaveries against or- is best suited for its flourishing. It certainly is peculiar. 3) The establishment of a national rogues' gallery with ganized labor. Aswell Bill Wants to Defeat One Section of Working- Almost every last inhabitant—save about a fraction oJ names, datas, fingerprints and antecedents of every resi- This will 'be, the result of the operation of the As- class by the Other. one percent Indians—is either an immigrant, a son or dent of America who has committed the unspeakable well bill. daughter of an immigrant, or is descendant of a not crime of not being blorn a native of the United States. This is the aim which Aswell and the Coolidge admin- The law as proposed is class legislation pure and simple—anti-working class legislation. It sets up th.? very far -removed immigrant ancestor. Yet in this soil 4) The transformation of every United States con- istration desire. alien part of the working class as outlaws. It intends has grown the mania that high intelligence, high morality, sulate in foreign countries into an agency for the hiring This, the Aswells and Davises declare, is unwarranted to disable alien workers for the labor struggles by high ability, etc., etc., are all the exclusive qualities of of strikebreakers. slander. What they really want is to keep a check on threats and intimidation. Thus it weakens and defeats the "natives" while the "foreigners" are all no good. What will be the further result of the operation of the alien criminals. This Know-inothingism takes for granted that laws di- this law? the native workers in their strugggles and causes the defeat of the whole working class. To get the full rected against "those foreigners" need no justification. The law stamps every foreign-iborn worker as a crimi- How to Catch Alien and Other Criminals. nal. His crime is to be attested to by an identification significance of the law, Jet us add that according to the It would be possible to show the role the immigrant If the matter were not so serious this would be an card. If this attest is missing, the crime of not being precedent set by Judge Busdick in California, any judge played in America. It would be possible to show that occasion to laugh. We live in the city of Chicago. Na- can outlaw any labor organization by a mere injunction born a native of the United States, is punishable by two while the "native" heroes of American railroad history tive and alien bootlegging gangs are carrying on a years' imprisonment, a fine of $5,000 and deportation. and thus make, for the alien workers mere member- from the "American" Huntington to the Canadian Hill, bloody war. Dozens of victims of this war were buried This may seem absurd. But upon that absurdity Mr. ship in any such labor union a crime punishable by two have only despoiled American railways, while labor— last year. But the murderers are, still free. Armored years' imprisonment, $5,000 fine and deportation. This native, Irish, German, Italian, and, yes, Chinese labor, Aswell and Mr. Coolidge's Secretary of Labor hope to raise profit-bearing fruits for American capital. ears with mounted machine guns, manned by these makes its possible that a worker who has worked steadily have built them. It would -be possible to show that gangsters, are racing and shooting through the streets for years, raised a family, has a home, can be taken How will they achieve this feat? the fortune made by the "native" Scotchman Carnegie of the city. A member of the state attorney's staff, from his family, stripped of all savings, thrown into out of the American steel industry was the product of Very simple: The aliens are declared criminals on wandering arm in arm in the street with one of these prison for two years and then deported. la.'bor, native, Irish, English, Slavic, Italian, etc. Amer- general principles. Then a whole pack of so-called gov- murderous "aliens" who was only a few days before ac- ica could still 'be where it is—even though the "natives" ernment agents are sicced on them. Should the alien quitted of the crime of murder, is himself shot down, Capitalist Civilization. Huntington, Marshall Fields, Carnegies, Hills, Strauss- da-re to join his fellow workers in a strike, then these murdered by machine guns. Another one of these guard- Capitalism is so proud of its civilization. It prides es and Schiffs, had never been born. But if the mil- "government agents" will threaten him to the point of ians of the law, in similar company, escapes from a itself on its liberties, its sense of fairness and justice. lions of Jims, Mikes, Guiseppes, Fritzes, Abes, Ivans submission—not to the. law of registration which he may volley of shots fired at him and his companion only by It forms societies for the prevention of cruelty to ani- and Arvids had not come over the ocean a.nd worked, have complied with—but to the terms of the boss. a hair's breadth. But none of the murders is brought mals. It iprotects birds and beasts. It parades its cultivated, plowed, built, and sweated there would be How would such an outrage be possible? to justice. huimanitarianism. But all that is mere tinsel. Real no America. Whether these are the Jims, Mikes, etc., Well, there is a penalty of deportation on the alien If Mr. Aswell and Mr. Davis and Mr. Coolidge want capitalist civilization, real capitalist humanitarian- of today, or whether they are the ancestors of the na- not only for not registering, but also for not behaving addresses of undesirable aliens, why not address a let- ism, real capitalist justice, real capitalist liberties, tives of today does not matter. What does matter is like a desirable citizen. And, judging by the source of ter of inquiry to a list of District Attorneys, Chiefs of grin in hideous ugliness through the folds of this the fact that the detested foreigner, the hounded alien, the law, we can declare without a chance of serious Police, Republican and Democratic ward heelers, and law. Capitalism's god is profit. Its sacrificial victim is is the builder of America. contradiction that striking is not desirable behavior other high and low politicians all over the country who labor. But all this is not decisive in the consideration of within the meaning of this law. Anyhow, there is no grant political protection to native and alien criminals But there is still another important (feature of the House Resolution 5583. The hill is not directed only strike which is not ofliicially and legally outlawed by in exchange of a share in the spoils of their unlawful law. Section 19 contains the realization of a fond dream against the aliens. It will hit them first. But the police orders, injunctions, etc. It is clear that there is pursuits. If these gentlemen are willing to give the in- of the American bosses. no loophole for the foreign-born worker. He either works formation, Aswell and Davis and Coolidge can save According to the official theory of the American labor *This article was prepared on request for the Workers' for the wages the boss condescends to grant him—or Monthly by the Chicago office of the Council for the Protec- themselves the trouble of harassing, victimizing, insult- movement, there is no class struggle. The union con- tion of the Foreign Born. he is deported. WORKERS MONTHLY 736 FEBRUARY, 1927 737 siders itself not an organization of workers, but as a and the necessity for a visa gave the American consuls guild of journeymen in a certain trade. This guild is a chance to weed out undesirables (radicals). But only to protect the interests of its members not only against an Aswell law would make selective immigration really the ibosses but also against the journeymen in other selective. It would turn every American, consulate in The Youth and the Labor Movement trades, against other workers. It was natural that from foreign countries into a strikebreaking agency. And this philosophy there should develop the idea that the the immigrant caught by it unaware, would be subject interests of American labor can be served also by clinch- to deportation if he would not go to the place for which By L. Plott ing a monopoly on the American labor market for the he was contracted by the consul. ii labor already on this market. It is .not the place here It is true that the law only provides for contracting to show the fallacy of this idea. Suffice it to say that The Working Youth and the Trade Unions. Regarding the high wages received by the aristocracy of certain trades to certain states or cities, and not to this idea gave 'birth to the demand of an emibargo on TF the purpose of the American labor organizations is of labor, we do not know how long these high wages certain bosses. But the local agent of the Department immigration. For a long time these demand® remained -*• to improve the conditions of the American working will prevail. It wlould be interesting to quote the chair- of Labor iri the immigrants' point of destination would unheeded. But finally the American capitalists had con- class, it has not proved this in regards the young work- man of the railroad owners' association, J. D. Shatford, complete what the consul left undone. He would get gress limit immigration. The American Federation of ers. The American working class youth whose ranks and hear what he has to say about the future wages of the immigrant into the 'Striking establishment, or would the American workers: Labor leadership said that this was the result of Its are made up of unskilled young workers, still remains policy of rewarding friends and punishing enemies at deport him. today the most exploited and underpaid section of the "If we attempt to compete with Europe, we must the polls. But in reality it was the desire of powerful This paragraph 19 of the, Aswell bill, is if possible, American working class. reduce our prices. This can only be done by the capitalist interests that brought about the passage of more vicious than the other (provisions of the law. It There is a very limited number of young workers in reduction of the price of labor. If we can't reduce this law. gives away the real intent of the bill. The bill is fre- the American trade unions. Many of the trade unions labor costs, it means we shall have to lose much of For decades American capital depended on immigra- quently using the term of "Americanizing" aliens. Bui; do not take in young workers, regardless of the years of our business manufactured articles." (Magazine of tion. With the rapidly growing exploitation of hitherto that is exactly what the bill intends to prevent. The service and experience in their industry. Other unions Wall Street, May 22, 1926.) untouched national resources grew the demand upon the immigrant gets Americanized when he acclimatizes make it difficult for young workers to join the union, by When we compare American imperialism with British labor market. It grew so rapidly that the natural growth himself to American conditions, American standards, requiring high initiation fees, high membership dues, imperialism in the time of the latters bloom, we will of the American army of labor could never supply the etc. That is what the hill intends to prevent. It puts age limit etc. This makes it impossible for the young find that Great Britain succeeded in bribing the upper need. Unrestricted immigration became an indispens- the immigrant under constant and special police vigi- workers to become union members. It is true that not strata of the working class for a long period of time, able necessity for American capital. This period of lance. And if he should show signs of Americanization, only do the trade unions fail to take in young unskilled whereas American imperialism promises nothing perma- American capitalism is now past. The development of ii he should become active in a labor union, if he workers, but adult unskilled workers as well. The total nent even to the aristocracy of labor. native industry has slowed down. Now unrestricted im- should want American wages, then Mr. Aswell's "Amer- number of organized workers in the United States in A loan made by a British banker to a colony or to an 1920 was 4,881,200, while the total number of wage earners migration, while still attractive to some capitalists be- icanization Engels" would swoop down on him and tell other undeveloped country was transferred to the British cause of its prjomise of cheaper labor, has lost him that American capital can use only docile, slaves. in the same years was 26,080,689. The percent organized industrialist. The latter exported locomotives, rails, in 1920 was only 18.7. (Organized workers in 1923 de- its attraction for the, capitalist class as a whole And since native workers cannot be kept sufficiently machinery and other manufactured products that were creased to 3,780,000). This becomes still clearer when It would unduly increase the industrial reserve army docile toy police measures it is up to him, t/he immi- made in England to the borrowing countries. The Brit- we analyse each individual industry. and thus create a more or less permanent labor crisis. grant, to give an example in docility. If the immigrant ish imperialists made a double profit. But what is im- The efforts of the American working youth today portant to us is, that all exported commodities were And such a crisis is a hothouse for the awakening of refuses, he is imprisoned and deported. If he accepts, should be concentrated on securing better working con- class instincts among the workers. Therefore, we are he will be a good cheap slave for the boss—and a,n eco- manufactured in England. This gave employment to ditions and generally in the improvement of their eco- the British workers. England was really "the workshop blessed now with a virtual embargo on immigration. nomic weapon in the hands of the boss to make docile nomic position. This can only be achieved through or- also the native worker, over whom the police have, not. of the world." The skilled workers of Great Britain had ganization. The initiative to organize the working youth a chance to enjoy the offal of the British imperialists. "Selective Immigration." as much power. must come from organized labor. Nothing has been done American imperialism, on the other hand, is greatly But the appetite of the American capitalist for docile This law must not pass. Neither nationality nor in this direction. Against the working youth there seems to exist a kind of traditional hostility. Even many of expressed in the export of capital. This capital is em- and cheap labor has not diminished. So he replaced the creed, color nor political convictions must be permitted ployed in greater proportion to run and build new fac- principle of unlimited with that of selective immigration. to interfere in one united front of American labor in the progressive and left wing trade unions could not get rid of the unhealthy and incorrect attitude towards tories in the foreign countries. This threatens the Up to now selective immigration was a mere term. It a mighty action to defeat this proposed legislative mon- American working class with unemployment and wage is true, the immigration law favored certain nationalities, strosity. the working youth, while the unions under conservative leadership look askance at a militant struggle against cuts. employers for better wages and working conditions to The American workers will have to fight to maintain which organization of youth would undoubtedly lead. their present standards. The workers can effectively The bureaucratic labor leaders condemn class struggle resist the employers, only when they will be organized. and substitute for it class collaboration. Therefor the young workers, as well as the rest of the A great majority of the workers that are organized unorganized and unskilled, will have to be organized and are known as the aristocracy of the American working taken into the trade unions. class. They are the best paid. The further progress The Social Role of the Working Class Youth. of our industries, and the possibility to compete on the international market demand the introduction of more We now know the number of young workers employed up-to-date labor saving machinery and cheap labor in our industries today, and are also familiar with the power. This results in the employment of more child role of the youth in production. In accordance with that and unskilled labor. This in turn is harmful to the we see that the working youth is an important section skilled workers who are mostly organized. More and of the working class. This could not be said when the more skilled workers will be thrown out on the streets, apprenticeship system was in existence. We did not as their work will be done by machines operated by have at that time a crystalized working youth. young unskilled laborers working for lower wages. Being We stated at -the beginning that "the ruling class must unorganized, these young workers have no power to re- secure the confidence and support of the youth to main- sist the employers. tain its power." We shall now see how far this is true. FEBRUARY, 1927 739 738 WORKERS MONTHLY the church and Christ's service. No more disastrous ested in and capable of leading the youth is the Young A—The Youth as a Bridge Between the Foreign-Born leadership. That leadership can not come from the teaching can come to these boys than the following Workers' (Communist) League. The Young Workers' and the Native Workers. colleges. If these working boys have a correct un- at the present current in some circles both in Amer- (Communist) League is not afraid of the class strug- derstanding of a few fundamental principles of eco- ica and abroad: gle. It is the vanguard of the young workers, and is The American working class today is not revolutionary nomics, it may keep them from throwing their mass "FALSE PREMISE I.—The present organization always in the front ranks of the young proletariat. In and does not threaten the existence of American im- power against law and order and safety of property. other countries this was proved by the loss of count- perialism. In addition to the relatively tolerable work- Their votes will change national, state and municipal of society is unjust to the day laborer. It must in some manner be destroyed, and a wholly new or- less lives of young Communists. Here in the United ing conditions that the American capitalists give to cer- elections. Men vote less by party today than ever •States, we have not as yet openly collided with the tain sections of the American workers, so as not to before. It is a great opportunity of centuries to teach ganization of commerce, trade and industry be in- augurated before the poor man can secure fair treat- capitalists on a large scale. The Communist league is arouse the latter's hatred or awaken their class con- young wage earners their civic responsibilities. The young, its membership is small in proportion to the sciousness, the American capitalists apply another ideal they absorb before they are twenty will deter- ment. young workers employed: Its influence is felt only in method to exploit the workers. They split the ranks of mine the use of their power as union men and voting "FALSE PREMISE II.