November 19, 1944 Record of the Conversation of Comrade I.V
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Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University
Regis University ePublications at Regis University All Regis University Theses Spring 2010 Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.regis.edu/theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Meddles, Erik, "Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism" (2010). All Regis University Theses. 544. https://epublications.regis.edu/theses/544 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by ePublications at Regis University. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Regis University Theses by an authorized administrator of ePublications at Regis University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Regis University Regis College Honors Theses Disclaimer Use of the materials available in the Regis University Thesis Collection (“Collection”) is limited and restricted to those users who agree to comply with the following terms of use. Regis University reserves the right to deny access to the Collection to any person who violates these terms of use or who seeks to or does alter, avoid or supersede the functional conditions, restrictions and limitations of the Collection. The site may be used only for lawful purposes. The user is solely responsible for knowing and adhering to any and all applicable laws, rules, and regulations relating or pertaining to use of the Collection. All content in this Collection is owned by and subject to the exclusive control of Regis University and the authors of the materials. It is available only for research purposes and may not be used in violation of copyright laws or for unlawful purposes. -
The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7)
chapter 9 The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7) While the civil war in Spain did not cause a crisis in the gic, it nonetheless had a profound importance in the group’s history. It was the test-bed of the Dutch group’s revolutionary theory, confronted with a civil war which was to prepare the Second World-War, in the midst of revolutionary convulsions and an atmosphere of ‘anti-fascist’ popular fronts. Although often identified with anarchism, Dutch ‘councilism’ vigorously set itself apart from this current and denounced not its weaknesses, but its ‘passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie’. The gic defended a political analysis of the ‘Spanish revolution’ close to that of the Italian communist left. Finally, the events in Spain gave rise to the gic’s last attempt before 1939 to confront the revolutionary political milieu to the left of Trotskyism in Europe. This attempt was not without confusion, and even political ambiguity. Following the creation of the Republic, the internationalist Dutch commun- ists followed the evolution of the Spanish situation with great care. In 1931, the gic denounced not only the Republican bourgeoisie, which supported the Socialist Party of Largo Caballero, but also the anarchist movement. The cnt abandoned its old ‘principle’ of hostility to electoralism, and had its adherents vote en masse for Republican candidates. Far from seeing the cnt as a compon- ent of the workers’ movement, the gic insisted that anarcho-syndicalism had crossed the Rubicon with its ‘collaboration with bourgeois order’. The cnt had become ‘the ally of the bourgeoisie’.As an anarcho-syndicalist current, and thus a partisan of trade-unionism, the political action of the cnt could only lead to a strengthening of capitalism. -
Humanism and Terror: an Essay on the Communist Problem
Humanism and Terror An Essay on the Communist Problem by Maurice Merleau-Ponty Translated and with Notes by John O'Neill BEACON PRESS I BOSTON First published in French as Humamsme et Terreur, Essat sur le Problime Communtstt © 1947, Editions Gallimard English translation copyright © 1969 by Beacon Press All rights reserved Beacon Press books are published under the auspices of the Unitarian Universalis! Association Printed in the United States of America 898887 98 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 1908-1961. Humanism and terror. Translation of: Humanisme et terreur. Includes bibliographical references. 1. Communism. 2. Terrorism, 3. Communism- Soviet Union. I. Title. HX40JM4213 1985 335.43'0947 71-84796 ISBN 0-8070-0277-1 Contents TRANSLATORS NOTE Vll AUTHOR'S PREFACE xiU PART ONE! TERROR i. Koestier's Dilemmas i ii. Bukjiarin and the Ambiguity of History 25 HI. Trotsky's Rationalism 7/ PART TWO: THE HUMANIST PERSPECTIVE iv. From the Proletarian to the Commissar 101 v. The Yogi and the Proletarian 149 CONCLUSION 178 Translator's Note Humanism and Terror first appeared in 1947. It is the trans lator's belief that Merleau-Ponty's argument, as well as that of Koestler in Darkness at Noon (1946) raises questions that are still relevant to the fateful connection between revolu tion and violence. All the same, it may be useful to con temporary readers to recall some of the background to the dispute between Roestler and Merleau-Ponty and the way it involved intellectuals on the French left whether Commu nist or non-Communist. I shall not attempt to trace in any detail the postwar de velopments which are the setting for Humanism and Terror. -
