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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
On Trumpism, Or the End of American Exceptionalism
Teoria politica 9 | 2019 Annali IX On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Publisher Marcial Pons Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2019 Number of pages: 209-226 ISSN: 0394-1248 Electronic reference Nadia Urbinati, « On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism », Teoria politica. Nuova serie Annali [Online], 9 | 2019, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 26 May 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Teoria politica On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati* Abstract This papers uses Trumpism to illustrate populism in power. It analyses it in its rhetorical style; in its propaganda, tropes, and ideology; and finally in its aims and achievements. It shows how the representative construction of the people is rhetorical and is independent of social classes and traditional ideologies. The paper argues that populist democracy is the name of a new form of representative government that is based on two phenomena: a direct relation between the leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the «right» or «good» people; and the superlative authority of the audience. Its immediate targets are the «obstacles» to the development of those phenomena: intermediary opinion-making bodies, such as parties; established media; and institutionalized systems for monitoring and controlling political power. Populist leaders compete with other political actors with regard to the representation of the people and use electoral victory in order to prove that «the people» they represent is the «right» people and deserves to rule for its own good. -
Recasting Caste: Histories of Dalit Transnationalism and the Internationalization of Caste Discrimination
Recasting Caste: Histories of Dalit Transnationalism and the Internationalization of Caste Discrimination by Purvi Mehta A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Anthropology and History) in the University of Michigan 2013 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Farina Mir, Chair Professor Pamela Ballinger Emeritus Professor David W. Cohen Associate Professor Matthew Hull Professor Mrinalini Sinha Dedication For my sister, Prapti Mehta ii Acknowledgements I thank the dalit activists that generously shared their work with me. These activists – including those at the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, Navsarjan Trust, and the National Federation of Dalit Women – gave time and energy to support me and my research in India. Thank you. The research for this dissertation was conducting with funding from Rackham Graduate School, the Eisenberg Center for Historical Studies, the Institute for Research on Women and Gender, the Center for Comparative and International Studies, and the Nonprofit and Public Management Center. I thank these institutions for their support. I thank my dissertation committee at the University of Michigan for their years of guidance. My adviser, Farina Mir, supported every step of the process leading up to and including this dissertation. I thank her for her years of dedication and mentorship. Pamela Ballinger, David Cohen, Fernando Coronil, Matthew Hull, and Mrinalini Sinha posed challenging questions, offered analytical and conceptual clarity, and encouraged me to find my voice. I thank them for their intellectual generosity and commitment to me and my project. Diana Denney, Kathleen King, and Lorna Altstetter helped me navigate through graduate training. -
Argentina Had Long Been an Economic Paradox. How Did a Country
The Paradox of Argentina 1 Excerpt from The Commanding Heights by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 2002 ed., pp. 240-244. Copyright © 2002 by Daniel A. Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw. Reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc., N.Y. All rights reserved. Argentina had long been an economic paradox. How did a country that was one of the world's richest in the first decades of the 20th century end up in such economic disorder? A good part of the answer rested with Juan Peron. He is now best remembered, of course, as the husband of Evita, but in the years after World War II he was the embodiment of populism with an almost fascist tinge. Building on the prewar popularity of fascist ideas, Peron turned Argentina into a corporatist country, with powerful organized interest groups—big business, labor unions, military, farmers—that negotiated with the state and with each other for position and resources. He incited nationalist passions, stoked pretensions of grandeur, and pursued stridently anti- American policies. He nationalized large parts of the economy and put up trade barriers to defend them. He cut Argentina's links to the world economy—which had been one of its great sources of wealth—embedded inflation in the society, and destroyed the foundations of sound economic growth. He was also wildly popular—until Evita's death in 1952. Thereafter, however, the economy became so chaotic that he prudently went into exile. The years that followed were characterized by a revolving door of elected presidents and military juntas. Peron returned from exile to become president again in 1973. -
PERONISM and ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES of POLITICAL IDENTITY in ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California
