DOCSLIB.ORG

The Rise and Decline of Presidential Populism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Rise and Decline of Presidential Populism Studies in American Political Development, 18 (Fall 2004), 136–159. The Rise and Decline of Presidential Populism Terri Bimes, Harvard University Quinn Mulroy, Columbia University At a Democratic Leadership Council meeting in the By highlighting the prominence of populist ap- summer of 2002, centrist leaders of the Democratic peals among nineteenth-century Democratic presi- Party took Al Gore to task for his use of populist dents, our account of the development of executive rhetoric during the 2000 presidential campaign. Ed leadership departs from scholarship emphasizing the Rendell, the current governor of Pennsylvania and “modern-traditional divide.”3 Operating within the the former Democratic National Committee Chair- modern-traditional divide framework, many scholars man, bemoaned: “We wish Al had refined the message depict nineteenth-century presidents as passive stew- and not used the ‘poor people versus the rich’.” Strik- ards constrained from taking on the role of the pop- ing a similar note, Joseph Lieberman charged that ular leader while portraying their twentieth-century Gore’s populist language made it difficult for the counterparts as strong and active presidents who use Democratic ticket to gain the support of middle-class, their popular authority to push for their program- independent voters who did not see America as “us matic goals. Examples of such views include Elmer versus them,” and that these verbal attacks were to Cornwell, who describes nineteenth-century presi- blame for Gore’s failure to win the popular vote by a dents as “passive and inarticulate” and Keith Whit- more convincing margin.1 The apparent backlash tington, who argues that in the nineteenth-century, against Gore’s use of populism is the latest manifesta- “the presidential message was dignified, the message tion of a transformation that has characterized presi- uncontroversial, the rhetoric principled.”4 Similarly, dential rhetoric over the past several decades. Put James W. Ceaser, Glen E. Thurow, Jeffrey Tulis, and simply, the language of populism, which in the nine- teenth century constituted one of the most formida- ble rhetorical weapons in the arsenal of Democratic 3. For instance, see Theodore Lowi, The Personal President: Pow- er Invested, Promise Unfulfilled (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, presidents, has faded and been displaced by a more 1985); Elmer E. Cornwell, Presidential Leadership of Public Opinion 2 consensual language. This trend contrasts with the (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965); and James Mac- striking, though limited, embrace of populism by such Gregor Burns, The Deadlock of Democracy: Fourth-Party Politics in Republicans as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1963). Recent work by Karen Hoffman (“Misunderstanding Executive Represen- tation: Causes and Consequences” Congress & The Presidency 28 1. Donald Lambro, “Gore Sends DLC his regrets,” The Wash- [2001]: 185–207): Michael Korzi (A Seat of Popular Leadership: The ington Times, July 31, 2002; Dan Balz, “Democrats Assessing the New Presidency, Political Parties, and Democratic Leadership [Amherst: Uni- Climate,” Washington Post, July 29, 2002. versity of Massachusetts, 2004]): Mel Laracey (Presidents and the Peo- 2. Democrats continue to draw upon populist appeals in their ple: The Partisan Story of Going Public [College Station, TX: Texas campaigns. Bill Clinton campaigned against special interest- A&M Press, 2002), and David Zarefsky (“The Presidency Has Al- induced gridlock in 1992, and four years earlier, Michael Dukakis ways Been a Place for Rhetorical Leadership,” in The Presidency and attacked “fast operators” on Wall Street and defended the people Rhetorical Leadership [College Station, TX: Texas A&M University “who don’t have any special friends at the bank or special interest Press, 2002], 20–41) are important exceptions. See also the im- lobbyists in Washington, D.C.” However, we find that Democratic portant edited volume, Richard J. Ellis, Speaking to the People: The presidents have moved away from using such populist appeals in Rhetorical Presidency in Historical Perspective (Amherst: University of their major formal governing addresses. (William J. Clinton, Massachusetts Press, 1998). speech delivered in Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 29, 1992, Michael 4. Elmer E. Cornwell, Presidential Leadership of Public Opinion, Dukakis, speech given in Peoria, Illinois, Sept. 27, 1988; and 7–8. Keith E. Whittington, “The Rhetorical Presidency, Presiden- Michael Dukakis, speech given in Peoria, Illinois, Sept. 27, 1988. tial Authority, and Bill Clinton,” in The Presidency Then and Now, ed. All speeches are taken from the Annenberg/Pew Archive of Pres- Phillip G. Henderson (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Pub- idential Campaign Discourse CD-ROM.) lishers, 2000), 202. 