The New Popular Front in France
THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'. -
PROOF Contents
PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks. -
The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution
Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). -
Historica Olomucensia 55-2018
HISTORICA OLOMUCENSIA 55–2018 SBORNÍK PRACÍ HISTORICKÝCH XLV HISTORICA OLOMUCENSIA 55–2018 Sborník prací historických XLV Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci Olomouc 2018 „Zpracování a vydání publikace bylo umožněno díky fi nanční podpoře, udělené roku 2018 Ministerstvem školství, mládeže a tělovýchovy ČR v rámci Institucionálního rozvojového plánu, Filozofi cké fakultě Univerzity Palackého v Olomouci.“ Návaznost, periodicita a anotace: Časopis Historica Olomucensia, Sborník prací historických je vydáván od roku 2009. Na- vazuje na dlouholetou tradici ediční řady Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomucensis – Historica, Sborník prací historických, která začala být vydávána v roce 1960. Od dubna 2015 je zařazen do prestižní evropské databáze odborných časopisů ERIH PLUS (Europe- an Reference Index for the Humanities and the Social Sciences). Od roku 2009 je na se- znamu recenzovaných neimpaktovaných periodik vydávaných v České republice. Od roku 2009 vychází dvakrát ročně, s uzávěrkou na konci dubna a na konci října. Oddíl Články a studie obsahuje odborné recenzované příspěvky věnované různým problémům českých a světových dějin. Oddíl Zprávy zahrnuje především informace o činnosti Katedry historie FF UP v Olomouci a jejích pracovišť či dalších historických pracovišť v Olomouci a případ- ně také životopisy a bibliografi e členů katedry. Posledním oddílem časopisu jsou recenze. Výkonný redaktor a adresa redakce: PhDr. Ivana Koucká, Katedra historie FF UP, Na Hradě 5, 771 80 Olomouc. E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Redakční rada: prof. PhDr. Jana Burešová, CSc. – předseda (Katedra historie FF UP v Olomouci), Mgr. Veronika Čapská, Ph.D. (Katedra obecné antropologie FHS UK v Praze), doc. Mgr. Martin Čapský, Ph.D. (Ústav historických věd Fakulty fi lozofi cké Univerzity Pardubice), prof. -
Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism. -
The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain Tim Rees
10 The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain tim rees Our desire is that all the organizations of the Popular Front be strengthened. Our desire is that all anti-fascist forces be consolidated, wherever they are to be found. Although I know that this can lead to criticism of our position, of our actions, never, never, can it be said that a single member, not a one, has been attracted to the party by the promise of advancement or the lure of personal 1 gain. These words were spoken as part of a rousing closing speech made by Jesús Hernández, a leading figure in the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), at a party plenum held in March 1937. At the time Spain was nine months into its brutal civil war which raged on until the final defeat of the republican side at the hands of General Franco’s Nationalists in April 1939.Theplenum was held partly to publicize the growing strength of the communist party but its central theme, echoed by all the speakers present, was to extol support for the Popular Front as an alliance of all the political parties and trade unions that supported the republic. In evoking the idea of the Popular Front, and the language of anti-fascism which accompanied it, the PCE was following policies common to the international communist movement. In the context of the war in Spain, Hernández hammered home the message that cooperation was the key to ultimate victory and that the PCE was providing a selfless example in working toward that common goal, all of which was reflected in the title of his speech: “Everything Within the Popular Front.” This plenum, and another held in November 1937, presented the PCE as not just at the heart of the conflict in Spain but as part of a worldwide struggle being led by the international communist movement against the threat of 1 Partido Comunista de España, Todo dentro del Frente Popular (Valencia: Ediciones del Partido Comunista de España, 1937). -
Ambivalent French Communists in May 1968