—The church and all Christ- a few shops of some industries. The. membership has the working class, destroy the solidarity between the citizens. (C. C. Robins, p. 22.) American and foreign-born workers and between the No comments are necessary to explain the above state- ianity are a part of the organization of society. not yet become 'bolshevized. skilled and unskilled. The immigrant worker is a ment. This speaks for itself. The American bourgeoisie "False conclusion. Therefore, the church and all But what are the future prospects? They are prom- stranger to the American worker. The English language considers the toiling youth an important factor in our organized Christianity must be destroyed before the ising for the Young Workers' League if the latter un- which the immigrant does not master separates him social life. They see the million army of the American working class can secure social justice . . . derstands its tasks and takes them seriously. Although from, rather than unites him with, the native proletariat. young workers. They weigh their mass power more Wage earning boys are bound to take sides in this the American young workers know very little about the The children of the American workers, who are Amer- correctly than many of our labor leaders today. The question. They can't avoid, their whole future on Y. W. L., their circumstances will compel them to know icanized or American-born, do not understand the native bourgeoisie is very carefull with the young workers. the way they decide it, and the progress of Christ- more. The young wbrkers have nothing to expect from workers. The large majority of the American youth is Yes, "if wisely handled"—which means, if skillfully ianity will halt or advance as these working millions the capitalist order of society. The illusion of oppor- English speaking. The foreign-born workers will be fooled, the former will be able to further oppress the throw their influence for or against the church. (C. tunity and advancement that was the best means of brought closer to the native workers through their working masses. C. Robins, pp. 39-40). the American bourgeoisie to deceive the young work- American children. The toiling youth will help unite Up till now the American workers, misled by the rul- We must carefully weigh the importance of the above ers, has now vanished and melted away. The day when the American working class. ing class, believed in the two political parties of the quotation. This is said in the name of an organization a business could be started on a shoe string has passed Organization alone will not solve the problem of the American bourgeoisie. But the workers can use their which had a membership in the United States in 1925 and will never return. What capitalism wants olf the Amierican youth. Today we have labor organization power for their interests as well. Independent political of 968,929 and an expenditure in the same year of young worker is the following: and labor leaders who do not serve the interests of the action by the American workers is not an impossible $51,914,400. The above must be true. The Y. M. C. A. workers. The leadership of the labor organizations is thing, and the working youth will contribute a good deal ". . . . not every boy would prove to be a genius, is an organization that is trying to divert the young but North America is not so much in need of gen- of great importance. The trend in the American labor to it. "Their votes will change national, state and workers from the class struggle and from their class municipal elections." It is possible that in the past the iuses today as she is in need in a very large num- movement predicts that the future leaders will come interests. from the ranks of the working class youth. then immediate interests of a certain strata of the Amer- ber of efficient and God fearing citizens." (C. C. ican workers coincided with those of the American There is no reason to believe that here the power of Robins, p. 21.) It is no more than natural that this prediction should the toiling youth is overestimated. Why don't we give bourgeoisie. The father of the young worker voted tra- .be correct because the youth knows the language, tradi- as much thought to the youth as the bourgeoisie? The Hence it will only be through struggle that the young tions and customs of the American workers. The United ditionally for the candidates of the bourgeois parties, above proves the important role of the youth in society, workers will be able to better their conditions. And Front Committee of the Passaic Textile Strikers is a but the son may not imitate his father. His political and we are clonvinced that to maintain a social order it when it will come to struggle the young Communists will good example of the initiative displayed by the youth. consciousness will be determined by the economic fac- show who they are. It is olot the Sfault of the young The bourgeoisie recognizes this fact. They watch care- tors of his every day life. "Men vote less by party today must have the support of the working class youth. The Problems Before the Young Workers' League. workers that they don't know much about the Y. W. L., fully the role the youth is going to play in the future then ever before." This fact is obvious in our political it is the fault of the League as well. The social com- development of the American labor movement. It would life of today. The masses have lost their traditional What is the revolutionary working class doing to win the support of the youth? The bourgeoisie is doing position of the membership, the majority of which is be interesting to quote here the secretary of the Boys' belief in one political party. The "best man" principle employed in small shops where great masses of young everything in their power to win the youth to them. It Department of the International Committee of the Young is now widely accepted. • This is not only true of the workers are not found, greatly affects this. Men's Christian Association C. C. Robins. masses. uses the press, the school, the church to intoxicate the youth with patriotism, with respect for law and private The present situation of the League should not be "A great national contribution can be made just The awakened consciousness of the American work- justified with the argument that the American youth is ers demand a political party of their own. The success property, loyalty to the employer and so on. now by dealing widely and wisely with the wage They create various organizations to distract the lightminded and is not interested in political or social earning boys. The mass power of these boys should of such a party will be guaranteed by the millions of the questions, but only in sports. This is not correct. True American young workers especially if the labor move- youth from the path of the working class, divert their not be underestimated. The control of every labor minds from their class Interests, make of them loyal, the youth likes sports, but we have nothing against union in the country will be in their hands in a few ment demands the franchise for young workers 18 years sports as such, in fact sports free from bourgeois domi- of age and over. obedient and efficient workers and keep Irom radicalism short years." (The Wage Earning Boy, C. C. Robins, nancy, to develop the body should be encouraged. What or revolutionary activity. p. 21.) concerns us, is the fact that sports are used as a means The Youth and the Church. What has been done by the American revolutionary to divert the youth from their class struggle. If sports B—The Youth and the Future Labor Party. workers of the present day, to counteract the. influence The bourgeoisie is keeping the workers in subjection are a good means with which to approach the young of the bourgeoisie? First of all, we must know, who by various means. One of these is the church. It is workers, let us practice it. The bourgeoisie is not only paying attention to the are today the revolutionary workers. The socialists? activities of the young workers in the labor movement. interesting to know what will become of the church, This is not the only way we can make contact with They never earnestly considered the problems of the They are also considering other social and political when the working youth will find out in whose interests the American young workers. The average wage of questions that affect the youth. The spokesman of the the church serves, and for what purpose it exists today? young workers. It is one of the great questions which young workers is about $15, whereas they work 50 hours Y. M. C. A. continues further: We Communists say that the church is not a friend of they neglected in the past and they still pursue the or more per week. On these two issues as well as on the workers but a tool of the bourgeoisie. This state- same policy at present. The yiouth responds only to many other economic questions which affect their daily "Nothing is clearer than that combination of labor ment is strongly denied by an adherent of the present those who are willing to struggle, who are honest to life we can successfully approach the young workers. are necessary and desirable. When wisely handled order. the principles and doctrines they preach. The socialists To secure better conditions the young workers will have they further the cause of social justice and contri- avoid the class struggle no less than the conservative to struggle with the bosses. Then strikes will take bute to national progress. At the same time no mass "If the facts (the church as a friend—L. P.) can labor organizations. They have nothing to offer to the place, the state will participate. The political machine of men can use such power for the benefit of them- be clearly stated to the working boys, their mind young worker. The only one, therefore, that is inter- of the capitalist class will be shown up to the workers selves and society without the choicest kind of may be clarified and their allegiance retained for 740 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 741 and the political enlightment of the young workers will who know how to deal with young workers. This should Upon the-insistence of the communist youth movement The Factory School. begin. not frighten or stop us. The historical developments a plan was worked out that provided for the taking care of the immediate industrial needs by drawing in an Many factory schools have bene established thruout We can aprpoach the masses o£ the American young are on our side—the contradictions in the capitalist the Soviet Union, in fact they exist in all industries and workers on many questions of vital immediate interest society are so strong that no matter what the bourgeoi- increased number of apprentices. They insisted that long apprenticeship periods be cut down and that eve- in nearly every large factory. In the metal industry to them in their every day life in the shops. Therefore sie may do, they will not be able to avoid the awaken- there are about 100; in the textile industry there are the shop nucleus will be the best way of approach. The ing of the young proletariat. Therefore our problem is ning classes be conducted at the expense of the fac- tory. They further insisted that this was to be merely 45 and in all other industries they are eistablished in bourgeoisie devotes much attention to the big shop that of building a real Communist league, a league which proportion to the development of the industry. The where a great number of young workers are employed. will have the character of a mass organization of the a temporary measure and, as their ultimate plan, they proposed the setting up of factory schools in which number of students is increasing very rapidly as the Sport and other clubs (parts of the company union American young workers. To be able to do this, we following figures for the textile industry show: scheme) and Y. M. C. A. branches are established in must study more and know more about the life and the apprentices would not only be taught trades, but big factories. Therefore our activity must be concen- problems of the youth. We must understand our oppo- also social and cultural subjects. April 1924 October 1925 trated on big shops. We now have a clear understand- nent organizations better and know how to counteract Total number of schools 44 45 ing of the working class youth, its role in society and their tactics. So that when the opportunity and time New Apprenticeship Methods. Number of students 5600 7443 in production. We can not be passive. The bourgeoisie comes, we shall know how to utilize that weak link in The reader will remember that before the revolution Number under 18 4981 6616 is very active. They can afford to offer much that at- the capitalist chain, the miserably exploited and war- the apprentices entered the factory at the age of 12, Percentage of women 36% 45% tracts the youth. They have an experienced personel endangered youth of this country. worked long hours and spent many years learning their Percentage of students trade. This has been completely changed. Today they in the Young Communist enter the factory at the age of 16, and work only six League 46.5% 41.8% hours per day until they reach the age of 18, after The central school of the Orekevo-Zuevo Textile Trust which they work eight hours. The period of appren- now has an enrollment of 965 students. It was estab- ticeship has been greatly reduced. (In the case of the lished in 1921 with an enrollment of 100, which has textile industry one becomes a weaver now in from six steadily increased each year. In 1924, the first hun- Apprentice Training in the U* S. S. R* to nine months and a spinner in three years. dred students graduated and last year 180 more com- Two methods of training apprentices, the individual pleted their course. Of these graduating students, 95% By C. A. Hathaway plan and the grourp plan, are used. Under the first went to work in the textile industry and the remaining plan, the learner is assigned to a skilled craftsman, who 5% took up work as functionaries in the party, the trade Tj^OR years the American trade unions have struggled Before the revolution, however, the conditions of the receives a bonus of 10 per cent in wages to teach him unions, etc., or were sent to higher technical schools with the problem of apprenticeship. Every union workers were very bad. Under czarism the average the trade. Everything about the machine, the material for further training. All of these students have proven has clauses in its constitution regulating the number worker's child received only two years schooling before and the technique of the trade is personally taught. In themselves to be more disciplined, equally skilled, and of apprentices, the conditions of their training, the num- starting his life as a worker. Apprenticeship systems the case of the group plan, an instructor, whose duty it more interested in raising the general technique of the ber of hours they shall work and the wages they shall in existence were designed (as they are in America is to teach them to operate the machines and the industry than the older workers. They have strongly sup- receive. [But in spite of the good intentions of the un- today) to exploit the young worker for as long as possi- processes of the trade, is assigned to a group of be- ported the campaigns of the Communist Party for more ions, the introduction of more and more mahinery, es- ble and to the greatest extent possible. In the textile ginners. A general supervisor is employed in the large economy and efficiency fa operating Soviet industry. pecially that of an automatic or semiautomatic character, industry, for example, the children went into the factory factories, whose duty it is to check up on the work of In the metal workers' school, connected with the requiring less craft skill, has caused capitalist industry at the age of 12, worked from 8 to 10 hours per days, apprentices, both individual and group, and see that "Icaar" and "Motor" factories in Moscow, there is an completely to disregard the training of young workers. and had to serve ten years to become a weaver and they are properly taught in all branches of the trade. enrollment of 186 students, 15 of whom are girls and 94 Today in America, with the exception of a very few fifteen years to become a spinner. During this long of whom are members of the Young Communist League. period they received thirty-seven kopeks (18c) per day Evening classes are conducted in all of the industrial In this school, which is younger, 37 have graduated and trades, apprenticeship has passed out of existence and centers for the further training of these young work- those young workers who are drawn into industry, in- in wages. have likewise proven the efficiency of the school as a ers. Up until now attendence at these classes has been means of training skilled workmen. Both of these schools stead of being taught a trade, are exploited by the bosses The Skilled Labor Supply. voluntary, but during the past year there has been a to a greater extent than even the older workers. the writer visited and studied and in each case was in- The training of new workers became a serious problem growing tendency to compel all apprentices to attend It is true that during the last few years a large number spired by the methods of teaching the students and 'by immediately after the revolution. During the period these classes as a condition for advancement. of trade schools have been established in America. the social, political, and industrial outlook acquired by of the war and of the revolution following, large numbers Many of these are privately owned, and in very rare cases The apprentices join the trade unions immediately them. of workers wer incapacitated for factory work. After the do the unions have any voice in their affairs. In most upon starting work in the factory and altho they pay The Aims and the Curriculum. successful revolution many others were drawn into the cases they have been used 'by the employers as clubs dues only in proportion to their wages, they enjoy the administrative apparatus of industry, the Soviets, the The aims of the factory school are two-fold: namely, to against the workers. In the great open shop drive of full privileges of union membership. (This is in contra- party, and the trade unions. 'Still others left the indus- train skilled workers, especially workers qualified to 1921, students from these schools were used to scab distinction to the policy of most A. F. of L. unions, which trial centers 'during the famine period for the villages take over the lower administrative positions in the fac- on the trade unionists who were struggling to protect have set up numerous barriers against apprentices en- in search of food. These factors, together with the con- their working conditions. joying full trade union rights). They receive from 15 tory, and secondly, to raise the general social and politi- tinuous growth of Soviet industry, made the training to 20 roubles per month to begin with and regular rais- cal outlook of the students. The time of the students Apprenticeship in Soviet Russia. of workers an immediate and vital question. es in accordance with the union agreement until their is divided between practical work and theoretical study, In the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics the train- How to meet this pressing need was the problem. apprenticeship is completed, when they receive the wage four hours a day is given to each. ing of young workers is now on a much different basis. Those comrades who were directly responsible for rais- paid to workers in their trade. In the school, training is given first in the study of the Here the workers control the industry of the country, ing the productivity of industry (proposed the drawing industry with which the school is connected, its tech- and the trade unions, which on January 1 this year had in »of a large number of apprentices. The Young Com- These facts, one must admit, show a big improvement nique and its organisation, and then in the directly re- 8,303,000 members, have no difficulty in receiving real munist League, which had organized over a million in the consideration given to young workers, but they lated subjects such as machine construction, organiza- consideration when this problem is discussed. They young workers following the revolution, supported by did not satisfy the trade unionists and the Communists, tion and iplanning of work, mathematics, physics, eco- have a strong voice in regulating both the conditions the Communist Party and the trade unions, pointed out and especially did they fail to satisfy the Young 'Com- nomic geography, and draughtsmanship. These schools of employing apprentices in the factories and in the that this was more than merely an industrial prob- munist League, which militanly fights at all times for are supplied with all of the machinery and equipment conduct of the trade schools which are today becoming lem, that in addition it was a problem of raising the cul- needs of the youth. They insisted on nothing short of used in the Industry, or, as is the case with the smaller numerous thruout the republic. tural level of the great mass of young workers. the factory school. schools, they make use of the machinery in the factory. 