136 © 2004 Cambridge University Press ISSN 0898–588X/04 $12.00 THE RISE AND DECLINE OF PRESIDENTIAL POPULISM 137 Joseph Bessette collectively point out that while The expectation, then, would be to find presiden- nineteenth-century presidents were “public” figures tial populism in which presidents draw upon their in the sense of making ceremonial speeches, inau- role as a representative of the people to attack a gural addresses, and submitting annual messages to special interest (a more elaborate definition of Congress, these presidents were not at all “popular” presidential populism follows in the next section) leaders. The premodern president, in their view, was a flourishing after, but not before, the presidency of “constitutional officer who would rely for his authori- Woodrow Wilson. A systematic examination of presi- ty on the formal powers granted by the Constitution dential rhetoric from George Washington to George and on the informal authority that would flow from W. Bush, however, reveals that populist leadership does the office’s strategic position.” He was not a popular not fit neatly within the modern-traditional divide. In- leader who would “stir mass opinion by rhetoric.”5 stead, we find a strong vibrant tradition of populist Tulis, in his own work on the rhetorical presidency, leadership existed among nineteenth-century Dem- declares that “the rhetorical presidency and the un- ocratic presidents. Far from adhering to a solemn derstanding of American politics that it signifies are ceremonial format, nineteenth-century Democratic twentieth-century inventions and discoveries. Our pre- presidents, conceiving of themselves as tribunes of twentieth-century polity proscribed the rhetorical pres- the people, peppered their addresses and messages idency as ardently as we now prescribe it.”6 with images of the working classes struggling against a Within this bifurcated framework, popular presi- monied elite, as well as of workers and farmers battling dential leadership did not emerge until the presi- against manufacturing interests. While the conven- dencies of William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, tional wisdom concerning nineteenth-century presi- Woodrow Wilson, and Franklin Roosevelt. While dents is more accurate with respect to Whig and each of these presidents is credited with paving the Republican executives, even the latter began to ac- way for the plebiscitary presidency, it is Wilson who is cept a form of party-based popular leadership start- commonly referred to as the author and chief pro- ing with Lincoln. In short, it is difficult to confine ponent of the popular leadership doctrine. Wilson is presidential populist leadership to the twentieth cen- recognized for transforming the constitutional exec- tury and beyond. utive and setting the mold for twentieth-century pres- The trajectory of presidential populism thus serves idents. For example, Jeffery Tulis asserts that Wilson’s as a useful lens for reframing our understanding of doctrine of popular leadership represented nothing the presidency and moving beyond the modern- less than “a major shift, indeed a reversal, of the traditional divide in order to better understand the founding perspective.”7 Wilson, in Tulis’s view, estab- relationship between past practice and current gov- lished a second unwritten constitution that empha- erning challenges. In place of the modern-traditional sized presidential reliance on public opinion. This divide, we argue that populism is linked to the state- second constitution, layered on top of the first, pro- building goals of presidents and their parties. In both vides the contours for modern presidential practice. the nineteenth and twentieth century, antagonistic Arthur Link, the nation’s leading authority on Wil- and consensual models of rhetoric existed along side son, similarly remarks that his example made it “in- one another, and each was linked to a distinctive evitable that any future president would be powerful stance toward the scope of the national government. only in so far as he established intimate communica- In the nineteenth century, Democratic presidents tion with the people and spoke effectively for them.”8 generally advocated an anti-statist agenda, and they Likewise, Ceaser argues that while the Constitution adopted populist rhetoric targeting national gov- took care to provide “distance or protection for the erning institutions in their addresses and messages. executive from the immediate pressures of public Democratic presidents used populism to attack the opinion,” Wilson’s new doctrine of popular leader- legitimacy of governmental policies and institutions ship “removed all restraints” on the potential power
Load more

Recommended publications
  • S:\OHP\Tames, George Oral History\Tamespreface.Wpd