PERONISM AND ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California at Berkeley Department of Political Science 210 Barrows Hall Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] Paper presented at the LASA meeting, in Guadalajara, Mexico, on April 18, 1997 This paper is about political identity and the related issue of types of political appeals in the public arena. It thus deals with a central aspect of political behavior, regarding both voters' preferences and identification, and politicians' electoral strategies. Based on the case of Argentina, it shows the at times unsuspected but unmistakable impact of class-cultural, and more precisely, social-cultural differences on political identity and electoral behavior. Arguing that certain political identities are social-culturally based, this paper introduces a non-ideological, but socio-politically significant, axis of political polarization. As observed in the case of Peronism and anti-Peronism in Argentina, social stratification, particularly along an often- used compound, in surveys, of socio-economic status and education,1 is tightly associated with political behavior, but not so much in Left-Right political terms or even in issue terms (e.g. socio- economic platforms or policies), but rather in social-cultural terms, as seen through the modes and type of political appeals, and figuring centrally in certain already constituted political identities. Forms of political appeals may be mapped in terms of a two-dimensional political space, defined by the intersection of this social-cultural axis with the traditional Left-to-Right spectrum. Also, since already constituted political identities have their origins in the successful "hailing"2 of pluri-facetted people and groups, such a bi-dimensional space also maps political identities. -
The Political Economy of Latin America: New Visions1
The Political Economy of Latin America: New Visions1 José Luis Falconi2 and James A. Robinson3 May 20, 2021 Abstract: Latin American under-development has been fundamentally determined by a political economy syndrome of clientelism and state weakness which inhibits the provision of basic public goods. Rooted in the colonial period, this syndrome has been highly resistant to both modernization and the types of reforms advocated by international institutions. We describe why this is and sketch how the architecture of Latin American states facilitates this syndrome. Yet we also point out that the incomplete nature of the state this creates makes it vulnerable to many forces and leaves large spaces in which alternative political projects can germinate. We illustrate this with examples from Bolivia and Colombia. We emphasize that successful development requires the emergence of a new political equilibrium that can start from such spaces. Moreover, the new identities and coalitions needed to underpin such incipient equilibria have arisen historically, both in Latin America, and elsewhere, organically from society, with state elites having little ability to control them. We illuminate this with Peronism, and though it, like Chavismo, is a Manichaean identity formed in reaction to a history of extractive institutions, the Latin America of today is different from the one they formed in opposition to. We finally use the example of the emergence and spread of the “Cholo” identity in Perú to illustrate how new cultures and identities can emerge in ways which are inclusive and highly conducive to productivity, and under the nose of a highly corrupt and ineffective state. -
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Journal of Democracy, Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020, pp. 125-136 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753199 [ Access provided at 9 Apr 2020 16:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ARGENTINA: PERONISM RETURNS María Victoria Murillo and Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J. María Victoria Murillo is professor of political science and interna- tional and public affairs and director of the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University. Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J., is director of the Center for Research and Social Action (CIAS) and researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Buenos Aires. The headline news, the main takeaway, from Argentina’s 2019 gen- eral election is encouraging for democracy despite the dire economic situation. Mauricio Macri, a president not associated with the country’s powerful Peronist movement, became the first such chief executive to complete his mandate, whereas two non-Peronists before him had failed to do so.1 Macri would not repeat his term, however. He lost the 27 October 2019 election and then oversaw a peaceful handover of power to his Peronist rival, Alberto Fernández, who won by 48 to 40 percent and whose vice-president is former two-term president Cristina Fernán- dez de Kirchner (no relation). Strikingly, even the economic hard times gripping the country—they are the worst in two decades, and they sank Macri at the polls—could not ruffle the orderliness of the transition. Peaceful changes of administration tend to be taken for granted in democracies, but they are in fact major achievements anywhere. -
Working Paper No. 60, 2013
Working Paper No. 60, 2013 Differences of Inequality Tracing the Socioeconomic, the Cultural and the Political in Latin American Postcolonial Theory Ina Kerner Working Paper Series desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series Published by desiguALdades.net International Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America The desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series serves to disseminate first results of ongoing research projects in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. Inclusion of a paper in the desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Copyright for this edition: Ina Kerner Editing and Production: Barbara Göbel / Sérgio Costa / Laura Kemmer / Paul Talcott All working papers are available free of charge on our website www.desiguALdades.net. Kerner, Ina 2013: “Differences of Inequality: Tracing the Socioeconomic, the Cultural and the Political in Latin American Postcolonial Theory”, desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series 60, Berlin: desiguALdades.net International Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America. The paper was produced by Ina Kerner during her fellowship at desiguALdades.net from 10/2012 to 03/2013. desiguALdades.net International Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of desiguALdades.net. Differences of Inequality Tracing the Socioeconomic, the Cultural and the Political in Latin American Postcolonial Theory Ina Kerner Abstract It is far from obvious which theories are the most promising ones for the task of critically addressing interdependent inequalities in Latin America as well as global forms of inequality that affect Latin American countries. -