ISSN 2239-978X Journal of Educational and Social Research Vol. 4 No.6 ISSN 2240-0524 MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy September 2014 A Missed Opportunity or Party Rational? Ambivalent French Communists in May 1968 Yutaka Okuyama, Ph.D CEO. Crimson Academy [email protected] Doi:10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n6p435 Abstract The purpose of this study is the investigation of organizational behavior of the French communists in the May Movement in 1968. Particularly at the first part of the movement, a severe rivalry between the French Communist Party (PCF) and the radical student organizations occurred. Although both of them pursued the same political goals, they could not work out for a united front. Such a behavioral choice taken by the French communists enormously influenced the course of the events. Even if the atmosphere had not been ripe enough for a revolutionary movement, the actors involved could have pulled it off through instigative appeals in order to create an acute situation. Since the electoral results had clearly indicated that the PCF possessed a concrete support mechanism, the party could have a chance to grasp a casting board, even cooperating with the students. However, the PCF did not take it. Did the communists miss the opportunity? No, they did not. The French communists acted based on their party rational, combining both new and traditional ideas on that occasion. For the party, the May Movement offered them an occasion to show the public what they stood for. That was quite enough for a social movement actor as well as a political party. -
The Popular Front, Civil-Military Relations and the French Army’S Plan to Defeat a Second Paris Commune, 1934–1936
international journal of military history and historiography 39 (2019) 63-87 IJMH brill.com/ijmh Plan Z: The Popular Front, Civil-Military Relations and the French Army’s Plan to Defeat a Second Paris Commune, 1934–1936 Andrew Orr* Kansas State University [email protected] Abstract Following the formation of the Popular Front in 1934, French generals feared that the alliance, which included the French Communist Party (pcf), could foreshadow a com- ing revolt in Paris. Generals Maxime Weygand and Maurice Gamelin responded by preparing to implement Plan Z, a plan to defeat a Parisian revolt. Given politicians’ fear that many French officers were antirepublican, the French Army would have faced a major political crisis if Plan Z had leaked. Plan Z called for a multidivisional assault on Paris, which showed that the General Staff believed a large-scale revolution was possible. Understanding the development of Plan Z adds to scholars’ recognition of French officers’ long-term fear of communism and mistrust of civilians. It reveals that senior officers were more politicized and afraid of civilians than most scholars have realized and helps explain the military’s central role in betraying the Third Republic and creating the Vichy Regime in 1940. Keywords France – Civil-Military – Communism – Interwar – Popular Front – Vichy * Andrew Orr is Associate Professor of Military History and Security Studies at Kansas State University. He received his PhD in Modern European History from the University of Notre Dame in 2007. He is the author of Women and the French Army during the World Wars, 1914– 1940 (Indiana, 2017) and has published articles on military history and civil-military relations in the Journal of Military History, French Historical Studies, and French History. -
The Appeals of Communism in France 7
CHAPTER TWO THE APPEALSOF COMMUNISMIN FRANCE As the importance of French communism to Moscow rests in part upon the widespread appeal of the PCF within France , it is important to understand that appeal . To do so we must return to the PCF 's origins . For if the Communist Party of France in 1966 seemed to have lost much in common with the party born in December 1920 at the Congress of Tours , it nevertheless retained the marks of its ancestry . In her extensive study , Les origin es du communisme franr ;ais (1914 - 1920 ); the historian Annie Kriegel , an old Communist militant notable for her " activity among the intellectuals ," has described in great detail the period between the Congress of Tours and the beginning of the First World War . She concluded that the adherence of the overwhelming majority of the Socialist Party to the Third International in 1920 can be explained only by the con - currence of certain specific circumstances in the French labor movement - that is, the Socialist defeat in the election of November 1919 , followed by the failure of the Syndicalist attempt at " total revolution " (the rail workers ' strike ), which was harshly suppressed in May 1920 . Seeing their hopes shattered , the French Socialists could not but " discover " bolshevism , which had just overcome civil war and foreign intervention in Russia . Adherence to the Third International , and thus the establishment of a link with the victorious Russian Revolution , made it possible to capture the dynamism and revolutionary energy of victorious bolshev - ism and inject it into French and European socialism , without absorbing everything which made bolshevism a specifically Russian product .2 In sum , for the French Socialists , adherence to the twenty -one conditions of the Communist International was to remain a formality .