    George Tames Washington Photographer for the New York Times PREFACE In 1846, an unknown cameraman took the first photograph of the United States Capitol, a view of the East Front. Thereafter the Capitol, from all angles, became the subject of countless amateur and professional photographers. During the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth most photography took place outside the building, due both to its dimly lit interior and to the antipathy many committee chairmen felt about the distractions of flash powder and bulbs. Eventually, photographers moved into the building, shooting everywhere at will, except within the Senate and House chambers. By the 1980s, television cameras penetrated even this haven. Nearly a century after that first photo, George Tames began photographing the people and events of Capitol Hill, first for Time-Life and later for the New York Times. During the course of a long career that ranged from the 1940s through the 1980s, Tames developed access to, and captured the likenesses of more significant members of Congress, and had his work reproduced more widely in influential publications than any other photographer in American political history. He developed a style contrary to the "herd instinct" that led other photographers to group together outside a closed door waiting for a standard shot. Instead, his pictures demonstrate an artistic eye, an intense sense of place, and a special intimacy with his subjects. George Tames was born in the shadow of the Capitol Dome, in a Washington alley house on January 21, 1919, into a Greek-Albanian immigrant family, and "born into the Democratic party" as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress
    Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Updated October 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43824 Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Summary The electoral college method of electing the President and Vice President was established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and revised by the Twelfth Amendment. It provides for election of the President and Vice President by electors, commonly referred to as the electoral college. A majority of 270 of the 538 electoral votes is necessary to win. For further information on the modern-day operation of the college system, see CRS Report RL32611, The Electoral College: How It Works in Contemporary Presidential Elections, by Thomas H. Neale. The electoral college has been the subject of criticism and proposals for reform since before 1800. Constitutional and structural criticisms have centered on several of its features: (1) although today all electors are chosen by the voters in the presidential election, it is claimed to be not fully democratic, since it provides indirect election of the President; (2) it can lead to the election of candidates who win the electoral college but fewer popular votes than their opponents, or to contingent election in Congress if no candidate wins an electoral college majority; (3) it results in electoral vote under- and over-representation for some states between censuses; and (4) “faithless” electors can vote for candidates other than those they were elected to support. Legislative and political criticisms include (1) the general ticket system, currently used in all states except Maine and Nebraska, which is alleged to disenfranchise voters who prefer the losing candidates in the states; (2) various asserted “biases” that are alleged to favor different states and groups; and (3) the electoral college “lock,” which has been claimed to provide an electoral college advantage to both major parties at different times.
    [Show full text]
  • Martin Van Buren: the Greatest American President
    SUBSCRIBE NOW AND RECEIVE CRISIS AND LEVIATHAN* FREE! “The Independent Review does not accept “The Independent Review is pronouncements of government officials nor the excellent.” conventional wisdom at face value.” —GARY BECKER, Noble Laureate —JOHN R. MACARTHUR, Publisher, Harper’s in Economic Sciences Subscribe to The Independent Review and receive a free book of your choice* such as the 25th Anniversary Edition of Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government, by Founding Editor Robert Higgs. This quarterly journal, guided by co-editors Christopher J. Coyne, and Michael C. Munger, and Robert M. Whaples offers leading-edge insights on today’s most critical issues in economics, healthcare, education, law, history, political science, philosophy, and sociology. Thought-provoking and educational, The Independent Review is blazing the way toward informed debate! Student? Educator? Journalist? Business or civic leader? Engaged citizen? This journal is for YOU! *Order today for more FREE book options Perfect for students or anyone on the go! The Independent Review is available on mobile devices or tablets: iOS devices, Amazon Kindle Fire, or Android through Magzter. INDEPENDENT INSTITUTE, 100 SWAN WAY, OAKLAND, CA 94621 • 800-927-8733 • [email protected] PROMO CODE IRA1703 Martin Van Buren The Greatest American President —————— ✦ —————— JEFFREY ROGERS HUMMEL resident Martin Van Buren does not usually receive high marks from histori- ans. Born of humble Dutch ancestry in December 1782 in the small, upstate PNew York village of Kinderhook, Van Buren gained admittance to the bar in 1803 without benefit of higher education. Building on a successful country legal practice, he became one of the Empire State’s most influential and prominent politi- cians while the state was surging ahead as the country’s wealthiest and most populous.
