The Power of Charisma
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
1 Post-Capitalist Development in Latin
Post-capitalist Development in Latin America's Left Turn: beyond Peronism and the Magical State DRAFT Manuel Larrabure, PhD Submitted to Development and Change on September 21, 2017 Reference number: DECH-17-421 Abstract The persistence of struggles by popular sectors in the context of the pink tide has generated ongoing debates about how to interpret the region's left turn. For some, these movements are understood as forming part of a tense but ultimately productive relationship with left governments in the pursuit of post-neoliberal development. For others, it points to potentially irreconcilable political differences, and neoliberal continuities in pink tide governance. In this paper, I address these debates by presenting research on two social movements: Argentina's recuperated enterprises and Venezuela's popular economy. Using a Marxian-inspired, situated case study approach, I argue that these movements can be understood as 'post-capitalist struggles', that is, attempts to articulate new forms of democracy and cooperation that point beyond capitalism. As such, these movements push beyond the politics of Kirchnerismo and Chavismo that reproduce, albeit in new forms, the limitations to post-capitalist development associated with Peronism and the 'magical state'. These movements therefore reveal both the region's potential post-capitalist future, and the barriers that stand against it in the context of the region's latest phase of development. Lastly, these cases highlight the need to both re-assert and re-define one of the pink tide's political goals, namely regional integration. Latin America's Left Turn During the first decade and a half of the 21st-century, Latin American politics took a meaningful turn to the left. -
On Trumpism, Or the End of American Exceptionalism
Teoria politica 9 | 2019 Annali IX On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Publisher Marcial Pons Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2019 Number of pages: 209-226 ISSN: 0394-1248 Electronic reference Nadia Urbinati, « On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism », Teoria politica. Nuova serie Annali [Online], 9 | 2019, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 26 May 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Teoria politica On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati* Abstract This papers uses Trumpism to illustrate populism in power. It analyses it in its rhetorical style; in its propaganda, tropes, and ideology; and finally in its aims and achievements. It shows how the representative construction of the people is rhetorical and is independent of social classes and traditional ideologies. The paper argues that populist democracy is the name of a new form of representative government that is based on two phenomena: a direct relation between the leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the «right» or «good» people; and the superlative authority of the audience. Its immediate targets are the «obstacles» to the development of those phenomena: intermediary opinion-making bodies, such as parties; established media; and institutionalized systems for monitoring and controlling political power. Populist leaders compete with other political actors with regard to the representation of the people and use electoral victory in order to prove that «the people» they represent is the «right» people and deserves to rule for its own good. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
The Killing Game: a Theory of Non-Democratic Succession
Research in Economics 69 (2015) 398–411 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Research in Economics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/rie The killing game: A theory of non-democratic succession Georgy Egorov a,n, Konstantin Sonin b,c a Northwestern University, United States b University of Chicago, United States c Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia article info abstract Article history: The winner of a battle for a throne can either execute or spare the loser; if the loser is Received 13 April 2015 spared, he contends the throne in the next period. Executing the losing contender gives Accepted 26 May 2015 the winner a chance to rule uncontested for a while, but then his life is at risk if he loses to Available online 16 July 2015 some future contender who might be, in equilibrium, too frightened to spare him. The Keywords: trade-off is analyzed within a dynamic complete information game, with, potentially, an Non-democracy infinite number of long-term players. In an equilibrium, decisions to execute predecessors Succession depend on the predecessors’ history of executions. With a dynastic rule in place, Execution incentives to kill the predecessor are much higher than in non-hereditary dictatorships. Reputation The historical illustration for our analysis contains a discussion of post-World War II Markov perfect equilibrium politics of execution of deposed leaders and detailed discussion of non-hereditary military dictatorships in Venezuela in 1830–1964, which witnessed dozens of comebacks and no single political execution. & 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd. on behalf of University of Venice. “Who disagrees with our leadership, will get a spit into his face, a blow onto his chin, and, if necessary, a bullet into his head”. -
Weekly Worker March 13), Which of How I Understand the “From of Polemic
