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41 Hudson History of the Lib Labs THE HISTORY OF THE LIB-LABS Andrew Hudson considers the history of what became known as Lib-Labbery: the representation of labour interests in parliament through the Liberal Party. Lib-Labs have been defined by F. A. S. Craig as ‘Candidates who were in most cases nominees of the local Liberal and Radical Associations but who Labour MPs in the ib-Labbery in these sit- parliamentary career was over and campaigned mainly on Commons: Francis uations was not an alli- was nominated for his record as a Carrouthers ance with the Labour campaigner for maritime safety. trade union and labour Gould, The Party. Cooperation with It would also exclude honorary 1 Westminster issues.’ According to Gazette, 10 the Labour Party coex- figureheads such as Batty Langley February 1906 Listed with Lib-Labbery during who was made the first president Shepherd, the term the first decade of the last century of the National Association of ‘Lib-Lab’ probably but, by that time, Lib-Labbery Railway Clerks, largely because was in the process of being super- they wanted an MP as a figure- originated as a term seded by the Labour Party. head. Langley was an employer of abuse which was Craig’s definition excludes in Sheffield and his selection as MPs such as Joseph Chamber- a Liberal candidate for the Atter- abbreviated from lain and Charles Dilke who were cliffe division of Sheffield in 1894 ‘Liberal-Labour’, a sympathetic to labour interests caused considerable contention but not involved in the trade amongst local trade unionists and term which the MPs union movement. It would also resulted in Ramsay Macdonald proudly referred to exclude Samuel Plimsoll, as he resigning from the Liberal Party only became president of the and joining the Independent 2 themselves by. Seamen’s Union after his brief Labour Party.3 4 Journal of Liberal History 41 Winter 2003 THE HISTORY OF THE LIB-LABS One of the earliest figures in 1867 Reform Act, which enfran- serious differences that had sepa- the history of Lib-Labbery was chised male adult householders rated union leaders, such as Will the radical campaigner Francis in urban areas. A Labour Repre- Allen of the Engineers Union, Place, who Cole describes as try- sentation League was formed in who was president of the Labour ing to instil reformism and the 1869 by the ‘Junta’, which was a Representation League, from Liberal-labour alliance before its dominant force within the Lon- the Liberals.9 The Lib-Lab era time,4 although Wallas makes no don Trades Council. It was effec- had begun. The League, how- reference to this in his biography tively a successor to the National ever, made little progress – only of Place. Place had campaigned in Reform League.7 It was largely a increasing its parliamentary rep- support of the 1832 Reform Act London movement that sought resentation at the 1880 election but his greatest personal achieve- to return working-class men to by one member to include Henry ment was to get parliament to parliament and to register work- Broadhurst who was secretary of repeal the Combination Acts ing-class voters without reference the Parliamentary Committee of that suppressed combinations of to their opinion or party bias. In the TUC. The League expired the working men. Wallas describes practice, it sought to have work- following year. Francis Place as trying to coach ing-class candidates adopted as Lib-Labbery however, made middle-class radicals in the dif- Liberals and to influence Liberals some progress during the 1885 ficult art of acting with the to support working-class aims in election despite a lack of enthu- working men of the day and as parliament. siasm on the part of the TUC, regarding the repeal of the Corn The Labour Representation which had rejected a motion Laws as more practicable than League had its first success in the calling for a parliamentary fund in parliamentary reform.5 Another 1874 general election with the 1882. Eleven Lib-Lab MPs were early figure was William Newton, return of two miners, Alexan- Wallas elected. The 1884 Reform and who contested Tower Hamlets in der Macdonald for Stafford and Redistribution Act had reduced 1852 without success. Together Thomas Burt for Morpeth, as describes the number of multi-member with George Howell and W. R. Liberals. The introduction of the urban seats in which Liberal Asso- Cremer, he subsequently became secret ballot had undoubtedly Francis ciations could adopt a Lib-Labber one of the first trade union can- helped by preventing any oppor- Place as as one of their candidates, but this didates in 1868, although he was tunity for intimidation from loss had been offset by the exten- again unsuccessful. Place had said employers. However, during trying to sion of the franchise within county that ‘everyone who may expect the election part of the work- constituencies that included min- general results in a short time will ing-class vote had been cast for coach mid- ing areas where working-class be disappointed.’6 