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INTRODUCTION 1. the Sociologist of Religion, David Martin Shows the Very Different Forms of Secularization That Took Place Depen

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INTRODUCTION 1. the Sociologist of Religion, David Martin Shows the Very Different Forms of Secularization That Took Place Depen Notes INTRODUCTION 1. The sociologist of religion, David Martin shows the very different forms of secularization that took place depending on whether the Church constituted the 'monopoly' of power, as in France and Scandinavia, or to a lesser extent in England with the Dissent, or whether there was no such direct connection, as in the United States for example. He explains how, starting from the American model, 'emotional' religion was able to spread in the Third World, as a transformation of Methodism into Pentecostalism (Martin, 1978, 1990). 2. Daniele Hervieu-Leger does this for the sake of provocation in 'Renouveaux emotionnels contemporains' (Hervieu-Leger, in Champion and Hervieu-Leger, 1990, pp. 217-48). 3. Historical Protestants often have the same negative reaction as Catholics do towards new Churches, especially Pentecostal ones (Martin, 1990, p. 30). 4. On the notions of 'political language' and 'acceptability', see Faye (1972). 5. Perhaps this was true of Puritanism in its early stage as well. Puritanism also emerged as a valorization of fervour and piety. On the other hand, there was in it a refusal to abandon oneself to emotions. 6. This is political theology understood in its political dimension, a dimension which is totally distinct in its presuppositions and its methodology from the theological dimension, to which liberation theology indirectly belongs. 7. In this volume of selected texts by Novalis, the Schlegel brothers, Adam Miiller, Schleiermarcher, and so on, the author views polit­ ical Romanticism mainly as a reaction against the French Revolution. 8. See Barret-Kriegel (1979). The author's thesis on the Romantic origin of totalitarianism - a thesis which, with respect to Nazism, is moreover akin to that of Lukacs in The Destruction of Reason - is at times outrageously far-fetched. It retains, however, a methodological interest. In a completely different reading, Michel Lowy stresses the twofold origin of Romanticism: Rousseau and Burke. Burke, who was an English politician, is known for his Reflections on the French Revolution, whose influ­ ence in Germany was considerable. Lowy invites us to review revolutionary Romanticism, notably in Rosa Luxemburg, Ernst Bloch, Walter Benjamin, and the early twentieth century Jewish 157 158 Pentecostalism in Brazil Messianism of Central Europe, without forgetting to mention moreover the enigmatic and dangerous figure of Naphta in The Magic Mountain. Lowy (1980, 1990) distinguishes four types of Romanticism: (1) passeist Romanticism (Novalis); (2) conserva­ tive Romanticism (Burke); (3) disenchanted Romanticism (Weber); and (4) revolutionary Romanticism (Fourier, Gustav Landauer and Ernst Bloch). As we shall see, Ernst Bloch exerted an influence on several liberation theologians 1 PARTICIPATION AND THE POOR 1. The following dates are symbolic: in 1964, the first meeting of Latin American theologians took place in Petropolis; in 1985, Dom Helder Camara was replaced at the head of the archdiocese of Recife/Olinda; in 1972, the conservative Bishop Lopes Trujillo became secretary general of CELAM; in 1978, Karol Wojtyla was elected. 2. We refer here to two currents in the literature. The first is the current on social movements - it has been realized that these paradoxically concern mainly the middle classes. See notably Offe (1987). The second is the current on the march of intellectuals to power (Konrad and Szeleny, 1979). 3. Interview held on 11 May 1991, in Serra Redonda, Paraiba. 4. According to Burdick (1993, p. 85), 'the thesis that the comu- nidade recruits more members from the better paid, better educated, less oppressed strata of the working class than the crentes (believers, Pentecostals) do, has been supported in many works in Brazil'. He mentions notably the works of Mariz in Recife, Brandao in Itapira, Hewitt in Sao Paulo, and Rolim in Rio de Janeiro. 5. 'Conscientization' and 'politicization' are essentially a character­ istic of the stratum of pastoral agents (Smith, 1991, pp. 105, 142). 6. The expression is often used in a derogatory sense (Collet, 1994). 7. The expression was formulated for the first time in 1966 by Richard Saull; it refers explicitly to guerrilla warfare (Smith, 1991, pp. 116-17). 8. A bibliography published in New York lists 1,295 titles (Musto, 1991). 9. Several future theologians assisted their bishops during Vatican Council II (1962-5). The progressive Bishop Manuel Larrain from Chile, president of CELAM at the time, co-opted a team of bishops and theologians to prepare for the conference in Medellin (Smith, 1991, pp. 150-62). 10. The Rockefeller Report spoke of a 'Marxist infiltration of the Church'. The Santa Fe document, which served as a platform for Reagan in 1980, refers explicitly to the danger of liberation the­ ology. Notes 159 11. See Beozzo (in Berten and Luneau, 1991, pp. 178-206). See also Estagao da Seca na Igreja, Comunicagoes do ISER, Ano 9, No. 39 (1990). 