A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity weekly Italian left unites around n People’s Assembly workern Revolutionary Strategy ‘Another Europe with Tsipras’. n Crimean referendum Tobe Abse assesses its chances n Open borders No 1002 Thursday March 20 2014 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union www.cpgb.org.uk £1/€1.10 The moderate extremist 2 weekly March 20 2014 1002 worker LETTERS Letters may have been in the elemental fight over wages definitively assert what he would What nonsense. Let us leave such shortened because of and conditions that would occur in Xenophobic have said then!” True enough (and window dressing to the Trots! space. Some names class society even if there was no I cannot escape the conclusion that fortunately for him nor was there Those on the left should ensure may have been changed such thing as Marxism. The fact that there exists a nasty xenophobic any asylum-seekers legislation for that those they employ are paid today “the works of Marx, Lenin undertone to Dave Vincent’s reply political refugees), but Eleanor, his transparently, in line with the Not astounding and others [are] freely available (Letters, March 13). daughter, was particularly active in market rate, and ensure best value In spite of all the evidence that I have on the internet” changes nothing in First, has Dave never heard of the distributing the statement, “The voice for money for their members. Crow put forward from Lars T Lih’s study, this regard, except for the fact that Irish immigration to Scotland and of the aliens’, which I recommended fulfilled all those requirements, Lenin rediscovered, in particular, uploading material onto a website in particular to the Lanarkshire coal as a read. -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism. -
Argentina Had Long Been an Economic Paradox. How Did a Country
The Paradox of Argentina 1 Excerpt from The Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 2002 ed., pp. 240-244. Copyright © 2002 by Daniel A. Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc., N.Y. All rights reserved. Argentina had long been an economic paradox. How did a country that was one of the world's richest in the first decades of the 20th century end up in such economic disorder? A good part of the answer rested with Juan Peron. He is now best remembered, of course, as the husband of Evita, but in the years after World War II he was the embodiment of populism with an almost fascist tinge. Building on the prewar popularity of fascist ideas, Peron turned Argentina into a corporatist country, with powerful organized interest groups—big business, labor unions, military, farmers—that negotiated with the state and with each other for position and resources. He incited nationalist passions, stoked pretensions of grandeur, and pursued stridently anti- American policies. He nationalized large parts of the economy and put up trade barriers to defend them. He cut Argentina's links to the world economy—which had been one of its great sources of wealth—embedded inflation in the society, and destroyed the foundations of sound economic growth. He was also wildly popular—until Evita's death in 1952. Thereafter, however, the economy became so chaotic that he prudently went into exile. The years that followed were characterized by a revolving door of elected presidents and military juntas. Peron returned from exile to become president again in 1973. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela
Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela by Aaron Kappeler A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology University of Toronto © Copyright by Aaron Kappeler 2015 Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela Aaron Kappeler Doctor of Philosophy Degree Anthropology University of Toronto 2015 Abstract Sowing the State is an ethnographic account of the remaking of the Venezuelan nation- state at the start of the twenty-first century, which underscores the centrality of agriculture to the re-envisioning of sovereignty. The narrative explores the recent efforts of the Venezuelan government to transform the rural areas of the nation into a model of agriculture capable of feeding its mostly urban population as well as the logics and rationales for this particular reform project. The dissertation explores the subjects, livelihoods, and discourses conceived as the proper basis of sovereignty as well as the intersection of agrarian politics with statecraft. In a nation heavily dependent on the export of oil and the import of food, the politics of land and its various uses is central to statecraft and the rural becomes a contested field for a variety of social groups. Based on extended fieldwork in El Centro Técnico Productivo Socialista Florentino, a state enterprise in the western plains of Venezuela, the narrative analyses the challenges faced by would-be nation builders after decades of neoliberal policy designed to integrate the nation into the global market as well as the activities of the enterprise directed at ii transcending this legacy. -
The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 11-5-2020 The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance Victor Lopez Florida International University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lopez, Victor, "The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba-Venezuela Alliance" (2020). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 4573. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/4573 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERISTY Miami, Florida THE BOLIVARIAN DREAM: ALBA AND THE CUBA-VENEZUELA ALLIANCE A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES by Victor Lopez 2020 To: Dean John Stack Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs This thesis, written by Victor Lopez, and entitled The Bolivarian Dream: ALBA and the Cuba- Venezuela Alliance, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this thesis and recommend that it be approved. Jorge Duany Eduardo Gamarra Astrid Arrarás, Major Professor Date of defense: November 5, 2020 The thesis