742 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 743 The secondary subjects taught in the schools are of a trade union immediately upon starting in the trade social and cultural nature such as elementary political schools, just as apprentices, with full rights and priv- conomy, the history of the labor movement (including ileges. the trade unions in all countries, the Comintern, Y. C. I., Enrollment of Students. The Relation of the Workers Party to the Young Communist League and the 'Communist Party) In spite of their growth these schools cannot as yet and Russian history, grammar, and literature. During take care of all the young people who endeavor to en- the first year two hours per week is spent on political roll, so the question of who shall be accepted becomes Religion economy and during the second year four hours per a serious problem. In order to overcome this, committees week. are set up, composed of representatives from the trade By N. Lenin The teaching in these schools in done by specialists unions, -flhe Communist Party, the Young Communist rpHE speech of the deputy Surkov in the Duma de'bate oi the working class is a piece of anarchistic phrase- in each subject and not necessarily by Communists; for League, the factory management, the students, the wom- making. Also in 1877, in the Anti-Duhrig, in which En- example, in the textile 'school previously referred to, on the ,budget of the Synod, and the, discussions in ens' committees and from the Commissariat of Educa- our Duma fraction over the draft of his speech, have gels flays without mercy the slightest concessions 'Of the out of forty-five teachers on the staff, only seven are tion, who, together with the school superintendent, select members of the party. raised an extremely important and at the present mo- philosopher Duhring to idealism and relilgion, none the all 'Students. ment topical question. Interest in everything connected less he condemns the would-be revolutionary idea of School Administration. In order to be eligible for the school the applicant •with religion has today undoubtedly taken hold of con- Duhring that religion should be forbidden in the Social- must have had from five to seven years elementary The schools are financed by the factories with which siderable sections of "society," and has also made its ist society. Such a declaration of fwar on religion, he school training, be more than 15 years old (these con- way into the ranks of the intellectuals who stand near declaims, is "to out-Bismarck Bismarck," i.e., to repeat they are connected. Its supervision, ihowever, is in ditions vary slightly in various localities), and pass a the labor movement, and even into certain working-- the folly of Bismarck's "Kulturkampf" against the the hands of the factory management, the trade unions, physical and mental test. The social and economic class circles. Social Democracy must definitely make clericals, the fight iwhich Bismarck in the ''seventies the Communist Party and the Young Communist League. conditions of the applicant and his parents are gone clear Its attitude to religion. waged against the German Catholic Party, the "Center," The direct management of each school is in the hands into by the commission as a further factor in making of a committee composed of representatives from the their choice. As a rule preference is given to the chil- Social Democracy builds its whole world conception by means of police persecutions of Catholicism. By teaching staff, the students, the trade union, the factory dren of workers in the factory with which the school on scientific Socialism—that is to say, on Marxism. The this fight Bismarck only strengthened the militant cler- trade union committee, and the Young Communist is connected. philosophic basis of Marxism is, as Marx and Engels icalism of the Catholics, only injured the cause of real League. have repeatedly pointed out, dialectical materialism, cultural advance, since he pushed into the foreground A modified application of the Dalton plan of teaching Building fop the Future. which has taken over the historical traditions of eight- religious divisions in place of 'political divisions and is used in most of the schools. Each class elects a These schools, which are being established at a very eent-century French materialism and of the materialism drew away the attention of certain sections of the work- students' council, which has the closest relationship rapid rate thruout the entire country, are the most in- of Feuerbach in the early nineteenth century—that is, ing class and of the democratic forces from the urgent with the instructors and acts in an advisory capacity on spiring development in the Union of Socialist Soviet of materialism which is absolutely athist and definitely tasks of ithe class struggle and revolutionary struggle all questions affecting the class. They examine the Republics. Here one sees many inspiring things among hostile to all religion. We recall to mind that the whole into the direction of an entirely superficial and deceit- programs proposed for study, make assignments, correct the ranks of the workers, who have the same revolu- of Engels' Anti-Duhring, which was read in manuscript ful bourgeois antiHclericalism. Engiels accused the would- and distribute all themes. By this method the individual tionary outlook today that promoted them to carry thru by Marx, accuses the materialist and atheist Duhring of be ultra-revolutionary iDuhring of 'wishing <*o repeat initiative of the .students is drawn upon to the utmost. the successful revolution of November, 1917. But in the inconsistency of his materialism, because he leaves Bismarck's folly in another form, and he demanded of In the Orekevo school, out of the 965 students, over 400 these schools one sees them turning out workers thoroly a 'backdoor open for religion and religious philosophy. the workers' party the capacity to work patiently at the are drawn into these students' councils. qualified technically to manage the industries of the We would further call to mind that Engels in his work organization and enlightenmieint of the proletariat—a The students in these schools receive regular wages, country, yet thoroly imbued with a revolutionary ideol- on Feufbach brings against the latter the reproach that work which leads to the dying out of religion—without just as if they were working in a factory. During the ogy. he fought religion not in order to annihilate it, but in throwing itself into the adventures of a political war first six months they receive from eighteen to twenty The Russian Communist Party is the guiding force order to revive it, to discover a new "elevated" religion, on religion. This standpoint has entered into the, very rubles per month and each six months thereafter, they back of these schools, not because of an autocratic etc. Religion is opium for the people—this Marxist fun- flesh and blood of German Social Democracy, which ac- receive an increase, based upon their work, which is power wielded over the workers, but rather because it damental principle is the pivot of the whole Marxist cordingly supported, for example, the freedom of the determined by a committee of three composed of one has won the confidence of the workers during the long world conception in questions of religion. Marxism re- Jesuits, their permission to stay in Germany, and the specialist, a trade union representative, and a student struggles that have been and are now being waged to gards all present-day religions and churches, each and removal of all police measures against this or that representative. The students become members of their establish socialism here. every religious organization without exception, as instru- religion. "Declaration of religion as a private affair"— ments Oif bourgeois reaction, which serves as a shield this famous point of the Erfurt program (1891) confirmed for the exploitation and deception of the working class. the above political tactics of Social Democracy. At the same time, however, Engels repeatedly con- This tactic meanwhile has 'become a routine and has demned the attempts of those who wished to be "more produced a new distortion of Marxism in the opposite left" or "more revolutionary" than Social Democracy direction, in the sense of opportunism. The statement and to introduce into the program of the workers' party of the, Erfurt program began to 'be interpreted in the a direct confession of atheism in the sense of a declara- sense that we Social Democrats and our party actually tion -of war on religion. In 1874, in the discussion of the regard religion as a private affair, that for us as a famous manifesto of the Communist refugees, the Blan- party, ifor us as Social Democrats, religion is a private quists, then living in exile in London, Engels treats affair. Without entering into a direct polemic against their noisy declaration of war on religion as folly, and ex- this opportunist conception, Engels 'donsidered it neces- presses the view that such a call to war is the best sary in the 'nineties to 'make a definite stand against it, means to revive interest in religion anew and hinder not in a polemical but in a positive form. He did this the actual dying out of religion. Engels blames the Blan- in the form of a declaration—on which he deliberately quists for their inability to see that only the class strug- laid stress—that Social Democracy regards religion as gle of the working masses, which draws the widest num- a private affair in relation to the state, but not at all 'bers of the proletariat into a conscious and revolutionary in relation to the workers' party. political activity, that only this is able, really to free This is the outward history of the views of Marx and the oppressed masses from the yoke of religion, while Eng'als on the question of religion. For people "who the declaration of war on religion as a political task handle Marxisim carelessly, who cannot and will not take 744 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 745 the .trouble to think, the history is .a tangle of senseless deep present-day roots of religion. "Fear has created be seen to be both superfluous and harmful, not fnom conceptions and the program of the party. But an in- contradictions and vacillations of Marxism: a mess of the gods." The fear before the blind power of capital— the point of view of the philistine who does not want to stance of this type could naturally only be a rare ex- "consistent" atheism and "indulgence" towards religion, blind (because its action cannot een the "revolutionary" leaders of the Second International, of the boundary between the bourgeois and socialist rooted out. The imperialist contradictions of the (post- Kautsky in Germany, Otto Bauer and Friedrich Adler in geois distortion of this war in the hands of anarchism, fight against religion. The first task which the social which, as the Marxists have long ago and repeatedly war period produce and favor patriotic sentiments of Austria, failed to understand and, therefore, turned into democratic fraction could do in the Black-Hundreds every kind. Especially there where the national ques- reactionaries and advocates of the worst kind of oppor- shown, stands on the basis of a bourgeois world concep- Duma has been honorably accomplished. tion, despite all the "vehemence" of its attacks on the tion is of decisive political significance is petty bourgeois tunism and social treason. The second, almost the most important task of social chauvinism experiencing a new period of bloom. It also bourgeoisie. The anarchists and Blanquists in the Latin democracy—the exposure of the class role of the church We cite, this standpoint of Lenin in detail 'because it countries, Most (who was a pupil of Duhring) and his exercises a decisive influence on a part of the leftist and the clergy in the support of the Black-Hundreds gov- fellow-travellers of Communism. Nationalist narrowness is of the greatest importance for a total understanding associates in Germany, and the anarchists of the 'eighties ernment and of the, bourgeoisie in their fight against 'the of Leninism -and ifor the correct solution of the present in Austria raised the revolutionary phase in the war which many times reaches the heights of 'the coarsest working class—has also been splendidly fulfilled. Cer- social-patriotism is no accidental deviation but belongs issues in the Comintern. against religion to the highest pinnacle. What wonder tainly, there is still much to be said on this theme, and that the European social democrats today fall into the to the inner content of the left radical ideology. Theo- Lenin again and again points to the specific peculiari- the social democrats will on further occasions know retically this manifests itself in the inability to put the other extreme! This is comprehensible and even in a how to amplify the speech of Comrade Surkov; but his ties of the Russian Revolution—the (backwardness of certain measure justified, but we Russian social demo- questions of the, international revolution on an inter- the country, the great influence of the petty bourgeoisie speech was nevertheless excellent, and it is the duty of national base; practically it manifests itself iby justifica- crats must not forget the special historical conditions of our party to spread it among all party organizations. —ibut he never sees in these the essential points. Thus the west. tions of imperialist advances through left—sometimes he writes in his article: "Economics and Politics in the Thirdly, the right sense of the thesis which is so often even "internationalist"—phrases, especially when these Secondly, in the west, after the conclusion of the na- distorted by the German opportunists—the "proclama- Epoch of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat:" tional bourgeois revolutions, after the introduction of advances are directed against the Soviet Union. tion of religion as a private affair"—should be explicitly "It is inevitable that the dictatorship of the prole- more or less complete freedom of religion, the question made clear. This, unfortunately, Comrade Surkov did What distinguishes the proletarian from all bourgeois tariat in Russia will distinguish itself from that in more of the democratic fight against religion was already to advanced countries through its serious backwardness not do. This is the more to be regretted, as the fraction revolutions, what differentiates the Comintern from the and through the petty bourgeois character of our coun- such an extent historically overborne by the fight of had already committed an oversight in this question, Second International, that is the indivisible unity of its try. But the fundamental questions—and the fundamen- bourgeois democracy against socialism, that the bour- tal forms of social economy—are the same in Russia as which the Proletarii at the time nailed to the counter, theoretical and tactical fundamentals. Leninism, that they are in any other capitalist country. Because of geois governments consciously attempted to draw the that the peculiarities do not touch or change the essen- namely, the error of Comrade Beloussov. The delbates is Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and of the pro- tials." masses away from socialism by sham-liberal crusades in the fraction show that the discussion on atheism con- letarian world revaluation, is alone in a position t)o un- against clericalism. Such was the character of the cealed the question of the right interpretation of the de- derstand and to lead the (proletarian revolution in its In the "Infantilism" Lenin analyzes in a brilliant form of the "Kulturkampf" in Germany, as also of the fight of mand for the proclamation of religion as a private af- totality, in its international entity. Leninism is not the the origin of Bolshevism not only from the Russian but the bourgeois republicans in France against clericalism. fair. We shall not lay the blame on Comrade Surkov product of the backwardness or the peasant character also from the international proletarian revolution. "The Bourgeois anti-clericalism as a means to draw the at- alone for this error of the, whole fraction. More, we of Russia, as the Menshevists maintain. Leninism is Russian Revolution," he writes, "had at its disposal such tention of the masses away from socialism in the west state openly that it is the fault of the whole party, which the theoretical formulation of the experiences of the a wealth of international connections, such an excellent is what preceded the present "indifference" among social has not sufficiently cleared up this question and has not revolutionary movement of all countries; it is the only orientation in regards to world (forms and theories of democrats towards the fight with religion. This is also the revolutionary movement as had no other country in sufficiently made social democrats aware of the meaning universal proletarian theory of the present day. The the world." comprehensible and justified, since the bourgeois and of Engels' comment concerning the German opportun- first chapter of Lenin's "Infantilism" is headed: "In Bismarckian anti-clericalism must be held in check by ists. The fraction debates show that there was an un- what sense can one speak of the international signifi- About the origin of Bolshevism as a theory and a tac- the social democrats on the ground that the fight against clear approach to the question, not a deviation from cance o!f Bolshevism?" tic of the international proletarian revolution, Lenin religion must be subordinated to the fight for socialism. Marxism, and we are convinced that this error will be writes in the same article: In Russia the conditions are quite different. The pro- put right at a later meeting of the fraction. There the international significance of Bolshevism is letariat is the leader of our bourgeois democratic revo- explained as follows: "On the other hand, Bolshevism, built upon the In broad outline the speech of Comrade Surkov is, as granite foundation of its theory, has behind it fifteen lution. Its party must be the spiritual leader in the said, of outstanding excellence and should be circulated "During the first months after the Russian proletariat years (1903 to 1917) of practical activity. This practice fight against all remains of mediavalism, including the had conquered the political power (Oct. 25—Nov. 7, supplied a wealth of experience unequalled in the history by all our organizations. In the handling of this speech 1917), it might have seemed that the proletarian revolu- of the revolutionary movement. No other country has old official religion, as also against all attempts to reno- the fraction has shown a conscientious fulfillment of its tion in other countries would be very little like ours, gone through by far as much during these fifteen years vate it, or reconstruct it either on a reformed basis or because of the tremendous differences between backward as Russia did as far as revoluitonary experience is con- social democratic duty. It only remains to wish that Russia and the advanced countries of Western Europe. cerned. Quickness of change of the different forms of on a completely new one. If Engels corrected with correspondence concerning the debates in the fraction But we have now considerable experience on an interna- movement (legal and illegal, peaceful and stormy, under- comparative mildness the opportunism of the German tional scale which pretty definitely establishes the fact ground and open, small circles and mass movement, should appear more frequently in the party press and that some fundamental features of our revolution are parliamentary and terrorist.) In no other country was social democrats—who, in place of the demand of the not local, not peculiarly national, not Russian only, but there concentrated into such a short span of time such so build up a close ideological unity in the activity of the that they are of international sifinificance. And I speak a wealth of forms, shadings, and methods of struggle workers' party that the state should declare religion a party and of the fraction. here of international significance, not in the broad sense of all classes of contemporary society as in Russia; and of the word—not some features because all fundamental nowhere did the struggle ripen so quickly as in Russia and many secondary features are, in the sense of their because of the backwardness of the country and because influence upon other countries, of international signifi- of the horrible yoke of czarism which caused the Russian ance. No. in the strictest sense of the world that is, movement to be especially anxious and successful in the taken in its essence or in the sense of the historical in- application of 'the last word' of political experience of Europe and America." WORKERS MONTHLY 748 FEBRUARY, 1927 749