12. In June 1992, Boff published a 'Letter to My Road and Hope Companions' in which he explained the pressures and conditions that drove him to abandon the priesthood. 13. The theses of Comblin (1990) on the institutionalization of the CEBs caused a scandal partly because they were poorly under­ stood (Teixeira et al., 1993). 14. There is not enough space here to recount this fascinating history (Le Goff, 1968; Cohn, 1970, Vidal, 1977). 15. This is a 'progressive' theological current that influenced Vatican II (Comblin, 1985). We can find a critique of this liberal influence among Baptist authors such as Guimaraes (1984). See also the position of a theologian of the Assembly of God: de Almeida (1989). 16. Note also the book by Bishop Macedo (1992) of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD). See chapter 3 on the IURD. 17. At the level of the topography, these positions are defined only in descriptive terms. We then easily refer to the Left/Right or liberal/conservative axis, or to class membership. The topology, that is the political language which the circulation of discourses can generate, at times completely disrupts these positions (Faye, 1972). The example of Paulo Freire is very illustrative in this respect. 18. See interview with Paulo Freire in Corten (1990, pp. 57-65). 19. Comblin (1985) identifies the 1920-53 period, dominated by the first anti-liberal reaction of the twentieth century with Barth and Bultmann, and the 1953-72 period of affirmation of neo-liberal theology - in 1955, the first works of Teilhard de Chardin were published. The neo-liberal movement is represented in the journal Concilium. Since 1972, neo-conservatism has been getting the upper hand again. The journal Communio was launched in the Catholic camp. In the Protestant camp, note the Harford Declaration: An Appeal for Theological Affirmation. 20. Karl Barth (1886-1968), '[i]n 1915, ... became a member of the Social Democratic party, but contrary to his socialist Christian friends, he refused to identify socialism with the Kingdom of God' (Eliade, 1987, p. 69). 21. According to Barth, '[transcendence becomes history, world, time ... what makes transcendence historical is God's freedom, which becomes act' (Alves, 1969, p. 50). 22. Cardinal Ratzinger is the co-author of two books with Karl Rahner (Cox, 1988, p. 82). 23. The movement of the Lollards, who were disciples of the English theologian John Wycliffe (1330-84), demanded direct access to the Bible; this movement anticipated and determined the specific 160 Pentecostalism in Brazil conditions for the Reformation in England. Wycliffe greatly influ­ enced the Czech religious reformer and national hero John Huss (1371-1415). The execution of Huss set in motion a national and religious uprising - the movement of the Hussites - which contin­ ued into the movement of the Taborites. One of their demands was for freedom of sermon. 24. This was the case with the movement of the apostolici in the thir­ teenth century in Italy. For the apostalici, the Church had fallen from a state of perfection. The true spiritual Church of the apos­ tles had to await the coming of the Antichrist. This movement made the demand for an intimate, direct and free contact of the individual spirit with God. As for the movement of the flagellants, which appeared in various European countries towards the middle of the fourteenth century, it is remarkable for the fact that although it was not a heretical movement, it was able to move the popular masses in a very short time over large territories of the continent. This was the period of the great plague of 1320-30. The flagellants accused the Church of neglecting its duties and threatened to render the hierarchy superfluous. They demanded lay preachers as well as hymns which told of the suffering of Jesus in their mother tongue. They declared that everyone could attain grace without the mediation of the Church, without confessing to a priest and without indulgences (Le Goff, 1968, pp. 189-90, 222, 229, 235). 25. The charismatic renewal would represent today 4 per cent of the population against 2 per cent for the CEBs (Pierucci and Prandi, 1996). See also Machado (1996). 26. It was only in 1970 that the notion of a 'prophetic mission' of the Brazilian Church truly became a fact (Bruneau, 1974, p. 233). 27. When the movement stemmed from poor peasant sectors, as was the case with the Cathars and the Albigenses, there was no valorization of the spirit of 'poverty'. 'Heresy' - in this case Manicheism, which came from Bulgarian Bogomilism and origi­ nated very remotely in third-century Persia - was used by the peasantry as a principle of opposition, enabling peasants to mani­ fest their grievances against the heavy feudal dues imposed by the feudal class and against the Church associated with this class (Le Goff, 1968, pp. 75-8). 28. Specifically, Pope John Paul II rejected the 'People's Church' as 'unacceptable and pastorally sterile'.
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