    [Show full text]
  • William Jennings Bryan and His Opposition to American Imperialism in the Commoner
    The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner by Dante Joseph Basista Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2019 The Uncommon Commoner: William Jennings Bryan and his Opposition to American Imperialism in The Commoner Dante Joseph Basista I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Dante Basista, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Donna DeBlasio, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Dean of Graduate Studies Date ABSTRACT This is a study of the correspondence and published writings of three-time Democratic Presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan in relation to his role in the anti-imperialist movement that opposed the US acquisition of the Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico following the Spanish-American War. Historians have disagreed over whether Bryan was genuine in his opposition to an American empire in the 1900 presidential election and have overlooked the period following the election in which Bryan’s editorials opposing imperialism were a major part of his weekly newspaper, The Commoner. The argument is made that Bryan was authentic in his opposition to imperialism in the 1900 presidential election, as proven by his attention to the issue in the two years following his election loss.
    [Show full text]
  • Picking the Vice President
    Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B.
    [Show full text]
  • James Knox Polk Collection, 1815-1949
    State of Tennessee Department of State Tennessee State Library and Archives 403 Seventh Avenue North Nashville, Tennessee 37243-0312 POLK, JAMES KNOX (1795-1849) COLLECTION 1815-1949 Processed by: Harriet Chapell Owsley Archival Technical Services Accession Numbers: 12, 146, 527, 664, 966, 1112, 1113, 1140 Date Completed: April 21, 1964 Location: I-B-1, 6, 7 Microfilm Accession Number: 754 MICROFILMED INTRODUCTION This collection of James Knox Polk (1795-1849) papers, member of Tennessee Senate, 1821-1823; member of Tennessee House of Representatives, 1823-1825; member of Congress, 1825-1839; Governor of Tennessee, 1839-1841; President of United States, 1844-1849, were obtained for the Manuscripts Section by Mr. and Mrs. John Trotwood Moore. Two items were given by Mr. Gilbert Govan, Chattanooga, Tennessee, and nine letters were transferred from the Governor’s Papers. The materials in this collection measure .42 cubic feet and consist of approximately 125 items. There are no restrictions on the materials. Single photocopies of unpublished writings in the James Knox Polk Papers may be made for purposes of scholarly research. SCOPE AND CONTENT The James Knox Polk Collection, composed of approximately 125 items and two volumes for the years 1832-1848, consist of correspondence, newspaper clippings, sketches, letter book indexes and a few miscellaneous items. Correspondence includes letters by James K. Polk to Dr. Isaac Thomas, March 14, 1832, to General William Moore, September 24, 1841, and typescripts of ten letters to Major John P. Heiss, 1844; letters by Sarah Polk, 1832 and 1891; Joanna Rucker, 1845- 1847; H. Biles to James K. Polk, 1833; William H.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2004 Election a Matter of Faith? 1 David E
    10397-01_Ch01.qxd 3/26/07 10:41 AM Page 1 The 2004 Election A Matter of Faith? 1 David E. Campbell ew observers of American politics deny that in recent Fyears religion has come to play an increasingly important role in the nation’s elections, especially the presidential election. To some, per- haps many, religion may appear to be a new factor in national politics. But today’s focus on religion is really just a variation on what has been a common theme throughout U.S. history. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson had to deal with accusations that he was an atheist; in the late 1800s, William Jennings Bryan invoked biblical themes to support economic policy; in 1928, Al Smith faced anti-Catholic mobs on the campaign trail; in 1960, John F. Kennedy too had to forestall anti-Catholic sentiment that, while muted when compared with what Smith faced in 1928, lingered nonetheless. Religion, then, has long been a feature in national elections. Yet that does not mean that the religious cleavages of the past correspond to those of the pres- ent. Rather, the last thirty years have seen a re-sorting of the parties’ electoral coalitions along religious lines. No longer are Democrats and Republicans divided along the old lines, defined by whether they are Catholic or Protestant. Instead of religious denomination, the parties are divided by religious devo- tional style—that is, a way of being religious. People who are more devout— regardless of denomination—are more likely to favor the GOP. Obviously, such a statement is a generalization.