All ultra left groups without exception question the maintain the opposite, anti-ppoletarian standpoint -of Bordiga is the topmost, Domski and Korsch the lowest "The leadership of the Third International located in sectarianism. Moscow which is only a tool of the Soviet government international Importance of Leninism and combat the step in the downward way from "western European and lives only of the subsidies of the latter feels that leading role within the Comintern of the Communist Unable to concede the revolution as an international Leninism" to the objective support of ;mperialist gen- the subsidies granted by it to other Communist parties problem, they attempt to demolish the unified basis of entitle it to be their absolue master. Like in the Rus- Party of the Soviet Union. They look upon Bolshevism erals and diplomats. Their common starting point is sian empire it does not permit any opposition in these as an insufficient, backward national Russian theory the Comintern, world bolshevism, and to replace it in the petty 'bourgeois narrow minded provincialism, the parties. Many honest (!) socialists who believe in the effectiveness of Bolshevist methods were repulsed by the against which they attempt to raise an especial "west each country by a specific national Bolshevism. inability to raise the problems o,f international revolu- Third International because of the absolute obedience At the end of the Communist Manifesto, Marx writes tion from an international viewpoint. demanded of them. Only characterless scoundrels and European Communism." ignorant, brainless illusionists can maintain their stand- This west Euroipean standpoint was formulated very about the "German or true socialism": ing in it." 5. ANTI MOSCOW4SM diplomatically by Bordiga in his speech at the Sixth "It proclaimed the German nation to be the normal Compare with this the last expressions of the German Enlarged plenum of the E. C. C. I. nation and the German petty bourgeois philistine to be In the speeches and writings of the German ultra ultra lefts and you will find that in them are reflected the normal man. To every villainous meanness of this lefts most space is taken up 'by a struggle against the "It cannot be questioned that the historic road which normal man it gave a hidden, higher, socialist interpreta- completely and unreservedly the conception of Kautsky. the Russian Party traveled cannot contain the develop- tion, thus turning it into the exact opposite of its real politics of the Soviet Union in their Communist Party. meaning." Korsch travels through city and country to make known ment of all the historic tendencies which other parties The baiting against the Soviet Union goes as a continu- will meet on their road . . . The development of Russia Following this example Maslov creates a German, Bor- that the international policies of the "Russian State, does not present the basic experience of the international ous thread through the total propaganda from Unbahns, proletariat and cannot show how the proletariat can de- diga an Italian, Domski a Polish Leninism, each, one power" are contrary to the class interests of the, western feat the capitalist liberal, parliamentary, modern, for who at the last district convention in Berlin condemned European proletariat, and are damaging the Commu- years constitutional state which has developed an abil- passing his own "Leninism" for the true one. the policies of the C. P. S. U. as liquidatory and revis- ity to defend itself." nist parties outside of Russia. He writes: Their common tendency is their adherence to west ionist, over Korsch, who pictured the U. S. R. R. as a Bordiga, whose speech was one continuous hidden at- Europeanism in contradistinction to Moscowism. They "The identity is interrupted between the national in- "country of rising capitalism," to Sclrwarz, who in a terests of the economic and political reconstruction in tack against the leadership of the Comintern by the C. call upon the Communist Party of the Soviet Union membership meeting in Saxony declared that "the ne- the workers' and peasants' republic of the Soviet Union P. S. TJ., comes to the conclusion that the Communist and the international interests of the revolutionary pro- within the Comintern, and demand of it: "Hands off cessity may arise of overthrowing the Soviet govern- letarian class struggle." International must replace Leninism by another and Western Europe!" But this left battle slogan is only ment by an armed insurrection" (whereupon he was Korsh, Urbahns, Bordiga and Co. never tire to attack broader theory: a spiritless echo of the activity of the imperialist bour- duly thrown out of the meeting ,by the members). It all Communists who defend the. course of the proletarian "The International must accept a broader conception. geoisie which mobilized for war against Moscow in the is clear that the attacks of the Korsch's and Urbahn's dictatorship as a "characterless party apparatus main- It must develop solutions of problems which lie outside name of western European culture and western European of the Russian experience." supply water for the mill of the Social Democrats, and tained by Moscow money and pledged to absolute In the same direction moves the iwell known but more profits. the reactionary trade union leaders, the agents of the obedience." clumsy offensive of Maslov against the Third World The truggle about the internattanal significance of Len- League of Nations and the proponents of intervention The ultra lefts have not even enriched the vocabulary Congress of the Comintern which "brought to the Eu- inism is istill carried on in the realms of theory. But in Russia. But it is not sufficient to establish these con- of the counter-revolution by one, single original idiom. ropean parties more harm than good because it pushed with the beginning of & complete struggle against the nections in a general way. Simplifications and vulgar- Only once in a while they decorate the police style of them toward the right." Maslov maintains that at the C. P. S. U. the ultra lefts are nearing the standpoint of izations are not the best methods to 'kill ultra left tend- Kautsky by shamefaced loans out of the Communist third congress Lenin went over to the opportunists, the 'Second International. encies. It is necessary to uncover their • concrete char- terminology. Kautsky writes: misunderstanding completely the character of the Ger- The nationalist narrowness of Domski, the leader of acteristics. AntHSoviet agitation and the defeatist liqui- the Polish opposition, manifests itself in a left social "Thus the Soviet government has been busy for years man Party. datory and chauvinist tendencies of the ultra left ideol- mainly to enslave and corrupt the proletariat within and Domski again writes in his polemic against the united patriotism. ogy have their peculiarity which distinguishes them from without Russia to enervate it, to befuddle it." front tactics that "in the period of struggle for the re- During the Russian-Polish war Domski publicly polem- Menshevism of the old order. The peculiarity of ultra Where Kautsky says "enslaving, corrupting, enervat- tention of power, the Bolsheviks have developed many ised against "a Soviet regime brought to us from without leftism consists in the fact that it carries on its disinte- ing," Urbahns is satisfied with "revision and liquida- tactical methods which they falsely transfer to the by foreign (!) troops." He protested in a sharp letter grating work under seemingly left slogans, that it at- tion." west." (Nowy Przeglad, 1923, Page 421.) against the offensive of the Red Army. When the Soviet tacks the proletarian dictatorship from an alleged r-e-v-o- Kautsky writes that the Bolshevist regime does not All of these standpoints start from the premise that government turned Vilna ovjar to Lithuania Domski ljuJM-o-n-a-r-y standpoint. Thus their policies become lead toward but rather away 'from socialism. Of the Leninism is not applicable in western Europe under the wrote: "Vilna is anything [but a Lithuanian city." This especially valuable for the bourgeoisie and especially Bolshevists he says that they live off the exploitation intricate conditions of the class struggle in these capi- was his way of saying what General Zeligowsky said: dangerous for the proletariat. of the proletariat, and that they become the bitterest talist countries. Thus the ultra lefts deny the whole "The Vilna territory belongs to Greater Poland." At Attempts for such a "left tactic" can be found already -enemies of the proletariat. Kautsky proves the neces- history of Bolshevism, its wealth of experience in the the same time Domski warned the Soviet government with Kautsky and divers other slick counter revolution- sity of an "armed uprising in Russia" by the assertion class struggle of all countries, its proletarian class char- not to demand "any imperialist (!) peace clauses no mat- ists. Kautsky's 'slanderous -pamphlet "The International that "all that was possible in the line of reaction acter, and its international base. ter how well intentioned they may be." In 1923 Domski and Soviet Russia" obtained its infamous reputation is :already at the present being practiced by the Bol- Besides that, the theory of the ultra lefts is in absolute fought against the transmission of the Leninism tof the because it embodied the change of front of the form- sheviks to a degree that cannot be surpassed." contradiction to the practical attitude in their struggle "ruling party oif Russia" into Western Europe. In erly leading Marxists into the ranks of the most obsti- This standpoint is remarkable insofar as Kautsky does against the policies of the, Comintern. The struggle be- 1924 Domski condemned as "anarchy in the Eastern nate and most determined counter-revolutionists. Today, no longer, as he did eight years ago, attack the policies tween the Leninists and the lefts touches exactly the provinces" the partisan warfare of the White Russian in the moment of like advances of ultra lefts on the of the Bolsheviks as a mandate socialist declaring the western European problems and the specific conditions peasants against the Polish oppression. In 1925 he fringe of our own camp, it is time to remember that Bolshevik policies as too revolutionary, but that he of the western European countries: how the united frtont fought as opportunist the whole line of the Comintern Kautsky too often covered his treacherous track by takes the position of an alleged proletarian revolution- policies can be applied considering the strong social in the. Communist parties of the west. "left" arguments. Even the formulation of the subject ist calling for a struggle against Bolshevist reaction. democratic traditions, the work in the trade unions, Domski is the most perfect, the slickest, but not the of his ibook—"The International and (!) Soviet Ru sia" Kautsky no longer poses as an open defender of the concentration of gigantic industrial concerns, the exploit- only repesentatives of left chauvinism. Korsch and —is exactly the most favorite theme of Korsch and Ur- democratic 'bourgeoisie, but, on the contrary, as a de- ation of parliaments, the unmasking of bourgeois democ- Schwartz, who, accompanied by the applause of the Ger- bahns. Already in the first chapter which bears the fender of the exploited proletariat against the reaction- racy, the struggle against the bourgeois republic, etc. man nationalists, and to the joy of all partisans of the sneering caption "Bolshevism as a Brother Party," Kaut- ary Soviet Power. League in the German Reichstag, voted against the Are these "Asiatic" peasant questions? Or are they sky writes that the Bolsheviks employ state power "in Kautsky, whose white guardist program is rejected Russian-German Neutrality Treaty because "it might questions of life and death of the prloletarian revolution order to destroy all proletarian organizations which do even by Otto Bauer and the whole Second International, create the necessity of war," are Domski's worthy suc- in Western Europe? It is exactly in the controversy not listen to Moscow, by means of ibrutal force, or is using left arguments against the. Bolsheviks. Kaut- about these questions that Bolshevism demands that cessors. German national bolshevism, by the way, has where that is impossible to poison them by lies and sky who is even accused of right deviations by the the tactic of the western European parties start from already become famous by the fraternization of the deceptions." Menshevist emigration does not find a ready ear any- ultra left communists, Wollfheim and Lauffenberg with the specific peculiarities of the western European coun- The relation of the Soviet state, to the international wheres in the world—except with the. German ultra tries. But the petty bourgeois "western Europeans" the monarchist generals in 1914 to 1924. proletariat is pictured by Kautsky as follows: lefts. 750 WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 751 Korsch writes: the worker, raised in the struggle, sees with uncorrupt- ible class instinct, the decisive, the fundamental points presses the petty bourgeois most is an indispensible part in Soviet Russia only a building up in general, a building "We have already learned that even the best 'workers and peasants government' which existed up to now, the of the only Soviet Republic of the world. He under- but .not the decisive sign, the class sign of the proletarian without perspective, a building without the possibility of Russian Soviets, are in the last analysis not a dictator- stands the essence of the proletarian dictatorship, the dictatorship. The use of an unlimited power based upon ship of the proletariat, but the exact opposite, the dic- Socialist construction. Dominated by the belief of the tatorship against the proletariat, the dictatorship of the construction of Socialism, the class character of the force which the petty bourgeois admires is characteristic supremacy of capitalism, full of disbelief in Socialism, he Kulaks." Soviet state, the relation of the Soviet state to the pro- also of other dictatorships than the proletarian, for in- sees—like Otto Bauer—in the first proletarian dictator- If that is correct what does there remain to be done letariat, from his own proletarian standpoint, and it is in stance, .the. Bonapartist, the regime of Mussolini or Pil- ship in the history of the world, only an "interesting ex- by the Russian proletariat except to rise, against the just these main problems that the ultra-lefts completely sudski. periment," that is, an attempt, the outcome of which dictatorship of the exploiting Kulaks? After that it is capitulate before the ideology of bourgeois society. The The dictatorship of the proletariat, according to Lenin, cannot be foretold. The only difference is that Otto only necessary to decide whether the "coming proletar- radical petty-bourgeoisie enters primarily a political alli- id. not only the unlimited power for the suppression of Bauer leans toward the belief that the experiment will ian uprising against the Soviet power" is to have, a ance with the revolutionary proletariat, an alliance for a the exploited, but at the same time a specific form of be successful while the ultra-lefts—more Menshevist than bloody or a non-ibloody character—a question which Kaut- struggle to save itself from economic ruin. The special class alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry even the Austro-Marxists—are convinced that it is im- sky considers through many pages. economic interests of the proletariat in regards to its and an instrument for the complete construction of So- possible to get along without the bourgeoisie. immediate partial demands (wages, hours and conditions Kautsky, like the cadet Miljukow and all other coun- cialism, for the transformation into a classless society. Because they deny the Socialist basis of the proleta- of labor) as well as its social aims, do not ter revolutionaries, bases his greatest hopes nipon dis- The petty-bourgeois is unable to even raise the prob- rian dictatorship, therefore, they also reject its political concern the petty bourgeois at all. That explains his integration and splits of the Bolshevist Party: lem of the construction of Socialism correctly. He de- superstructure from the conception of the Russian oppo- opposition to trade union work. The petty bourgeois mands a hurrah solution; he expects the institution of sition. They not only consider the Soviet state as a "With the growing deterioration of the community, divides politics from economics. He sees in the revolution there must develop an opposition in the ranks of the Socialism toy law according to the example of the bour- bureaucratic structure which is completely under the in- only the political side in the most narrow sense of the ruling elements and their supporters in the Communist geois revolution. He is constantly haunted by the con- fluence of the well-to-do peasants, the class line of which Party and in the Red Army itself which may become word. Thus, his 'polities' lose all class character and dangerous." ceptions of the posted with which the German social must be corrected; they go even further. They consider develop into an aim in themselves, thus creating politi- One of the German lefts, Katz, transfers these hopes democrats in 1919 won numberless petty bourgeois for the Soviet state as a Kulak state under a disguised capi- cians, pure and simple. the constituent assembly: "Socialism wherever we look! talist rule, as an. enemy and exploiter of the worker and to the present opposition in the €. P. S. U. He advises With this conception the petty-bourgeois approaches . . . Socialism marches!" That is the ideal dream of poor peasant. An unavoidable result of this judgment is them to "disregard all legality and 'begin action." the problem of the proletarian dictatorship. He meas- the average left narrow-minded bourgeois. the attack upon the foreign policies of the Soviet state "We know," he writes, "that an open advance will ures it by the standard of the bourgeois revolution from mean civil war and perhaps flights into Switzerland. But In reality the construction of Socialism is not a march as "red imperialism." With these conclusions, the ultra- what can a capitalist Russia be to them? They must which sprang his own bourgeois world. He expects of but in all countries a difficult, stubborn, long-drawn-out left theories return from the proletarian dictatorship to decide!" the proletarian revolution and of the proletarian dicta- struggle between Socialist and capitalist economy, a con- their own practical and political sources. They arrive at torship a quick advance from success to success, drama- Kautsky's pamphlet closes with .the consideration that tradictory process of struggle between both forms of the formulation of Kautsky: "The International and 'So- tical effects, ecstacies day by day, the quick achievement it is impossible to prepare the counter-revolutionary up- economy for the leadership over and absorption of the viet Russia." We have seen before that the ultra-lefts of the climax. He does not understand the real proleta- rising In a military sense. "To prepare, it ideologically, small producers, primarily peasant economy. The Social- answer this question for the Third International in the rian revolution which constantly criticizes itself, returns however, is not only possible tout even necessary." ist construction is a process of a slow but certain elimi- same concrete form as Kautsky answered it for the to the apparently already accomplished to begin it anew, To accomplish tihis—although hopeless—task is the nation of the capitalist by the Socialist elements of econ- Second International. According to them the policies which seems to throw down the opponent only so that present feverish endeavor of Korsch, Katz, and their ally omy based upon the political and economic power of the of the Soviet State are in contradiction to the class in- he may gather new strength from the earth, until tha Urbahns. With their left arguments they make ideolog- proletarian dictatorship, upon the conscious activity of terests of the international proletariat and the interna- millions,of the proletariat in alliance with the