Trump, Celebrity and the Merchant Imaginary
ARTICLE DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 OPEN Trump, celebrity and the merchant imaginary Barry King 1 ABSTRACT This article explores the social ontological basis of Trumpism as a form of populism, historically defined as government by personal rule. For many commentators, the key feature of Trump’s presidency is its fundamental irrationality. The President has variously described as ‘dumb’, ‘greedy’, ‘psychotic’,a‘narcissist’ in the grandiose mode, and an ‘egotist’ unfit for public office. This article does not aim to dissent from these kinds of conclusions but 1234567890():,; suggests that they partake more of the statement of effects or consequences rather than causes. Indeed, if they are considered as causes they lead to confusion, a kind of ‘attention- deficit disorder’ (which, ironically, some accuse the tweeting President of being a sufferer). Rather this paper suggests that a more systematic examination of the President’s persona reveals it as emerging from a conflation of the discourse of the American family and a merchant imaginary. 1 Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand. Correspondence and requests for materials should be addressed to B.K. (email: [email protected]) PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | (2018) 4:130 | DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 | www.nature.com/palcomms 1 ARTICLE PALGRAVE COMMUNICATIONS | DOI: 10.1057/s41599-018-0177-6 Introduction he confirmation of Trump as President has created a untrammeled and anti-bureaucratic form. The sociological and veritable tsunami of speculation on his “real” personality as semiotic parameters of this shift and its connection to populism is T fi revealed in the gaps between his behaviour in of ce and what this article explores. -
Gary Wilder Curriculum Vitae Education Joint Ph.D. Anthropology
Gary Wilder Curriculum Vitae Ph.D. Program in Anthropology Ph.D. Program in History The Graudate Center, City University of New York 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016-4309 phone: (212) 817-8012 or 8005 fax: (212) 817-1501 email: [email protected] Education Joint Ph.D. Anthropology Department and History Department, University of Chicago, 1999 M.A. Anthropology Department, University of Chicago, 1992 B.A. Cornell University, School of Arts and Sciences, “Distinction in All Subjects,” 1986 Semester in Paris, Reid Hall (Columbia University/Université de Paris VII) Fall 1984 Academic Positions Director, Committee on Globalization and Social Change, The Graduate Center, City University of New York, 2011-present Professor, Ph.D. Programs in Anthropology, History, French, The Graduate Center, City University of New York, 2015-present Associate Professor, Ph.D. Program in History, The Graduate Center, City University of New York, 2014-2015 Associate Professor, Ph.D. Program in Anthropology, The Graduate Center, City University of New York, 2009-2015 Steering Committee, Committee on Globalization and Social Change, Graduate Center, City University of New York, 2010-2011 Steering Committee, Center for Humanities, Graduate Center, City University of New York 2010-present Associate Professor, History Department, Pomona College, 2005-2009 Steering Committee, Cultural Studies Department, Claremont Graduate University, 2006, 2008- 2009 Associated Graduate Faculty, History Department, Claremont Graduate University, 2000, 2004- 2009 Assistant Professor, -
Chavismo, Media, and Public Opinion in Argentina's Domestic Politics
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 37 / N° 1 / 2017 / 147-175 HUGO CHAVEZ’S POLARIZING LEGACY: CHAVISMO, MEDIA, AND PUBLIC OPINION IN ARGENTINA’S DOMESTIC POLITICS*1 El legado polarizador de Hugo Chávez: chavismo, medios y opinión pública en la política interna Argentina IÑAKI SAGARZAZU Texas Tech University FERNANDO MOURON King’s College London - Universidade de São Paulo ABSTRACT Since Hugo Chávez Frias assumed the Venezuelan presidency in 1999, Venezue- la has strengthened ties with most of its Latin American neighbors, particularly those where sympathetic leftist administrations also managed to assume power, including Argentina. With our analysis we show: 1) that Argentine media, divided between pro- and anti-government positions, presents a polarized view of chavismo; and 2) that Argentine public opinion regarding Chávez is not necessarily divided on the basis of ideological affiliations (left-right), but rather by the rejection or sup- port of the former Argentine government. With these findings, we argue that in such a polarized information environment, chavismo is a polarizing issue and a tool that can be exploited in the domestic realm. Key words: chavismo, Venezuela, Argentina, media, public opinion RESUMEN Desde la asunción de Hugo Chávez Frias a la presidencia en 1999, Venezuela estrechó vín- culos con la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos, particularmente con aquellos donde también arribaron al poder administraciones con orientaciones de izquierda, incluyendo Argentina. Con este análisis demostramos que: 1) los medios argentinos, divididos en un clivaje gobierno-oposición, presentan una visión polarizada repecto al chavismo; 2) que la opinión pública argentina respecto a Chávez no está necesariamente dividida en base a afi- liaciones ideológicas (izquierda-derecha), sino por rechazo o apoyo al gobierno Kirchnerista.