He was to be the Tories against the more reac- voters were in the majority. Of vindicated. tionary of the Liberal candidates dle-class the eleven Lib-Lab MPs returned Lib-Labbery began to develop and there were allegations that radicals in 1885, six were miners. Min- as a political force in the 1860s they had helped to disorganise ers’ MPs were to form the core within the National Reform the Liberal vote. in the dif- of Lib-Labbery until the Miners League which was founded to The refusal of Gladstone’s gov- Federation of Great Britain affili- extend the franchise and whose ernment to repeal the Criminal ficult art of ated to the Labour Party in 1908. secretary, George Howell, was a Law Amendment Act prevented The newly elected Lib-Lab MPs member of the London Trades any alliance with the Liberals, acting with met prior to the state opening of Council and became the first par- towards whom most of the union the work- parliament at Henry Broadhurst’s liamentary secretary of the Trades leaders were drawn because of TUC office before marching to Union Congress. Direct working- their radical predilections and ing men of parliament as a group.10 class representation only became connections.8 The repeal of this The following year, the TUC feasible with the passage of the legislation in 1875 removed any the day. created a special Labour Electoral Journal of Liberal History 41 Winter 2003 5 THE HISTORY OF THE LIB-LABS League Committee, which soon Lib-Lab- who was in the Engineers Union to Lib-Labbery with only three separated to become the Labour but had played a prominent role Lib-Lab candidates being selected Electoral Association and sought bery was by in organising the 1888 London – of whom only one, R. B. Cun- to promote the return of work- dock strike; Joseph Havelock ninghame-Graham, was ever ing-class men to parliament and, no means Wilson, the secretary of the elected. Keir Hardie had himself in practice, to secure the adop- Seamen’s Union; and Keir Har- attempted to become adopted as tion of its candidates by local universally die. The first two subsequently a Liberal candidate in the Mid- Liberal and Radical Associations. popular became Lib-Labbers, but Keir Lanark by-election in 1888 with- It worked largely with local Hardie remained an independent out success.16 trades councils, which were in amongst labour MP and the Independ- Although the victory of many cases still dominated by ent Labour Party was formed at socialist ideas at the 1890 TUC Liberal trade unionists. It opposed trade a conference held at Bradford was temporary, support for ‘New’ three-cornered fights and refused the following year. Lib-Lab- Unionism and socialist ideas to support independent labour union- bers also faced hostility in many grew amongst the trade union candidates against Liberals.11 The ists. Its local Liberal Associations whose rank and file, particularly in the League lasted until 1894. caucuses were often hostile to trades councils. In 1893, the TUC The number of Lib-Lab MPs support- both working-class candidates adopted a largely socialist pro- was slightly reduced by the loss and interests. After the 1892 elec- gramme and voted for a special of three sitting members. There ers were tion, T. R. Threlfall, the secretary fund to support working-class were only two new entrants, one of the Labour Electoral League, candidates, but only those who of whom, R. B. Cunninghame- largely himself a staunch Liberal, com- subscribed to ‘collective owner- Graham, sat as a Radical MP and members plained that: ship of the means of production, subsequently joined the Inde- distribution and exchange’.17 pendent Labour Party. of the Of the thirteen Labour MPs However congress narrowly Lib-Labbery was by no means in the present house, four ran rejected a motion to establish an universally popular amongst older craft in opposition to or without independent working-class party trade unionists. Its supporters recognition of the caucus, five and the TUC leadership was still were largely members of the unions. represented constituencies dominated by Lib-Labbers who older craft unions that supported where organised miners abso- fought back. conciliation and arbitration with lutely dominated the position In 1895, new rules were wages being determined accord- and where the shopkeepers and brought in with the aim of curb- ing to a sliding scale based on employing classes are so small in ing the influence of socialists. the selling price of the relevant number to have comparatively Trades councils, which had by product. They also opposed state little power and only four either that time come largely under intervention and regulation and captured or outgeneralled it.13 socialist control, were excluded preferred trade union funds to from representation at the be used for Friendly Society Joyce places some of the blame TUC and being a delegate was purposes rather than in support on the Liberal tradition that restricted to either trade union of industrial action.
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