peasantry ical preparations for the revolutionary intervention of millions of producers under the leadership of the working tional proletariat must put itself in opposition to the So- finally achieve the ultimate victory. "One of the main the imperialists against the reactionary 'Soviet state. As class and its Communist party, upon the active solidar- viet state. This answer, at the same time, is a positive the bearers of ideological .intervention in the ranks of the differences between the bourgeois and the Socialist revo- ity of the international proletariat. position to the only question in which there does not lutions," declares Lenin in his report on the question of revolutionary proletariat, they complete the ideological, The left petty-bourgeois does not believe in the possi- exist a full guarantee against a prevention of Socialist the Brest-Litovsk peace, "consists in the fact that the make easier the financial, and further the military inter- bility of a complete victory of Socialism in a back- construction, against the restoration of bourgeois order bourgeois revolution which originates in feudalism builds vention of the bourgeoisie. And all that is done with ward country. Of all the slogans of the opposition in the in the Soviet Union. The construction of a class antag- up its economic organization within the folds of the old left 'arguments and with pitiful success. C. P. S. U., the west-European ultra-lefts, like the most, by onism between the Soviet state and the international pro- order via the road of revolution, even though it be only How can we explain the anti-Bolshevist ideology of letariat is a position in favor of imperialist intervention. the commercial relations which gradually change all far, the one which denies the possibility of the construc- the ultra-lefts? Its source is the, complete inability of Here the political development of the petty bourgeois left sides of feudal society. The bourgeois revolution was tion of a complete Socialist society in one country. The the petty bourgeois to understand the essence of the opposition in the Comintern reaches its destination. (only confronted with the task destroying all connections ultra-lefts considered this slogan as "the question of the proletarian dictatorship. The working class of his own Comintern." of the former order, of sweeping them away, of throw- 6. DOWN WITH ULTRA-LEFT MENSHEVISM. "fatherland" is already a foreign power to him which Because Socialism is not ready-made and present ing them away." he considers with suspicion and contempt: the prole- "wherever we look," because it can develop only in a The bourgeois revolution is completed by the taking We have investigated the social meaning of the ultra- tarian dictatorship in Soviet Russia, in a "foreign" process of years of struggle, therefore the petty bour- over of power, while the proletarian revolution must use left groups and have found that they transfer the pres- country, is a completely dark object for him. The poli- geois denies in to to all' possibility of its construction. cies of the victorious working class are a sealed book the conquered .state power as an instrument for the elimi- sures and inner reactions of the bankrupt and raving nation of the capitalist conditions of production and for He looks upon the N. E. P. as a deviation, as a one- petty bourgeoisie upon the 'Communist Parties of the for him. Nothing is more instructive than a compari- sided restoration of capitalism. Therefore he attacks the son of the judgment which was formed about the Soviet the construction of socialistic economy. west. We have examined the political contents of the "In an entirely different position does the Socialist rev- economic policies of the proletarian state which is based ultra-left line and we found that its main role consists in Union by hundreds of social-democratic and non-party upon the admission of capitalism within certain limits workers' delegates from all capitalist countries on the olution find itself. . . Here there are added to the tasks pulling the bourgeois policies to the foreground. They are of destroying the old, new tasks of unheard of difficulties with a parallel retention of the commanding positions an instrument to disturb the revoltuionizing process with- basis of their own class experiences, with the contor- in the hands of the Soviet state, although this policy pre- —organizational tasks." in the social democratic working masses, an instrument tions which the left petty bourgeois spreads under the sents the only road to victory of the Socialists over the These differences the petty bouregois cannot see. He for the furthering of chauvinist tendencies, for the agita- Influence of the bourgeois Menshevist propaganda. The capitalist elements of economy, presents the only road is void of an understanding of the creative tasks and the tion in favor of a struggle of Engand and the League of modern industrial worker of Europe and America, even to the establishment of complete Socialism. The petty creative results of the proletarian dictatorship. He un- Nations against the proletarian dictatorship, for the iso- though he may be politically backward, sees the diffi- bourgeois, who only knows and recognizes the economic culties of the proletarian dictatorship, especially the neg- derstands the dictatorship only in a banal and literal lation, and discrediting of the Communist Parties. sense as the execution of an unlimited power. The mere rule of the bourgeoisie doubts very decisively the ability We have finally considered the ideological basis of the ative sides of the N. E. P., not in a worse light than of the working class to draw the peasantry into the proc- Korsch, Urbahns, and their international allies. But application of unlimited power which at all times im- ultra-left tendencies and found in them the following five ess of Socialist construction. The petty bourgeois sees main lines: FEBRUARY, 1927 753 FEBRUARY, 1927 752

1. The inability to understand the essentials of the rev- cepted, is the fear of being unmasked before the working olutionary epoch—which in practice leads to defeatism. masses. 2. The inability to proceed from a proletarian class The ultra-lefts are defending themselves indignantly Between the Past and the Future standpoint—which in practice leads to sectarianism. against the statement that they represent petty bour- 3. The inability to understand the leading role of the geois ideas and petty bourgeois interests. If they would By Victor Serge Communist Parties in 'the working class—which in prac- not do that, they would not be petty bourgeoisie. Marx writes in the Eighteenth Brumaire: tice leads to liquidation. T ITERATURE puts the problem of culture as a whole, ture grows, it enlarges the sphere of its comprehension, 4. The inability to raise the problems of the interna- "One must not think that the petty bourgeoisie, as a mat- on the very morrow of the revolution. And it is renews itself thru contact with the masses, and achieves tional revolution from an international viewpoint—which ter of principle, wants to realize egotistical class interests. On the contrary; it believes that the particular conditions chiefly in virtue of its relation to culture in general that the summits with durable works. But the epochs of in practice leads to nationalist narrowness to social pa- of its own emancipation are the general conditions on decline and reaction have the narrow and poor litera- the basis of which modern society can be saved. It literature interests Us. triotism. would be equally wrong to conceive of all of the demo- With the end of the civil war (1921) the new Rus- ture they deserve. 5. The inability to understand the essence of the dic- cratic representatives as petty shop-keepers or as people Our morrow of the revolution has many literatures, who idealize the petty shopkeepers. In their education sian literature made a spurt forward that is truly mar- tatorship of the proletariat—which in practice leads to and their individual position they may be far removed velous. Yet no one is satisfied and it is apparent that a in the main opposed to each other, because many con- anti-Bolshevism, to anti-Moscowism. from them. What makes them representatives of the trary currents are struggling within Soviet society— petty bourgeoisie is that in their ideas they never suc- crisis has been reached. 'Self-criticism, sternness against €an such a tendency be considered left? It is clear ceed in crossing the boundary line which life sets eco- self, painful consciousness of the immense difficulties in the revolution continues its endless molecular reorgan- nomically for the petty shopkeeper. Therefore they come for every thinking worker that this tendency is a right via theory to the same problems and the same solutions solving the problems of today. ization. But all are alive because they all represent so- to which the petty shopkeeper comes via the road of prac- .But it is only by comparing it with foreign literature, cial forces in iaction, men victorious, vanquished, adapt- one. Its main characteristics are the characteristics of tical interests dictated by his social position. This is in Menshevism. That they call themselves lefts must not general the relation of the political and literary repre- by placing it in the entire atmosphere of post-war Eu- ed, uncertain—but all in the struggle, compelled to solve mislead a Marxian. History of the labor movement gives sentatives of a clast to the class which they represent." ropean culture, that Russian literature must be judged in their every-day conscious actions the problems that enough examples of tendencies which called themselves The leaders of the ultra-left opposition find themselves —and not by its own internal exigencies. Once this is are solved !by routine elsewhere. left, but in reality were counter-revolutionary. The Rus- in exactly the same relation to the non-proletarian anti- done it appears astonishingly full of vigor, depth, variety, * * * novelty. In no other country has there been any such sian Socialist Revolutionaries ibefore 1905, rejected every Communist Party petty bourgeois. What conclusions can "ITHTH all its contradiction and variety, has the Rus- springing up of new talents, of such works demanding minimum program and combatted Lenin as an opportun- we draw from that. For every Leninist, for every loyal ** sian literature any general characteristics? I will ist. In 1905, the Menshevists characterized Lenin's slo- party Communist, for every revolutionary worker, there attention. Here are the so-called "Fellow Travellers of the Revolution: Boris Pilnyak, Vsovoled Ivanov, Babel, believe these characteristics are: interest in the great gan for a "provisional government" as opportunism of is only one conclusion possible: pitiless struggle against problems of social destiny, the conflict between the re- the worst sort. The Trotskyites fought for years against these groups to their complete dispursion and destruc- Seyfoulina, Constantin Fedin, N. Nikitin, B. Kaverin, V. Chklovsky, Zostchenko, I. Tyniarov, Mayakovsky. There actionary forces and consciousness, the rejection of pure Leninism from the left. The Otsowists who later on tion. May they continue the spreading of their slander psychology, i. e., of thought and sentiment detached from turned into open liquidators maneuvered under an ultra- of the "opportunism' of the "fourth of August" of the are the press writers and proletarian poets: S. Seme- nov, B. Lavreniev, Seratemovich, Fourmanov, Glakov, action, the rejection of pure esthetics, i. e., of art separat- left mask. All of these tendencies were in reality op- Comintern. The workers know that their political road ed from life, the feeling for the life of the masses, the posed to the revolution and anti-proletarian. That the does not lead to a fourth, but back into the old treacher- Bezymensky, Levevich, Sadoviev, Libedinsky, Yarov, Demian, Byedny, Sanikov. To these names we must add feeling for collective action, the feeling for the destruc- petty bourgeois critics and revisionists of Leninism called ous second international. Their defeatism, their liquida- tion of the old and the birth of a new world . . . themselves Leninists is only an expression of their own tionism, their nationalism, their incitation against Mos- the newcomers who have attempted to renew their in- weakness and a sign of the inner strength of Leninism. cow—all this is the life and unadulterated spirit of Men- spiration: Alexis Tolstoy, Ehrenberg, Veressaiev, An- I find these traits in works of the most different char- dre Sobel, Vladimir Lidin. The lefts in the Comintern are Leninists just as much shevist social treachery. acter. Writers who came to the revolution the day after as the Kautsky of today is a Marxist. The disguise of the In spite of its great difficulties, I have been making its victory but who are attached by all their past to the The Comintern has succeeded in meeting all right ad- an attempt to follow the development of literature in old society, Russian or European (Alexis Tolstoy, Elie right Menshevism as a left Leninism, this fundamental vances. It fought against and was victorious over the seri- characteristic of the ultra-left line in the 'Comintern is Europe and especially in France. I cannot help con- Ehrenberg) sought for a new orientation. Alexis Tol- ous right mistakes of the Polish party, the right fraction in tinually comparing the Russian writers and those of stoy, an observer of the customs of the old regime, sur- nothing but a political masquerade. However, political the German and all other parties and will not even for a masquerades can only last a certain time. When the "over there." I think of Paul Morand offering gentle- rendered himself to a fancifully conceived novel of moment discontinue its struggle not only against the men what they want of life—an ample gama of spiced Utopian imagination ("Aelita") and to the historic drama struggle enters an acute state, then the masks fall and right deviations, but also against all left and ultra-left the left petty bourgeois openly joins Menshevism. The pleasures. I think of M. Jean Giraudoux to whom Eu- —& double escape from the present. Ehrenberg has also Russian Otsowists united with Potressov, Trotzky united groups. rope is a imaip, shaped and reshaped at will, by kind- devoted himself to works of imagination built on fan- with the right liquidators in 1912 to form the August The struggle against ultra-left Menshevism is also a hearted bourgeois. I think of Julien de Philippe Sou- tastic logic. In appearance he seems to study the new bloc against Leninism in Vienna. A similar process is struggle against the right. It is that as much as is the pault whose life was stupidly consumed like a discarded customs but in reality he follows the old ones with his cigarette. I think of M. Drieu la Rochelle, this wag of skeptical and realistic style (Jules Jerenito, The Trust developing at present in the Comintern and the C. P. struggle against the English Socialist, Hicks, who writer S. TJ. The Russian and international opposition is enter- about the "damn Russian money." It is that as much as Mortherlant whose opinion is: "Everybody is right," for the Destruction of Europe). Its sarcastic despair militarists above all. I think of the young conscious has taken the whole universe as a stage and the end of ing the state of the August Woe. It travels from the is the struggle against the French "Socialist," Paul Bon- bourgeois, full of vanity, who would like to get up ... all civilization as its theme. The subject is not new farthest left to the farthest right wing. It throws off cour, who celebrates Polish militarism as the "guardian of civilization against Bolshevist barbarism." And then I think of the young Russian literature and it but the scope is broad, vast. A writer is formed by many its mask. seems to me that it passes far beyond these men and years of incubation, observation, and assimilation. He The Comintern must and will pitilessly carry on its The development of the international ultra-lefts to- their works. Its richness is—that it is alive. It is alive can only create new personages when he lives with the struggle against ultra-left Menshevism to the very end. ward Menshevism is being accelerated by its interna- because it is the literature of a country "on the march," masses, when he has penetrated their soul, when he All ideas of conciliation and diplomacy must be eliminat- tional unification. By electing the leaders of the Rus- a country where millions of men filled with the deepest, knows how they think, speak, love, suffer . . . What sian opposition as its own leaders, by going with the ed. It fights for the proletarian revolution against petty the most essential human interests, have undertaken the types of new Russia can Alexis Tolstoy and Eh- enemies of the party, Medvedieff and Shliapnikoff, by bourgeois cowardice and principlelessness. It fights for the task of rebuilding the world. Among all the servants renberg reveal to us in this period of struggle, pain and discontinuing the struggle against Russian Trotzkyism proletarian dictatorship against its enemies and slander- of the ruling class, the writer is the most enslaved. It love? The Russian society they have known exists no (the "destruction" of which has kept them alive for ers. It fights for the unity of the Communist World is his natural mission to re-create his masters, to make longer: enlightened bourgeoisie, intellectuals, officers, years), the TJrbahns, Korsch, Bordigas and Domskis, of- Party, against its disintegration into a mass of factions them noble in their own eyes, to cultivate their state of court nobles, small bourgeoisie, uprooted cosmopolitans. fered their hand to the Souvarines, Rosmers and Scho- and national groups. The Comintern cannot permit to consciousness, and to extend their influence to the sub- They know nothing of the Putilov worker, of the young enlanks, the renegades of 'Communism. The only thing have at its head the pace setters of the anti-Bolshevist ject classes who are deprived of their creative faculties. Communist girl student, of the party nucleus organizer that prevents them from openly joining organized Men- bloc. It must proceed from a defense to an attack. During the forward development of a ruling class, litera- . . . Ehrenberg studies in the present the types that shevism, the ideology of which they have already ac- Down with ultra-left Menshevism! WORKERS MONTHLY 754 FEBRUARY, 1927 755 mer and the latter there exist a secret kinship attested belong to the past: the mediocre adventurer, the rug- ent, hypersensitive; overwhelmed with the sentiment of to by such as Gorki. The Bohemian intellectuals un- the forlns of language and on style, so necessary for all ged petty bourgeois . . . his impotence to break with the past. The past has derstand the proletarians they find among these "irregu- literary mastery. * * * lars" much better than they do the factory proletariat. killed this artist as it crushes an entire generation be- fore our eyes. S~\N the whole, the Russian intelligentsia of the post- rpHE most talented young writers are not Communists. Their success in the study of outlaws is in contrast to * * * Boris Pilnyak is undoubtedly one of the most char- their inability to penetrate the inner life of the Com- ^ revolutionary period is overwhelmed with the burden T ESS numerous tout often excellent are the works that acteristic. He is the son of the revolution which he munists and of the revolutionary workers in general. of its origin. This Intelligentsia is recruiting mostly loves and admires. But after all, to him the revolution Is this not another manifestation of the same uncon- -*^ are largely impregnated with the new spirit, in line from the petty bourgeoisie who sided with the enemy in is a squall, a storm, a formidable outbreak of elemen- scious anarchism that Pilnyak shows in his conception with the regenerative efforts of the revolution. They October, 1917. Although its attachment to the new Rus- draw their inspiration from two sources. tary forces. A rather anarchistic conception, common to of the revolution as a tempest? sia is natural and profound, yet it has been fed on the Some draw their inspiration from the civil war—as past, a culture of the vanquished and the condemned. both intellectuals and peasants. Seen