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lIES OF A MOTSWANA IN THE lIES OF A MOTSWANA IN THE ANC UNDERGROUND "IAil i A4I rIa I 4 ~t. AP Northwestern University Library Evanston, Illinois 60208-2300 IL LL v \ ---f N COMRADE FISH: MEMORIES OF A MOTSWANA IN THE ANC UNDERGROUND '~li& \ COMRADE FISH:/ MEMORIES OF A MOTSWANA IN THE ANC UNDERGROUND Sby FishKeitseng Compiled by Barry Morton & Jeff Ramsay Published by Pula Press M 3 PA'SS First published 1999 © N.T Keitseng, Barry Morton, and Jeff Ramsay Published by Pula Press POBox9l Gaborone, Botswana ~K~A ~i ~. r(0~ I V '1(~ ISBN 999 1261 702 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printed by CONTENTS Contents v Introduction 7 Son of Gangwaketse 14 Becoming a Worker: Life in the Mines and on the Rand, 1942-5 22 The ANC Activist, 1952-1956 29 Treason Trial 39 The ANC Underground in Botswana 49 Pictures 73 My Role in the Nationalist Cause in Bechuanaland, 1961-65 83 Representing the Workers of Bechuanaland, 1962-65 101 Life in Independent Botswana 109 Appendix 128 Footnotes 129 V I Ia' - ~ vi INTRODUCTION "On 20"' July following members of SATCU left Lobatse for Mbeya in plane chartered from Bechuanaland Safaris: - Mary Manyosi, Moti Ranka, Richard Tabela. Flight paid for by SATCU and arrangements made by Jona Matlou mentioned on p. 4 of attachment to your S. 780 III of 20 June 1960, and at present living in Lobatse. Party accompanied by Fish Keitseng. Party stated they were going to unknown destination in Tanganyika for 12 to 18 months trade union training course but gave impression of being in considerable ignorance of true destination and purpose of journey. Plane returned on 23rd July and request landed at Kanye. Passengers were Keitseng and Nelson Mandela. Mandela proceeded directly to Johannesburg. No indication that S.A.P were aware of his arrival." Peter Fawcus, Resident Commissioner Bechuanaland Protectorate, to Sir John Maud, High Commissioner and Ambassador to the Republic of South Africa, via Secret "UK Eves Onlv" Telex - 24"h July 1962.1 With the end of political apartheid and the African National Congress's rise to power in South Africa, the history of its liberation struggle can now be more fully told by its participants. Nelson Mandela has led the way with his own autobiography, which is one of several by leading ANC members.2 The role played by Botswana citizens within the ANC is relatively obscure, notwithstanding the publication of autobiographies by two such participants, Michael Dingake and Motsamai Mpho.3 Without detracting the contributions of others, there can be no doubt that Fish Keitseng was one of the key Motswana members of the ANC during the early 1960s. After extensive involvement in the ANC's passive resistance campaigns of the 1950s, he was arrested by the South African authorities and prosecuted in the Treason Trial, along with Mandela, Mpho, and 153 other leading ANC members. Following his deportation to his native Bechuanaland Protectorate in 1959, he established and successfully ran an underground transit system, which funnelled ANC members from Lobatse in the southern Protectorate to Northern or sometimes Southern Rhodesia (later Zambia and Zimbabwe), from where they journeyed to Tanganyika/Tanzania. This operation was of vital importance for it enabled the ANC, along with its Congress Alliance allies, to rescue thousands of activists from the clutches of the Apartheid State. This in turn allowed for the reestablishment of the organisation from exile as a liberation movement capable of ultimately assuming state power. Keitseng's part in this drama might have been forgotten. Until apartheid's final demise he had neither the capacity nor the desire to draw public attention to his deeds unlike the previously mentioned luminaries, he never received any formal education and cannot write with great proficiency. His self-taught English is fluent but colloquial. He was also long viewed with suspicion, if not hostility, by the Botswana authorities, who were never especially comfortable with home grown trans-national freedom fighters. His consuming commitment to the struggle, and the petty persecutions 7 - - J that he suffered as a result, made it hard for him to keep a steady job. Being involved in underground activities he furthermore, long valued his relative anonymity. It also seems clear that a number of observers in the past, having come into contact with this unlettered peasant-proletarian, simply underestimated his importance. In the existing literature Keitseng's name is often not tied to his contributions. Thus Ronnie Kasrils, in describing his escape from South Africa in 1963, writes the following, after being picked up near Lobatse in a Land Rover by some unnamed "comrades": "We drove to a township outside Lobatse and were carried into a house, wrapped in blankets. They explained that they had to be vigilant about South African agents.... In