    [Show full text]
  • Indiana Magazine of History
    INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY - VOLUMEXXXI MARCH, 1935 NUMBER1 The Nomination of the Democratic Candidate in 1924 By SEXSONE. HUMPHREYS One of the strangest among the phenomena of American party history is the Democratic National Convention of 1924, in which all the elements that tend to divide the Democratic party combined to produce a bitterness such as had never been seen in a political convention before and to send the number of ballots required to name a candidate to the record figure of 103. Historians are familiar with the problems that caused the impasse and have frequently analyzed their significance. Students of politics find in the convention a demonstration of how diverse are the interests represented in the Democratic party. There is one question regarding the convention, how- ever, that has largely gone unanswered, and frequently un- asked. That is the question of how it happened that John W. Davis became the nominee of the party. This is an impor- tant question, for it represents the first time since 1860 that the party had gone south of the Mason-Dixon line for its candidate, unless Woodrow Wilson, born in Virginia, but nominated from New Jersey, be considered an exception. The nomination indicates also the triumph of the metropolitan element in the party that was to lead it to defeat in 1928. John W. Davis was the second choice, not of the forces which had kept William G. McAdoo in the lead during most of the convention, but of the forces of A1 Smith-the urban, Catholic, and financial interests in the party.
    [Show full text]
  • Tourism News
    Tourism News For Immediate Release, March 17, 2017 Roosevelt-Vanderbilt-Van Buren National Historic Sites Attracted More Than 663,000 Visits in 2016 HYDE PARK, NEW YORK – The Home of Franklin D. Roosevelt National Historic Site, The Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site, Vanderbilt Mansion National Historic Site and Martin Van Buren National Historic Site recorded more than 663,000 visitors in 2016, which coincided with the National Park Service’s Centennial year celebration. The numbers reflect a 7% increase in visitation at the Home of Franklin D. Roosevelt National Historic Site and an 18.4% increase at Martin Van Buren National Historic Site, surpassing 2015 visitation figures. “Remarkable” stated Superintendent Larry Turk. “It was just a few years ago when we saw a major increase in visitation as a result of the Ken Burns documentary, The Roosevelts. We figured it would be hard to top that. It’s great to see the strong increases in visitation to the two Presidential Homes. Due in large part to our centennial campaign, Find Your Park/Encuentra Tu Parque, and our park partners, we were able to reach new audiences and highlight more of our community involvement.” Students attending park programs and tours in 2016 at The Home of Franklin D. Roosevelt National Historic Site, the Eleanor Roosevelt National Site, and Vanderbilt Mansion National Historic Site increased 21% over 2015 figures. The Every Kid in Park program also encouraged visitation by offering every fourth grader in America a free one-year National Parks Pass for the student and his or her family. In 2016, over 300 park volunteers donated over 13,000 hours of service.
    [Show full text]
  • The Many and the One: Religion and Pluralism in American History Peter Lewek Montini Catholic High School Project: Selected Prim
    THE MANY AND THE ONE: RELIGION AND PLURALISM IN AMERICAN HISTORY PETER LEWEK MONTINI CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL PROJECT: SELECTED PRIMARY SOURCE READINGS IN THE 20TH CENTURY This listing includes some examples of the interaction of religion and American society and culture in the 20th century. This listing is incomplete and also is not a balanced set of readings. 1900-1920 Jane Addams – 20 Years at Hull House (1910) Chapter 4 (pp.120-126) – Christian Humanitarianism Chapter 6 – the necessity of settlement houses and the motives of its workers Walter Rauschenbusch – Christianity and the Social Crisis (1913) Excerpts from Chapter 7 – “What to do- Social Evangelization and the Pulpit and the Social Question” Woodrow Wilson – 1912 Campaign Speech –“America was born a Christian nation” Chicago New World - editorials and news articles on the loyalty and Americanism of Chicago Catholic immigrants and their families (1915-1920) 1920-1940 The Scopes Trial 1) William Jennings Bryan – “Who Shall Control our Schools?” June, 1925 2) W.E.B. DuBois – “Scopes” – Crisis, September, 1925 3) Clarence Darrow –Autobiography, pp.244-255 – Chapter 29 – “The Evolution Case” Bruce Barton - The Man Nobody Knows (1925) – “Jesus as a Business Executive” Presidential Election of 1928: Alfred E. Smith – Campaign Addresses (1929) Herbert Hoover - Memoirs Father Charles Coughlin: Radio Speech for the National Union for Social Justice, November 11, 1934 Radio Speech – “President Roosevelt and Social Justice” Jan. 9, 1934 Detroit News excerpts and quotes of Father Charles Coughlin (1934-1943) Frances Perkins and Episcopalians 1940-1960 Dorothy Day – The Catholic Worker, June, 1942 - “Love is the Measure” Harry S.