from the outside * * * by one who does not identify himself with it the revo- the peasant masses saw it. Vsevoled Ivanov pictures For our epoch this culture is the most insidious spirit- lution does indeed appear as a formidable outbreak. Pil- rpHE old writer Veressaiev, whose "Notes of a Doctor" the red partisans of Siberia in some very enjoyable ual poison. Capitalism forms men in its image—its spir- nyak does not penetrate into the idea of class conscious- on the Russian-Japanese war were epochal, is the stories ("The Partisans," "The Blue Sand," "The Shaded it penetrates the language, the style, the very way of ness of the proletariat. What are social factors taking author of a novel properly entitled "In 'the Impasse." In Train"). Lydia Seyfoulina is one of the popular authors reasoning—it makes the soul of man, especially of the on the aspect of uncontrollable elements to the mind it the position of the small bourgeoisie during the revo- of Russia. She is of Tartar origin, a peasant and a artist. The' artist is admitted in communion with gene- that does not discern the forces behind them. Just like lution is depicted—hesitating, discontented, scrupling, school teacher. She depicts the revolution in the vil- rations of men of noble intelligence; he is accustomed the "wild winds" of the poet—which also behave accord- hostile to the whites—reactionaries but patriots—hostile lage in a rural language mingled with the rich but simple to consider the culture of a minority of owners as the ing to strict laws. To the captain of a vessel the winds to the reds—pitiless, 'barbarous, 'human elements—hos- style of Tolstoi. Her characters are true, living, firm culture of humanity and to look upon its social laws as are not "wild forces" but rather regular forces, familiar tile to the socialists but nearer to them than to the in the Russian soil; you see them one and all. Thru continuous natural laws. From his position among the and to ibe made good use of, to be mastered. This con- others . . . Aside from its literary value such a work •their actions we can understand the awakening con- privileged servants of bourgeois society the artist en- ception of the forces of the fevotution is the product of is a social document; the 'aphorisms of Marx and Lenin sciousness 'that guided them thru the revolution and we joys a specious freedom, he exercises his influence over nothing so much as of the prodigious ignorance of the on the petty bourgeoisie are often repeated—perpetual can see that order has, at last, triumphed over the ele- the treasure of social Inheritance. As his mission, he intellectuals who, brought up as a part of the old cul- hesitation, incapability owing to their economic position mentary forces . . . The old red peasant Ataman has the elaboration of the ideal of the ruling classes, the ture, are strangers to proletarian thought, to revolution- of maintaining a political line, and driven to one side Pegikh makes the sign of the cross as he falls under justification of their existence—he is the most refined ary theory, to the Marxist conception of the future so- or the other. No other book shows the profound truth the blows of the whites and says: "Lord, God, receive form of their consciousness. He fails to see his chains of the abstract Marxian theory. the soul of 'the Bolshevik Ataman." Seyfoulina is very —he believes that he bears the torch forward. In reality cial order. near to the Communists. Constantin Fedin, in his beautifully written book, Recently I read a novel by another gifted writer, M. he follows and serves but he suffers under the illusion Other remarkable works find their inspiration in the "Cities and Years," wherein he too admires the revolu- Nikitin. It is a well-constructed novel, "The Flight," that he is a guide. Yet his mandarin dignity permits revolutionary epic. The exaltation of the hero is justi- tion externally, is haunted by the ethical considerations mastering the new form, brief, epileptic, excluding psy- revenue to accompany his honors. fied by the recognition of the new forces of victory: of the old Russian intelligentsia (from Dostoyevsky to chological development even when it 'becomes necessary On the morrow of the revolution culture—moral, so- the force of a conscious people fighting for its cause, Tolstoi). It is a poignant work, but deceptive—a prob- to reveal a psychology, having one surprise after 'the cial, family, customs, beliefs, ideology—appears to col- the incomparable moral force of the revolutionists. Of lem without a solution, an impasse. A man passes thru other in store for the reader. The subject is: two offi- lapse and the victorious proletarians and peasants stand the whole epoch our epic literature is the only true one war and revolution as thru a wakeful dream. He is cers of the old regime now occupying subordinate 'posts out as barbarous. Proletarian thought, destined to be- because the peopee is born thru the accord of the poet harmless, he sheds no blood, lie does not "crush a single in the Red Army, find themselves useless, tired, de- come the animator and initiator of a new culture, is still with the individual, the masses, the laws of history— flower." The man is finally killed and properly so. The prived of any aim in life, astray. One commits suicide; seen under the rude and austere forms of an intellec- an accord crowned by victory. Among the works of author refuses to let us know whether he approves of the other helps him and goes insane. This frightful tual discipline, a doctrine of struggle fortified by action. this kind we must mention "Red Cavalry" toy Babel and the killing of the man or if he sees in it the fulfillment book is the work of a young man of twenty-nine, formed Such are the causes for the disorder that the recent of a natural law. The drama of revolution reduces it- during the revolution. He has written other stories ex- the poems of Nikolai Tikhonev, one of the most gifted literature reveals to us. masters of the new Russian poetry. Babel and Tikhon- self to the crushing of a man—a weak man—by the un- pressing with a rare power some aspects of the civil Russian literature is at the cross roads and is drawn ev .fought in the civil war—Babel in the Budieny cav- controllable elements . . . war. This book is also a social document. While I was apart toy opposing tendencies: (back to toourgeois democ- alry and Tikhonev elsewhere. racy the call of the past and—forward and the future! In the books of Pilnyak and Fedin, the Communists reading it I could not help thinking of Savinkov's suicide. Two groupings have exercised a marked influence on Literature has much to give to Europe and to the world. are real—at times very -beautiful, active, devoted, fac- The flight! The old S. R. terrorist, the old revolution- Russian literature during the past period: Serapion on It will develop with Soviet society; thru struggle and ing death courageously, but better still, knowing how to ist, the old accomplice of KJarnilov, the old counter-revo- lutionary bandit who recited his pitiless mea culpa be- the one hand and the Formal School on the other (B. adaptation it will contribute to the formation of the fu- live, i. e., how to conquer, how to work. But they too Eiohenbaum, V. Chlovsky, I. Tynianov). The latter ture proletarian ideology. are observers from the outside. Their soul remains fore the revolutionary tribunal of Moscow. He too took school claims that form is the decisive primitive factor Today it is often lacking—compared to the revolution. closed. You see them pass, you hear them speak; you a flight the next day—from the window of his prison in art. Altho it is fought toy Marxist criticism on ac- But it is much ahead of the Western standard—in its can never penetrate their inner life. But under their cell. He was all bruised. He felt the chaos . . . count of its repudiation of the sociological method and experience, its traditional humanism, the influence of the leather coats they are nevertheless men of flesh. To I thought of our poet Sorge Yessenin's suicide last December. He sang the audacity of request • • • the its indifference in the field of ideas, this school is never- proletariat over it despite itself and despite its internal European authors the Oriental is likewise "impene- theless given credit for its insistence on the study of struggles. trable"—Brahman or coolie they depict with the same nights of outlaws . . . the cabarets of Moscow . . . minute, intelligent, limited and narrow-minded observ- his inexpressible suffering at finding himself in new ation. Russia without toeing able to understand or to follow * * * the revolution with the depths of his soul. I thought rnHERE are authors who have studied the world of of Yessenin whom la Boheme had stolen from us and •*• outlaws, bandits, bullies, adventure seekers—the killed . . . Astray! Astray! I was still thinking of world that is found in the lower depths of our big cities these dead when the papers announced—the suicide of (Babel in his scamps of Odessa, Baverin in his "Repair," Andre Sobol. "Vassili Andriev," etc.). Russian literature has always An atrociously logical end for the existence of an un- manifested a tenderness for these "irregulars." They adapted soul! A revolutionist and prisoner under the are victims, rebels, vanquished, eccentrics, outcasts. old regime, almost a counter-revolutionist at the begin- Note that the five terms here are also justifiably appli- ning of November; then he rallied, a tormented ideal- cable to many of our intellectuals. Between the for- istic conscience overcome with scruples; a brilliant tal- FEBRUARY, 1927 756 WORKERS MONTHLY 757

Trade Unionism as It Is—What and REVIEWS

How to Study "UTOPIA IN CHAINS". A Study of Red Russia. By struggles, in hiding these doubts and in continuing cash- Morris Gordin. Houghton-Mifflin Co., N. Y. ing in on sincere and undoubting Bolshevism. Need- By Solon De Leon less to say, that his present American patriotism is of "T71OR a number of years I have advertised Bolshevism the same ihard-wood quality. He may have doubts, for TF I were deported as a Red and could take with, me ion movement? Growing dissatisfaction with the Fed- as a panacea a cure-all, but I discovered that my all we know; tout he will never be, caught with these •*• only one took on American trade unions, I would eration led to the organization of the I. W. W. Why panacea was a poison. It is my duty to tell the people doubts; no, not he. That would interfere with his cash- ing in. want that took to be "Trade Unionism in the United did the I. W. W. fail? that I had been poisoning them." This sounds like the States," by Robert F. Hoxie. No other single volume Though the unions aim at more democracy in indus- confession of a serious thinker who unburdens his soul But why do I doubt his sincerity? He may not know gives so clear a picture of the motives, structure, con- try, Hoxie points out that in their own affairs they are after discovering thru conscientious search that his what Bolshevism is, he 'may not be able to present nor trol, and history of organized labor. likely to he controlled by officers. What influences cause teachings have been all wrong and that he feels in duty to refute Bolshevist principles. But he may have been Let us then, set out with this excellent guide to study officials to lose touch and sympathy with their own rank bound to correct his erroneous teachings. convinced by bad practice of Bolshevism in Russia that trade unionism. But, Hoxie asks at once, have we only and file? Can you tell from your own experience why Since I am a Bolshevist myself, my curiosity was con- it is no good. In fact, that is his claim. Wihy should one kind of unionism? Do all unions want the same the rank and file do not exercise more control? No siderably aroused by the above quotation from Gordin's I not believe that certain happenings in Russia really doubt the membership should secure more voice in union thing? Clearly not. An analysis of what particular book, which adorns the, jacket. I have a great deal of did disillusion him? Because I know of my own— affairs—but how try to get it? Without s'trong left wing unions want is therefore necessary :before we can decide conviction as to the correctness of Bolshevism; but that is, of first-hand knowledge that a number of the criticism and organization a union is likely to drift into whether unionism is good or bad for the workers. when a fellow whom one had considered a comrade in reasons given in his book for his change of mind are more and more conservative policies. How can left wing Beginning with the easy question of structure, Hoxie arms turns against one's principles, and exclaims with outright lies made to order by Gordin himself. I was activity be strengthened and improved? shows that unions are not even all built alike. Some tearful eyes and a quivering voice that he has detected in Moscow in 1921, and know of my own knowledge are—well, what is a local union? A national craft union? The part dealing with employers' organizations is es- that a number of events described by Gordin are most pecially keen and helpful. Most employers are "open the complete incorrectness of these principles, then one A city central body? A state federation? A national cannot help but sit up and seriously consider the miserable and conscious contortions of actual facts. or international federation? An industrial union? A shoppers." They seize every opportunity to smash the Judging by that, I am unquestionably justified to draw workers' organizations. Yet Hoxie shows that they have charges brought against these principles, and the causes general labor union? that wrought the change in the mind of the former com- my own conclusions as to the, veracity of the rest of his Next comes an analysis of union aims, which are their own organizations and find them very useful in the testimony. class -struggle. Hoxie vividly describes the methods used rade. But in searching Gordin's 'book for this cause, 1 more important than the way a union is constructed. Needless to say: The book is absolutely worthless by "American plan" employers' associations in fighting was completely disappointed. My search for even one Hoxie was the first to apply psychological principles to for the student of Soviet Russia or of Bolshevism. Not unionism. It is well to learn these methods and be pre- single idea which would disprove Bolshevism was ab- the study of trade unions. He divided labor organiza- solutely unsuccessful. Searching for any idea between because it is opposed to both, but because it is abso- tions into four "functional" types—business unions, pared to defeat them. On the other hand, some em- the covers of the book fails. The book of the self-styled lutely insincere in its conception, completely incorrect friendly or uplift unions, revolutionary unions, and pred- ployers prefer to make business deals with business un- poison-peddler contains no revelation either as to the as to facts, and just plain mercenary in its conclusions. atory or hold-up unions. Why did each of these spring ions. Can you see any advantage to the bosses in this? nature and composition of -the "poison" nor as to how It is really amazing how a publishing house with the up? What are examples of each? Which are the most Another brilliant section of the took takes up the he detected its poisonous character. In other words— common? Which have advanced the cause of labor, and question of labor and the law. The capitalist state, al- reputation of Houghton Mifflin and Company could ac- which have not? Are violence and disregard of the ex- ways the guardian of the interests of the capitalist class, the book neither gives a presentation nor a refutation cept a publication of it. But it seems that any con- isting law ever justified in union activity? has written enormous volumes of legislation controlling of Bolshevism. No. Gordin is assuredly not a serious ooction of lies becomes good and acceptable history if thinker. The next section takes up the historical causes which the activities of workers, individually and in their unions. they are wrapped up in American patriotism. The pub- led to the growth of different union structures and dif- Do these laws recognize that society is in constant But then, perhaps the author is one of those trust- lishers do not seem to consider that the evil smell of ferent kinds of activity. The first unions, formed shortly change, or do they assume that what was right or wrong ing souls who are carried away by sentiment but who the contents will eventually discredit the wrapper. after the American revolution, were naturally local in in the past must always be right or wrong? Do they never try to understand what they embrace. They just M. Bedacht. area and craft in form. Why? Why did unionism develop emphasize the individualistic or the social point of view? as quickly embrace a cause on superficial grounds as Do they place property rights abovd personal and social just then and not earlier? How many workers realize they abamdon it. There are many—all too many— of "GEORGE WASHINGTON." The Image and the Man. that the legal right to organize was won only after forty rights, or just the opposite? Are the laws adjustable to that species. They are perfectly (honest. They have a By W. E. Woodward. 460 pp. Boni and Liveright. $4.00. years of bitter struggle? During that time the employ- new conditions, or are they rigid and inflexible? Are perfectly good heart, but their thinking apparatus is ers repeatedly attacked the unions in court, and had they clear, or contradictory and confusing? Answer these somewhat out of order. questions from your own knowledge, and then see what TTISTORIC research and historic science, like every them declared illegal conspiracies. The story of this However, the author of this book does not belong to Hoxie says about them. other science, is a motive power for progress. But struggle is well told by Hoxie. that class, either. He is not a sentimentalist, nor is he it, too, like all other sciences, has been almost com- Hoxie advances the idea that union forms tend to When unionists and employers agree on wages, hours, a fool. He knows on which side his bread is buttered. pletely prostituted by and to capitalism. Instead of follow the structure of industry and of capitalist or- and conditions of labor, the process is called "collective bargaining." Hoxie clearly shows why the employers' In Russia his Bolshevism is beyond reproach. In teaching what was and why it was, conventional history ganization. Does this idea seem reasonable? On that America, his patriotism does not permit doubt. basis, how can you explain the gradual joining of craft bargaining power is greater than that of the workers. generally confines itself to teaching that what is best If we believe Gordin, even the doubting quiver of unions into city central bodies, state federations, na- How can the workers increase their bargaining power? that can be, and that thoughts of change are criminal. tional federations, and finally a federation of national 'Should unions favor or oppose standardization of con- an eyelash by a dissatisfied member of the Communist This subordination of historic science to an extra- craft unions? The spurt in union organization which ditions? How far is it wise for unions to make con- Party of Russia, was ferreted out by the terrible Cheka, scientific aim, is especially sickening when it runs wild took place during the Civil" War led to the formation of cessions to employers for the sake of making agree- and the very least that happened to such a doubting in the biographies of great men. No attempt is made the Knights of Labor. What sort of body was the ments? Business unions frequently enter Into deals with Bolshevik who did not accept his leader's command in these biographies to present the man as he was, to Knights? How did it come that the American Federa- monopolistic employers, to force higher prices for their without -hesitation, was his expulsion (from the party. study and present the motives -for his actions, and to tion of Labor, a much later -body, was able to overthrow product. Is this wise union tactics? Then there is the Mr. Gordin, however, was not expelled. He succeeded connect these motives with the general economic needs the Knights and assume leadership of the American un- (Continued on page 762.) even in the period