order to travel safely to Tanzania, where the ANC had its headquarters, we needed to report our arrival to the District Commissioner.... We were granted political asylum and photographed.... We spent a week [and] finally departed in a six-seater aircraft for Tanzania.4" Although Kasrils does not say so, he was being looked after by Keitseng, who arranged his pickup, safe house, legal assistance, and transport over an entire week. Similarly, other ANC colleagues have downplayed Keitseng's role. AnnMarie Wolpe's otherwise quite detailed account of her husband Harold's escape through Botswana neglects any mention of Fish.5 Mpho, who, as we shall see, fell out with Keitseng in 1965 in the aftermath of Botswana's first election, only acknowledges him in passing, while Dingake, whose book came out in 1985, was scrupulous not to give away any information that might have comprised the still ongoing struggle. Keitseng's life as a migrant worker and grassroots union organiser, as well as his lack of schooling, further set him apart from most other leading ANC activists of his generation. When he initially became involved in politics he was still very much the product of his rural background, having grown up at his father's cattlepost. After going to South Africa just before the Second World War to work in the mines, he began to acquire a militant working class consciousness not shared by many Batswana migrants. Later leaving the mines, he stayed on to work in Johannesburg, usually without the right papers, moonlighting as both a union and ANC activist. Yet, notwithstanding his commitment to South Africa's liberation, Keitseng has never forgotten his roots in Botswana's soil. If apartheid was a fire that threatened to consume his neighbour's house, as a Motswana he knew his neighbours were his brothers and sisters. Moreover, Batswana could never be free while South Africans were enslaved. Parallel to Keitseng's contributions to the ANC underground, was his significant role in the promotion of both organised labour and nationalist politics inside Botswana. He was a founding father of the Bechuanaland Trade Union Congress (BTUC), as well as the People's Party (BPP), the Independence Party (BIP) and the National Front (BNF). For various reasons these organisations (along with Keitseng) became marginalised by the end of the 1960s, though the BNF was to emerge as Botswana's principal opposition movement. By then the ANC presence within Botswana had also declined. Members of Botswana's relatively conservative post-colonial government, as well as the apartheid regime, still kept Comrade Fish under surveillance. After Botswana's independence Keitseng thus remained as something of a pariah to Botswana's officials. He also lived in very difficult circumstances, surviving as an unskilled labourer while struggling to educate his children. Despite rejection and lack of material success, Keitseng was intransigent in his principled devotion to his cause. In the low-income neighbourhoods of Lobatse and Gaborone where he has lived, he has always been a local hero. To go walking around with him in these communities is to gain a deeper understanding of the word "popularity". After years of poverty, persecution, and frustration, Keitseng has begun to receive wider recognition. In 1989 he was elected as a Gaborone City councillor, and when Nelson Mandela came to Botswana after his release it was Comrade Fish whom he called for. Members of Botswana's political leadership, perhaps ashamed of past slights, now treat him as a respected elder statesman. For all his rough times, Keitseng has always retained a remarkably positive outlook on life. As he approaches his eighth decade he remains an unembittered and ever humble servant of the people, who has never considered compromising the values that he learned as a youthful activist. An ordinary man who, through his dogged commitment, made extraordinary contributions, Keitseng has lived a life worthy of remembrance. The Growth of Nationalism in Botswana, and background Keitseng's life is part of the wider history of nationalism in Botswana. Today almost all citizens of Botswana consider themselves to be members of a nation. There are good reasons why they should think this way. Schools in Botswana have instilled nationalist values. Organised national events, government propaganda, and the media have also spread this message. But the fact that this form of identification is now second nature should not blind us to the realisation that it is a very recent condition. Before 1960 people in this country rarely considered mobilising themselves on a national basis, and never identified themselves as "Batswana" in the modem sense of the word. It took a special breed of person who could stop making people think of themselves as Bangwaketse or Bakalanga first, and instead get them to imagine themselves as part of a much larger Batswana nation.