    [Show full text]
  • Grover Cleveland Tell the Truth EPISODE TRANSCRIPT
    Grover Cleveland Tell the truth EPISODE TRANSCRIPT Listen to Presidential at http://wapo.st/presidential This transcript was run through an automated transcription service and then lightly edited for clarity. There may be typos or small discrepancies from the podcast audio. MATTHEW ALGEO: He's not up there in a class with Donald Trump for distrust of the press, but Grover Cleveland really did not have friendly relations with a lot of the media. He rose so rapidly – he was elected mayor of Buffalo in 1881, governor of New York in 1882 and president of the United States in 1884. I mean, this guy in three years went from mayor of Buffalo to president. And he really wasn't equipped to deal with all the attention that came his way. In the first presidential race in 1884, which he won, it came out that he had fathered an illegitimate child. And some of the more salacious newspapers printed very prominent stories about this, and this really turned Grover off onto the media in general. He had a basic distrust of reporters after that. LILLIAN CUNNINGHAM: That's reporter and biographer Matthew Algeo. He's the author of 'The President is a Sick Man.' And this episode is about truth and lies -- and when a president can use either of those two to his advantage. It's also an episode about a secret cancer surgery at sea. I'm Lillian Cunningham with The Washington Post. And this is the halfway point. We've reached the 22nd episode of “Presidential.” PRESIDENTIAL THEME MUSIC LILLIAN CUNNINGHAM: Grover Cleveland -- or Stephen Grover Cleveland, as he was actually named -- is our 22nd and our 24th president, which messes up the numbering system a lot.
    [Show full text]
  • Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896–1900
    SUBSCRIBE NOW AND RECEIVE CRISIS AND LEVIATHAN* FREE! “The Independent Review does not accept “The Independent Review is pronouncements of government officials nor the excellent.” conventional wisdom at face value.” —GARY BECKER, Noble Laureate —JOHN R. MACARTHUR, Publisher, Harper’s in Economic Sciences Subscribe to The Independent Review and receive a free book of your choice* such as the 25th Anniversary Edition of Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government, by Founding Editor Robert Higgs. This quarterly journal, guided by co-editors Christopher J. Coyne, and Michael C. Munger, and Robert M. Whaples offers leading-edge insights on today’s most critical issues in economics, healthcare, education, law, history, political science, philosophy, and sociology. Thought-provoking and educational, The Independent Review is blazing the way toward informed debate! Student? Educator? Journalist? Business or civic leader? Engaged citizen? This journal is for YOU! *Order today for more FREE book options Perfect for students or anyone on the go! The Independent Review is available on mobile devices or tablets: iOS devices, Amazon Kindle Fire, or Android through Magzter. INDEPENDENT INSTITUTE, 100 SWAN WAY, OAKLAND, CA 94621 • 800-927-8733 • [email protected] PROMO CODE IRA1703 Gold Democrats and the Decline of Classical Liberalism, 1896–1900 —————— ✦ —————— DAVID T. BEITO AND LINDA ROYSTER BEITO n 1896 a new political party was born, the National Democratic Party (NDP). The founders of the NDP included some of the leading exponents of classical I liberalism during the late nineteenth century. Few of those men, however, fore- saw the ultimate fate of their new party and of the philosophy of limited government that it championed.
    [Show full text]