of his most severe doubts and inner and problems of his days. The conventional biographer FEBRUARY, 1927 759 758 WORKERS MONTHLY What Calverton has really done is to make a be- its literature", then unless the literature is the "cause" does mot study the man, Ms work and his time, and then the rank and file, soldiers detested and lashed by their ginning at exhibiting the correlation 'between literary of the social phenomena of the time, it is either the present his conclusions. As a rule 'he starts with a patriotic officers, and finally cheated iby the equally expression and the basal social development of man- effect of them or the effect of the same set of causes. ready-made picture of the man, with an image, and then patriotic money speculators. kind. Beginning with the Elizabethans, we are given Very likely Mr. Tate would be satisfied to picture the he scans all historic material available, for proof of the Mr. Woodward's biography of George Washington ample evidence of the fact that literature is essentially Elizabethan age as an effluvium from the brain of likeness of his idol. And where facts do not conform should be read by every proletarian student of Ameri- a vapor thrown off by interacting and evolving social Shakespeare. Science would ask, however, what ex- to the picture, the "historian" touches up the facts but can history. Not only are the contents of the book forces. In particular, the moral tone of literature cor- periences had combined to give Shakespeare a human leaves the false picture untouched. different from conventional productions of biographers responds to the moral requirements of the stage of civil- mind at all and a mind congruous with the age. More- of "the father of our country." But also his style is ization. An overripe, ruling class projects its vital in- over, it would not dwell long on any individual. It Heroes of the. American revolution are, perhaps more terests into loose, free, unguarded literary expression, than other Americans, the subjects of such biographies. different. It is refreshing. It disdains from Using a would understand that literature is not an individual with free reference to sex, whereas a rising class, under Especially George Washington has 'been a favorite sub- pseudo-scientific verbiage which hides behind high-sound- output but a social product, just as all personality, all necessity of maintaining a stern morale for the climb, ject of biographical imaginations, until the popular ing and difficult phrases, all the, nothingness of patriotic individuality is a social product built up out of ex- finds a barer, chaster, primmer literary voice. At present image of the hero of the cherry-tree 'has lost all attrac- idolatry. Mr. Woodward tells every-day facts in an easily perience in group life. The notion of any creative fac- we are in the waning of an epoch. The luxurious bour- tion that any leader of great movements naturally pos- comprehensible but refreshing style which makes the ulty in an individual mind is preposterous from the geois level seeks the same laxities of charm as did an sesses for the active man of today. The conventional reading of the book a real pleasure. The book deserves scientific point of view. All creation is a group process. effete aristocratic class three centuries since. What biographies of George Washington have created an ex- a million circulation in the United States. —M. B. sort of 'balance will be struck by a triumphant prole- But Tate has not penetrated far enough into either pressionless, inhuman doll, and have stood up this doll tariat is not yet clearly apparent. psychology or sociology to know what such assertions in an airless Toom, stuffy from the unrealities of mo- mean. He naively asks: "If there is a perfect causal ralizing nursery tales. So much for the hook that Tate reads with such scorn, relation between society and letters, why are not all "A MANIFEST DESTINY." By Arthur D. Howden- In the face of this fact, it is indeed a relief that very thereby betraying, incidentally, the fact that whatever writers equally good?" As if the correlation were with successful attempts are made at present to open the Smith. 530 pp. Brentano, N. Y. $2.50. formalistic knowledge he may have of the professional- the individual mind and its product and not with the ism of literary criticism, he is ignorant of life and of windows of this room to give admittance to the fresii A MANIFEST DESTINY is a very interesting book. total literary output of a period. Individual psychology the social relations that it embodies. has not advanced far enough to give a full account of and invigorating air of historic realities and facts which It is a historic novel with a subject out of our own any individual, tho we may ibe sure that nothing hap- are bound to blow from its pedestal the false image and American past. But though its subject is of the past, Tate's first blunder is in undertaking to limit close- pens without a cause; but social evolution is not an to put in its place a true picture of the man and his the educational value of the book is a very present ly "the sociological criticism of literature." Of course, time. Although one cannot expect success at the first account of individuals; it is an account of groups. What one. the 'Conventional critic has to do that, for he knows no attempts, yet it is certain that works such as that of sociology. His rage is akin to that of the old fash- Tate needs to learn is that the literary tyfpe of an age W. E. Woodward will go a long way in accomplishing The book deals with the activities of Dr. William ioned handicraftsman running amuck against the intro- is set by the selective influence of the social environ- this task. Walker, an American adventurer and filibusterer of the duction of the machine. The preservation of his own ment rather than by its creative consequences. All sorts The George Washington presented by Mr. Woodward fifties of the last century. craft skill and craft pride is obviously the chief thing of output of the, most diverse sorts may be essayed at a is a living, loving, eating and drinking human being "A Manifest Destiny" is an instructive book. It gives in the universe. To be sure, literature has significance certain period, hut the significant thing is that while and not a demi-god. Mr. Woodward's Washington is a lessons in methods of imperialist conquest. Its theme only as an expression of social experience (inasmuch much of it falls flat and is forgotten, the literary expres- land speculator, a soldier, a plantation owner, whose is that it is the manifest destiny of American capital- as culture and social experience are identical), but that sion that ibecomes typical and is cherished is that which class consciousness made his abilities very serviceable ism to rule the world. In order to help in the fulfill- fact means nothing to the infatuated critic, who feels fits the social circumstances and their needs. for his time. And since the interests of his class hap- ment of this manifest destiny, it is necessary, first, bound to (flatter literateurs as if they were in some And then there is the question of sex. One might pened to lie in the direction of general social progress, to conquer the world. William Walker, the organizer sense, the vehicles of causeless, rootless, (bootless) have suspected Calverton of possessing a sex complex therefore his activities became intimately connected of filibuster expeditions, is -the tool of this manifest ideation and sentiment. It is a wonderful tribute, for inasmuch as he chose to name his book after an inci- with the foundation of 150 years of unprecedented de- destiny. He finally ends at the hands of a Hondurian sure, that critics of the Tate stripe would pay to lite- dent rather than after the main theme, which is the velopment of capitalist America. firing squad. But manifest destiny does not end with rary .men toy treating them as if there were some other materialistic interpretation of culture. But Tate cer- source of their life and spirit than in the common Mr. Woodward does not always completely unearth him. American capitalism is still at it, and this book, tainly has a sex complex inasmuch as he has fallen stream of human striving. There was a time when such —or even fully understand—the inner connections of all by Arthur D. Howden Smith, gives an insight into for the title and has been led by it to scent nastiness a method would have savored of deification; now it in- of the class movements of the American revolution. But character, method, and even origin of this manifest des- in a book that is entirely free from anything of the dicates merely dehumanization. The only kind of he is fully conscious of the existence of opposing cur- tiny. A knowledge of these things is especially valuable sort. If Mr. Tate were not ohviously a prude, rents. He sees and describes two parallel movements: today, when manifest destiny is again running amuck writers that could properly be,judged by any other than he would not possibly be affected as he, is by what the revolution of the creditors and that of the debtors. in Nicaragua, where the greatest portion of this story is sociological canons would be the sort of folks that Poe is, after all, only a secondary element in Calverton's placed. —Criticus. described as "neither man nor woman . . . neither He sees and pictures Washington's role as a leader of scheme of thought. It is only fair to say, however, that the revolutionary creditors. While this is interpreting beast nor human . . ." When the traditional type Tate may have read Harry Barnes' introduction to the the economic background of the, American revolution too of criticism takes a writer, it treats him in some such book, and have taken offense at it. It could even be wise—as if he were either a queer machine or else a narrow and does not do justice to the historic role of SEX EXPRESSION IN LITERATURE, by V. F. Calver- argued that Barnes is too much a crusader in what mummy. the revolutionary bourgeoisie of these days, yet it is ton. Boni and Liveright, New York, 1926. Tate facetiously labels "Thp Holy War", ibut why light infinitly nearer to the truth than all the conventional Tate's second blunder is in undertaking to distinguish on Calverton for picking an introducer (and a title) that histories and .'biographies of that time and its heroes. TF any one doubts the, excellence of V. F. Calverton's; between correlation and causation. He is willing to con- would help sell the book? Very likely the publishers For the edification of the irrepressible democratic "Sex Expression in Literature" (Boni & Liveright, cede ''a correlation -between a society and its literature" had a deal to do with those choices anyway. spirits who see in the American revolution the revolt 1926, $2.50) he has only to read Allen Tate's review in but not a causal relation. Here the critic's metaphysi- So that's that. It is a comfort to know with the ad- of those who 'believed that all men were created free the Nation in order to be set right. Translated into cal Infatuation crops out clearly; as much as to say vent of Calverton and a school of criticism that knows and equal against those that insisted on differentiat- plain English, this naive piece of criticism amounts to that causation implies some kind of a god behind the something about social forces, the game is ahout up for ing .between the born gentleman and the rabble, Mr. no more than saying that Calverton can not possibly scenes pulling wires. If Mr. Tate would take even the the flock of dilettantes who have 'been toying with lite- Woodward pictures the undemocratic haughtiness of be on the right track, hecause if he were, there would be most elementary course in scientific method, he would rary values and fashioning out -of nothingness futile Washington. The author gives a picture oif the revolu- no more work for critics like Tate (who, by the way, learn that science recognizes no causation save corre- cobwebs of criticism that might, perchance, mean tionary army with its haughty officers' corps, recruited n described as "a poet and critic of New York", what- lation. If there is a "correlation between a society and something to overprofessionalized pedants with a flair for exclusively out of the ranks of the "gentlemen" and ever that may mean.) WORKERS MONTHLY FEBRUARY, 1927 760 761 trizitaets Gesellschaft, the Royal Dutch Shell and the. unearthly values incommensurable with human experi- sary for dilettiant philosophers to pay their respects ings give some idea of the types of song included: ence. The stage is at last set for a criticism that will rest are going to get together and give us a Sociaist to him. Wells does from page 152 to 192! It would "The Blues: Workaday Sorrow Songs," "Songs of the comprehend lite as a social experience and will measure Society whether we want it or not. be too much to expect an elderly hack like Wells to Lonesome Road," "Songs of Jail, Chain Gang and Po- all art by the fidelity of its correspondence to group There are two reasons for Wells' popularity with the read Marx, so we need not he surprised that we are licemen," "Songs of Construction Camps and Gangs," interests and tendencies. We shall learn to know that bourgeois women who buy his wares. It is well-known treated to a medical and Freudian analysis of him! We "Just Songs to Help With Work." there is no absolute goodness or greatness in anything that he is "safe". In the last war he rallied loyally are told that his digestion and liver wene bad, that The Negro worker in the South has managed to get but that all is to be judged in relation to time and to "King and Country"; not only does he loathe the he did not exercise, smoked too much and was a shy into his songs some of the truths that he would be place and circumstance. Calvreton has paved the way "wasteful" interference of labor unions or Communists, resentful scholar. "He it was who poisoned and em- lynched for proclaiming from a soap box, or even, a and while his first two books are not the best he will even the rose water Fabian Society proved too strong bittered Socialism so that today it is dispersed and lost church. Remembering farm days he sings: ever write they are to be hailed as the dawn of an era. for him and he left it twenty years agio. Besides he and must be reassembled and rephrased and reconstruct- ed .again slowly and laboriously while the years and "Niggers plant the cotton, A. W. Calhoun. writes a muddled liberal sociology that just suits Mrs. Bourgeois. He admits that changes come but assures the world runs by." We learn that Marx was a "down- Niggers pick it out, her they will he gradual and painless. at-heel aristocrat in a state of bruised self conceit"; White man pockets money, that the "stock Communist insult is to imply that an ad- Niggers does without." In 797 pages he sets forth one act—that society is in versary isn't a born gentleman." (After five years in Another song, called "Nothin' to Keep," begins: "THE PRIVATE LIFE OF HELEN OF TROY" and flux, that from primitive man (whose technique of pro- the American movement, I thought the stock insult of "GALAHAD" by John Erskine. Published by Bobbs duction he ridiculously misrepresents) to this ninth year those, who can not reason, is that one's adversary's "Up at fo' 'clock, Merrill Co., Indianapolis. of the Russian Revolution Society has changed steadily. father was not a proletarian!). Do not forget that Will- Work till dark, He does not see this fact clearly and makes no attempt iam Clissold is an extremely wealthy industrialist. Yet Wages han', "rpHE Private Life of Helen of Troy" is the wittiest to connect this change with changing ways of produc- in his discussion of Marx, the ven'om of the Grub Street I'm de man. . . . tion. He furiously denies that there was a compact and most amusing book that has been published for hack shines through—at least twice in every page we "Hope I die, Feudal System or that there, is a compact Capitalist some time. It is in no sense a historical novel and are told that the main objective of the Communist is Mo I try, System, or that men can be divided into bourgeois and makes no effort to picture life and social conditions to punish the petty bourgeois! Why is Clissold so in- I comes out. !proletarians. His stuff is loose, windy and negative. 2,500 years ago. Practically all of it is clever conver- terested in the welfare of the petty bourgeois? We "Owin' -boss mo', He can not tell what a class is or describe modern sation—Helen explaining her views to her conventional also learn that Soviet Russia is a muddled failure— I comes out, daughter, the family gate keeper asking Menelaus why society from the economic viewpoint. and this idea is tediously elaborated. Lawd, owin' boss mo'," he did not kill Helen in Troy, talk between Helen and There never was a "Feudal System" but in the mid- In his "Socialism, Utopian and Scientific" Engels dle ages European society was predominantly feudal, points out that the English bourgeois, wise in his gene- There are two more songs of this type that deserve Menelaus, Helen and the gate keeper, the gate keeper quotation: and the daughter. Orestes murders his mother (Helen's based on agriculture. There were vestiges of earlier ration, scorned atheism and clung tightly to his moth- sister) because she had murdered his father. Then forms in backward sections and Craft Guilds in the eaten religion—not that he needed it himself but be- "Sack an' basket all that I pick, he drops in and marries Helen's daughter and there are towns. Then in 1,500 and 1,600 the rising city bour- cause religion is the best dope to pacify angry workers. Sack an' basket all that I pick, pages and pages more of witty talk. As light reading, geois became more and more important economically Already so many workers have forgotten God that other Sack an' basket all that I pick, this book is highly recommended. till today the world is predominantly capitalist, though pap is needed to soothe them. It is, therefore, well for Never stop for nothin', even if you sick . . . Africa and Asia have more primitive forms and Soviet the bourgeois to preach evolutionary, rationalist, paci- "Galahad," Erskine's latest book, is a sad dud. It Russia a more advanced form. Wells is unable to see fist class-collaboration. The bourgeois is certainly de- "White man in starched shirt settin' in shade, is as insignificant as "Helen," there is no action and all what a class is—it is a group of 'people playing the same cayed—it is a far cry from the, bold, lucid prose of White man in starched shirt settin' in shade, the sparkle has been rubbed off. There is no excuse part in production. Wells is silly enough to think that Thomas Paine's "Common Sense" and "Age of Reason" White man in starched shirt settin' in shade, at all for printing it. — J. K. a worker, who rides on a train (becoming thereby em- to this clumsy stuff. Laziest man that God ever made . . ." ployer of the train crew!) or who hires carpenters to Swans sing before they die: And again: build a shack for himself is by that de classe! Indus- 'Twere no bad thing trial capitalists, peasants and workers—the members of Missus in de big house, Should certain persons die Mammy in de yard, THE WORLD OF WILLIAM CLIISSOLD" by H. G. each group bear the same relation to all the members Be ore they sing! of other groups and each group forms one class. A Missus holdin' her white hands, Wells. George H. Doran Company, New York. —Patrick Kurd. well-paid electrician and a sweated tailor both own no Mammy workin' hard . . . TTTELLS has published some fifty books and thirty tools and live on wages. A millionaire banker and a ** shout stories. Much of his early work is very amus- shoestring contractor both live on surplus value pro- Ol1 marse ridin1 all time, NEGRO WORKADAY SONGS, By Howard W. Odum and ing—his short stories, his two per cent science yarns duced by workers. A peasant owns or rents land and Niggers workin' 'round'. Guy B. Johnson. University of North Carolina Press, Marse sleepin' day time, such as "Time Machine", "Invisible Man", "First Men farms it. in the Moon". His best work is probably "Tono Bun- Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1926. Niggers diggin' in de groun'. The story in these two ponderous volumes is thin— gay" a delicious picture ctf soap bubble finance, adver- Cliss'old is a gifted industrial chemist, separates from rpHIS volume is a collection of the songs of Negro la- Some of the songs, while giving an effect of humor, tising and the Sacred English County Family. About his wife, beds with decorative damsels, gets rich, spouts nevertheless portray very accurately conditions in the fifteen years ago he was bitten by the Messianic flea. -*- borers as they can be heard today in certain areas in drearily on education, money, the past and future of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Georgia. South. An example is the following stanza referring to His theme is simple—mankind lives muddled, planless, the Ku Klux Klan: man, sex, advertising and at last—thank God—dies. He The authors have taken down the words of songs sung wasteful, mean lives, let us by scientific humanitarian does not care to brave the feminists himself so ha calls by laborers in construction camps, railroads, and mills, organization remedy this. He sees a dozen ways to "They're gonna hold a meeting' there, his latest street walker to give her views on woman in local jails, county chain gangs, state and federal pris- reach Socialism—mankind has been bombed into it in Of some society; psychology. She tells him women are liars, vain and ons; by itinerant laborers and casual wanderers, and by "The World Set Free", dreamed into it in "The Sleeper There's 'leven sheets upon the line, greedy parasites, incompetents unable to get by on itinerant musicianeers and songsters. The chapter head- Awakes", cometed into it "In the Days of the Comet", That's ten too much for me." "X" their own—all this is innate inferiority, not due to en- educated into it in "A Modern Utopia" and Einsteiined in- to it in "Men Like Gods". In "The World tof William vironment. Clissold" (I hope this will be the last) the executives of Now that the disciples of Marx rule one sixth of the the Steel Trust, Standard Oil, the Allgemeine Elek- world and plan soo,n to rule the rest of it, it is neces- FEBRUARY, 1927 WORKERS MONTHLY 762

Trade Unionism as It Is—What and The Favorite Restaurant of Radicals ana How to Study Their Friends To All of Our R eaders 9C99 (Continued from page 756.) "JOHN'S "Marxism is the only scientific policy for the working Italian Dishes a Specialty class. Hence, this policy must be based on a careful, In order to fill the need of a theoretical organ of Com- whole question of state intervention in labor disputes. scientific analysis of the whole historical sphere within munism, the magazine will have the following depart- 302 E. 12th STREET, BROOKLYN BRANCH. which the working class must operate, as well as of each Are government mediation or conciliation ever of bene- concrete economic and political situation which deter- ments: NEW YORK CITY 7 Willoughby St. fit to the workers? Would you agree to voluntary ar- mines the immediate action of the workers' parties." 1. EDITORIAL. bitration of a dispute in which you were interested, if Popular For Its Good Food, Reasonable BUCHARIN. This regular feature will consist of editorial notes you were bound beforehand to accept the arbitrator's Prices and Interesting Companionship /COMMUNIST activity can be effective only if its aim about important events. These editorials will be written decision? How do you feel about the growing demand of — Private Dining Room for Parties — ^ and its adaptation to existing conditions fits in all by the leaders of the Workers (Communist) Party and employers to make arbitration compulsory? John Pucciatti, Prop. Phone Stuyvesant 3816 cases into the unified concept of the Marxist-Leninist will indicate the party's conception of these events. Under union programs Hoxie compares a number of theroy of social development. Not only must the active 2. THEORETICAL AND ANALYTICAL ARTICLES. different union demands. He shows that these demands Communist and the student of Communism know this are drawn up on immediate consideration as practical These articles, too, will ibe a regular feature of the theory—he must also understand the application of this magazine. Outstanding events will be treated by compe- means of improving the condition of workers in that par- theory to the specific, historical, ideological and physical ticular union. He raises a number of interesting tac- For the Youth of America conditions confronting him. tent Communist writers. Problems of the American tical questions. Should unions seek to increase output working class will be analyzed to convey a thorough There is no better reading mat- The regular Communist press cannot supply this theoretical understanding of them. in the hope of getting more wages? Are the unions knowledge. This press is primarily a fighting instru- justified in limiting output? Should unions resist or ter than the only working class ment. It must act more actively leading than teaching. 3. INFORMATIVE AND STATISTICAL MATERIAL. encourage the introduction of new machinery? See youth paper Its subject matters are more the obvious every day Articles of this character will appear from time to whether you agree with Hoxie's answers. needs, troubles and probems of the workers and not the time as material for editors, propagandists, agitators Scientific management under capitalism has two ob- deeper and more intricate problems of class relation. It and students of Communism. jects—to squeeze more profits out of the workers, and is clear, therefore, that the regular Communist press can- to break up trade unions. Hoxie, who wrote another UNG WORKER 4. MARXIAN STUDIES OF AMERICAN HISTORIC not supply the theoretical needs of the revolutionary PHENOMENA. valuable book on this subject alone, shows how motion movement. study and the stop-watch aid in subdividing processes Subscribe Now Our Workers Monthly was conceived by the very real- The main purpose and task of The Communist will and destroying the workers' craft skill. Hence arises ization of this ifact. The Workers' Monthly was a mer- be the "Americanization" of Marxism-Leninism. We the question, can the unions co-operate in time study $1.00 a Year 50c Six Months ger of the Liberator, the Labor Herald and the Soviet mean by that the application of Marxist-Leninist analy- and scientific management plans without endangering sis to American history and American conditions. There USE THIS BLANK: Russia Pictorial. While combining features of all three their own existence? On the other hand—and this is a of these former magazines, the Workers' Monthly was is very little American Marxian and Leninist literature. point which Hoxie fails to raise—could not scientific to be merged gradually into a theoretical organ of Com- Neither American history as a whole nor even impor- management be used to great advantage by the toilers THE YOUNG WORKER, 1113 Washington Blvd. munism. Its policy was from the beginning to fill gradu- tant phases of it have as yet found a Marxian-Leninist themselves under workers' control of industry? CHICAGO, ILL. ally this need outlined above. Pursuant to this policy, explanation. Important American historical events, po- the magazine has undergone a constant change. Now our litical and religious movements of all sort, all rooted Enclosed find $ for months. Workers Monthly has practically completed its evolution. in American class divisions and class relations, have remained untouched by Marxist-Lenist historans. The Send The Young Worker to: We propose that this inner change, the practical accom- plishment of the aim set, be now outwardly recognized. Communist intends to publish (from time to time Marx- Name Neither name nor cover conform any longer to the con- ian studies of such phenomena as contributions to an tents. The very appearance of the magazine must de- American Marxian literature and for a better understand- note the gradual inner change which it has undergone. ing of the conditions under which the class struggle pro- Address ceeds in America. Therefore, the name of the Workers' Monthly will be City State changed. Beginning with next month's issue, that, of 5. WITH MARX AND ENGELS. March, 1927, the magazine will appear under its new This regular feature will receive great attention. While name: it is our main task to apply Marxian-Leninist science to THE COMMUNIST. America, it is not less necessary that we acquaint our The changing cover design will be abandoned and a readers with the teachings of our theoretical leaders. FAIRY permanent design will take its place. This permanent Not only is a great portion of the writings of Marx, design is more in accord with the character of the maga- Engels and Lenin unaccessible in the English language, TALES but even writings of these men about America and Amer- BISHOP BROWN'S NEW BOOK zine and will show the contents, volume number and FOR WORKERS' CHILDREN current number on the outside. This is most important ican conditions are still unknown. We want to help in By HERMINA ZUR MUHLEN. for library purposes. remedying this. "MY HERESY9 With over twenty black To make the magazine handier for library purposes, Comrade Avron Landy, who is editing this department, The Autobiography of An Idea and white illustrations it will appear in a smaller form, 6x9 inches. To make has already prepared some excellent material which will and four color plates by up for this loss of space the pages will be increased from be published in the first issues of "The Communist." $2.00 Cloth Bound LYDIA GIBSON. 48 to 64. This will make out of every issue of The 6. INFORMATIVE AND ANALYTICAL ARTICLES 75 Cents $1.25 Communist a handy pamphlet. The contents will make ABOUT THE SOVIET UNION. DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. Duroflex Covers Cloth Bound it a desirable pamphlet which every subscriber wants to The Soviet Union is the outpost of the proletarian 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, III. THE DAILY WORKER PUB. CO. keep. world revolution. The problems which the Russian pro- 764 WORKERS MONTHLY letariat has already solved, still await solution with us. 7. BOOK REVIEWS. The problems which the Russian proletariat has yet to Our book reviews are not only to be a guide to prole- TWO NEW BOOKS To Make Working Class Chil- solve demand our aid in the solution. We must know tarian readers. They are also educational, and therefore, and understand all problems connected with the Soviet dren Happier and Better Union. Articles in this cassification aim to give a very valuable general reading material for subscribers Little Rebels thorough understanding of these problems. of our magazine.

8. CLASS STRUGGLE DATA. CONSTITUTION THE U. S. S. As a permanent feature ghts of Trade of The Communist, we will have several pages of current historical data in- dispensible for propagan- dists, editors, etc. These dates gathered at the end of each year in a complete volume of The, Commu- nist, will present a tre- mendously valuable source A Special Price is Made to En- of references, not unlike a yearbook. able More Children to Own . The first issue of The Communist will be the fAlRYTAlES [OR March issue of our maga- Number 10 zine. Among other valu- The latest number in the LITTLE RED WORKERS CHILDREN able material it will con- LIBRARY brings indispensible information to tain an article with im- every worker. A splendid reference on labor portant statistical mater- laws and social legislation as they are today in the First Workers' Republic. TABLE OF CONTENTS ial about United States economy. But its chief 10 Cents feature will be a reprint The Ides of March of statements, letters, etc., A NEW BIOGRAPHY X oy Marx and Engels about By MAX BEDACHT the Paris Commune. About The Economic Situation in the one of thes eletters Lenin DENIN United States during 1926 wrote that he wished that By A. G. BOSSE it would be found framed His Life and Works on the walls of the home By E. Yaroslavsky The United States and Tacna of every worker in Russia. Arica By ELLA WOLFE This material has been in For the first time an adequate, com- the past absolutely inac- plete biography of our great leader is BY UERMINIAZUB MUM1EM Marx and Engels on the Paris cessible to the English now made available. His eventful life, his TRANSIATED BY IDADAILIS « Commune reader. It is of tremen- historic accomplishments, the principles LENIN he fought for, are splendidly presented. dous value. It gives to 25 Cents Color Plates by Lydia Gibson this issue of The Com- Formerly 75 Cents Editorials — Reviews munist a permanent value. Other Good Books Struggle Datas No revolutionist, no stu- For Workers Now 50 Cents dent of Marx, can afford to Offer Good for One Month Only miss this and coming is- ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL EDUCATION sues off The Communist. By A. Berdnikof and A. Svetlof A book of beautiful stories that are sure to be Duroflex $1.00 Cloth $1.50 liked by both grownups and children. Thousands THE WORKERS THE AWAKENING OF CHINA of copies were sold immediately on its publica- MONTHLY. By Jas. A. Dolsen $1.00 tion. Over twenty black and white illustrations PASSAIC and four full-page color plates illustrate these A theoretical magazine for the discussion of revolutionary problems published by the By Albert Weisbord $ .15 splendid stories that breed the fighting spirit of revolt. Workers Communist Party. THE DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. THE DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO. 33 EAST FIRST STREET 33 EAST FIRST STREET NEW YORK CITY NEW YORK CITY COMMUNISM • • JUST OFF THE PRESS IJttJeRcdIJtrarf When You Give — In Theory and Practice IF YOU HAVE TO The LENIN ON ORGANIZATION THE LATEST NUMBER MAKE A GIFT— CHALLENGE OF YOUTH And a most interesting and important one Why Not a Year's Subscription The speeches and for every worker in By SAM DARCY. writings of a great to The Workers Monthly leader on the most simple but most nec- An illustrated pamphlet describing the condi- essary problems of No. 9 tions of the American working class youth. Never the working class. A before has the problem of youth been treated splendid work in its You can utilize the practice more thoroughly. In simple language the pam- The increasing schemes of reactionary leaders of gift-giving for the Revo- phlet explains what the Young Workers League first American publi- in the American Labor movement to bind Labor is and why young workers should join it. cation. Cloth $1.50 to the interests of American capital—thru Labor lutionary Labor Movement. Banking, the B. & O. Plan, Workers' Education, GET YOUR COPY NOW! State and Revolution The etc., makes this booklet of timely interest and By LENIN The splendid articles on the Communist Manifesto value to every worker both in and out of the 15 cents a copy. 10 cents in bundles of 5 or more. A Marxian analysis of organized Labor movement. the State and a lesson in By KARL MARX AND most important events in the the revolutionary neces- FREDERICK ENGELS sity of the establishment The first and greatest •world of Labor — of the "Dictatorship of statement of the position Send your order to the Proletariat." of Communism in rela- OTHER NUMBERS ISSUED: Duroflex, durable bind- tion to the working class ing. 25 Cents. and the decaying capi- The invaluable articles on THE YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE talist system. 1—TRADE UNIONS IN AMERICA The Theory and Prac- Clr th, 60 Cents. Paper, By Wm. Z. Foster, Jas. P. Cannon, and E. R. Communist theory and prac- 1113 West Washington Blvd. tice of Leninism 10 Cents. Browder CHICAGO, ILL. By I. STALIN Prinicples of Commu- tice— An important work on nism 2—CLASS STRUGGLE VS. CLASS COLLABO- Communist theory and practice during the pe- By FREDERICK EN- RATION riod that Lenin lived and GELS—Translation by By Earl R. Browder Your shop-mate will enjoy led—the period of Capi- MAX BEDACHT A Suggested List of Books on talist Imperialism. The original draft of 3—PRINCIPLES OF COMMUNISM them — Duroflex bound, 35 Cents. the Communist Manifesto with most valuable and By F. Engels—Translation by Max Bedacht The Menace of Oppor. interesting h i s t o r i cal tunism 4—WORKER CORRESPONDENCE notes. 10 Cents. So will the man in your Soviet Russia By MAX BEDACHT. A. B. C. of Communism By Wm. F. Dunne Clarity of principle is union ! essential to correct poli- By BUCHARIN AND 5—POEMS FOR WORKERS cies. This booklet Is a PREOBRAZHENSKY An anthology, edited by Manuel Gomez splendid contribution to A gem of Communist Communist clarity. teachings. A complete If your sub expires — make RUSSIA TODAY 15 Cents. and simple explanation B—THE DAMNED AGITATOR—And other Stones of Communism making By Michael Gold yourself a present — RE- The Official Report of the British Trade Union Why Every Worker an invaluable text-book. Delegation to Soviet Russia. Should Become a 50 Cents. 7—MARX AND ENGELS ON REVOLUTION IN NEW! Communist Party Organization AMERICA No book in recent years has created such wide- By C. E. RUTHENBERG With Introduction By Heinz Neuman spread discussion in the labor movement. It is A n attractive, simple By JAY LOVESTONE Now Is the Time to a most complete report on every phase of Soviet exposition of Communist Letter of the Commu- 8—1871—THE PARIS COMMUNE life today—with maps and charts, including a practice and policies writ- nist Interational, Consti- ten by the national exe- t u t i o n, organization By Max Shachtman SUBSCRIBE RENEW special report on the famous "Zinoviev" letter cutive secretary of the charts, etc. of the Amer- and the Red International of Labor Unions. W o r k e rs (Communist) ican movement organ- Party. — illustrated b y ized in the Workers CLASS COLLABORATION Duroflex bound, $1.25 leading artists. 5 Cents. (Communist) Party. • THE WORKERS MONTHLY 15 Cents. HOW IT WORKS. $2.00 a Year $1,25 Six Monts By BERTRAM D. WOLFE. RUSSIAN WORKERS AND WORKSHOPS IN 1926 The 4th National 33 EAST FIRST STREET, NEW YORK CITY By Wm. Z. Foster 25 Cents Convention of the All Numbers 1 0 Cents Each GLIMPSES OF THE SOVIET REPUBLIC Workers (Commu- By Scott Nearing 10 Cents RUSSIA TURNS EAST nist) Party, Held in Chicago, 1925. Twelve Copies for One Dollar Enclosed $ for months sub- By Scott Nearing 10 Cents scription to the Workers Monthly. EDUCATION IN SOVIET RUSSIA A record of progress SEND $1 FOR NUMBERS ISSUED By Scott Nearing 10 Cents of the American Com- THE NEW THEATER AND CINEMA IN SOVIET munist movement, in And New Numbers Now on the Press Name . , RUSSIA resolutions and dec- By Huntley Carter $6.00 larations—with con- stitution. A compen- THE DAILY WORKER PUB. CO. Street . ORDER FROM dium of information on all phases of the 33 EAST FIRST STREET movement. 50 Cents. NEW YORK CITY City .... State THE DAILY WORKER PUB CO. 33 East First Street, New York City. EACH MONTH LEFT WING vs. RIGHT WING CLASS STRUGGLE $5,00 TO GLASS-WAR vs. PRISONERS CLASS COLLABORATION What is the meaning of this conflict? What lies behind it? What is its his- tory? These questions are answered MORE THAN 300 $20,00 TO DEPENDENT in the following timely publications: WORKERS ARE INVOLVED IN CASES PENDING! HELP PROVIDE FAMILIES CLASS COLLABORATION- COMPANY UNIONS LEGAL DE- HOW IT WORKS By Robert W. Dunn, with conclusions by FENSE! By Bertram D. Wolfe $ .10 Wm. Z. Foster $ .25 A careful analysis of this peculiar American A brilliant study of the various methods by institution giving the fundamental reasons for its which the capitalist class attempts to corrupt adoption by many of the leading employers of International Labor De- the labor movement and bribe its most important this country. The pamphlet is the result of ex- sections. 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Communists would do well to read ualism and class peace as expressed by the re- Also please consider me one of the Friends of Class-War Prisoners. and re-read this book. formists of the British labor movement. I agree to send regularly each month $ toward the Prisoners' Pledge Fund, beginning to help the Order from the Friends of Class-War I. L. D. continue sending $5 monthly to class-war prisoners and $20 monthly to dependent families as well as to help released prisoners. Please send me a Pledge Card and assign to me one o£ the class-war Prisoners! prisoners with whom I can communicate. DAILY WORKER NAME PUBLISHING COMPANY 33 FIRST STREET NEW YORK, N. Y. SIGN TODAY! ADDRESS CITY STATE NOTE: Names of the Friends of Class-War Prisoners will be published 'The Source of All Communist Literature in The Labor Defender each mpnth.