The STATUS of GOVERNANCE in KENYA
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Kenya's Supreme Court
Kenya’s Supreme Court: Old Wine in New Bottles? By Special Correspondent As the six Supreme Court judges were adjudicating Kenya’s first presidential election petition in March 2013, Justice Kalpana Hasmukhrai Rawal was waiting for a new president to take office and the newly elected National Assembly to convene so that her nomination as Deputy Chief Justice could move forward. The Judicial Service Commission (JSC) had settled on her appointment after interviewing a shortlist of applicants in February 2013. The Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board had earlier found her to be suitable to continue serving as a Court of Appeal judge. Justice Rawal eventually joined the Supreme Court on 3 June 2013. Two years later, Justice Rawal became the second Deputy Chief Justice (after Nancy Baraza, who resigned after she was heavily criticised for abusing her authority by threatening a security guard after the guard demanded to search her at a mall) to be embroiled in controversy. In 2015, Rawal challenged a notice that she retire at the age of 70. Around the same time, the then Chief Justice, Dr Willy Mutunga, would announce that he wanted to retire early so that the next Chief Justice would be appointed well ahead of the next election. In May 2014, Justice Philip Kiptoo Tunoi and High Court judge David Onyancha challenged the JSC’s decision to retire them at the age of 70. They argued that they were entitled to serve until they reached the age of 74 because they had been first appointed judges as under the old constitution. What seemed like a simple question about the retirement age of judges led to an unprecedented breakdown in the collegiate working atmosphere among the Supreme Court judges that had been maintained during the proceedings of the presidential election petition. -
Post-Colonialism and the Politics of Kenya (Review)
3RVWFRORQLDOLVPDQGWKHSROLWLFVRI.HQ\D UHYLHZ Peter Wafula Wekesa Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review, Volume 18, Number 1, January 2002, pp. 109-114 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\2UJDQL]DWLRQIRU6RFLDO6FLHQFH5HVHDUFKLQ(DVWHUQ DQG6RXWKHUQ$IULFD DOI: 10.1353/eas.2002.0004 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eas/summary/v018/18.1wekesa.html Access provided by Kenyatta University. Library (4 Nov 2014 08:22 GMT) Book Reviews Ahluwalia D. Pal, Post-colonialism and the politics of Kenya (New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.) 1996, 217 pp. Post-colonialism as a framework of analysis remains subject to debate and controversy. Although post-colonialism has been around for close to two decades, it has in recent times been a fiercely contested and debated paradigm. Given its newness and elegance in the world of academic discourse, it is not surprising that its reception has been characterized by a great deal of excitement, confusion and in many cases scepticism. Debates surrounding the study have laid claims to questions of the legitimacy of post-colonialism as a separate analytical entity in the academic discourse, its validity as a theoretical formulation as well as its disciplinary boundaries and political implications. Also, the prefix ‘post’ has complicated matters as it implies an ‘aftermath’ in two senses - temporal, as in coming after, and ideological, as in supplanting. It is the second implication that the critics of the study have found contestable. The contestation has been on the dividing line between what is colonial and its link to what counts as post-colonial. The argument has been that if the inequities of colonial rule have not been erased, it is perhaps premature to proclaim the demise of colonialism. -
Notes and References
Notes and References 1 The Foundation of Kenya Colony I. P[ublic] R[ecord] O[ffice] Kew CO 533/234 ff 432-44. Kenya was how Johann Krapf, the German missionary who was in 1849 the first white man to see the mountain, transliterated the Kamba pronunciation of the Kikuyu name for it, Kirinyaga. The Kamba substituted glottal stops for intermediate consonants, hence 'Ki-i-ny-a'. T. C. Colchester, 'Origins of Kenya as the Name of the Country', Rhodes House. Mss Afr s.1849. 2. PRO CO 822/3117 Malcolm MacDonald to Duncan Sandys. Secret and Personal. 18 September 1963. 3. The new rail routes in question were the Uasin Gishu line and the Thika extension. M. F. Hill, Permanent Way. The StOlY of the Kenya and Uganda Railway (Nairobi: East African Railways and Harbours, 2nd edn 1961), p. 392. 4. Daily Sketch, 5 July 1920, p. 5. 5. Sekallyolya ('the crane [or stork] looking out on the world') was first printed in Nairobi in the Luganda language in 1921. From time to time it brought out editions in Swahili and for special occasions in English. Harry Thuku's Tangazo was the first Kenya African single sheet newsletter. 6. Interview with James Beauttah, Fort Hall, 1964. Beauttah was one of the first English-speaking African telephone operators. He claimed to be the first African to have electricity in his house. 7. PRO FO 2/377 A. Gray to FO, 16 February 1900, 'Memo on Report of Law Officers of the Crown reo East Africa and Uganda Protector ates'. The effect of the opinion of the law officers is that Her Majesty has, by virtue of her Protectorate, entire control over all lands unappropriated .. -
Special Issue the Kenya Gazette
SPECIAL ISSUE THE KENYA GAZETTE Published by Authority of the Republic of Kenya (Registered as a Newspaper at the G.P.O.) Vol. CXV_No. 64 NAIROBI, 19th April, 2013 Price Sh. 60 GAZETTE NOTICE NO. 5381 THE ELECTIONS ACT (No. 24 of 2011) THE ELECTIONS (PARLIAMENTARY AND COUNTY ELECTIONS) PETITION RULES, 2013 ELECTION PETITIONS, 2013 IN EXERCISE of the powers conferred by section 75 of the Elections Act and Rule 6 of the Elections (Parliamentary and County Elections) Petition Rules, 2013, the Chief Justice of the Republic of Kenya directs that the election petitions whose details are given hereunder shall be heard in the election courts comprising of the judges and magistrates listed and sitting at the court stations indicated in the schedule below. SCHEDULE No. Election Petition Petitioner(s) Respondent(s) Electoral Area Election Court Court Station No. BUNGOMA SENATOR Bungoma High Musikari Nazi Kombo Moses Masika Wetangula Senator, Bungoma Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition IEBC County Muthuku Gikonyo No. 3 of 2013 Madahana Mbayah MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT Bungoma High Moses Wanjala IEBC Member of Parliament, Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition Lukoye Bernard Alfred Wekesa Webuye East Muthuku Gikonyo No. 2 of 2013 Sambu Constituency, Bungoma Joyce Wamalwa, County Returning Officer Bungoma High John Murumba Chikati I.E.B.C Member of Parliament, Justice Francis Bungoma Court Petition Returning Officer Tongaren Constituency, Muthuku Gikonyo No. 4 of 2013 Eseli Simiyu Bungoma County Bungoma High Philip Mukui Wasike James Lusweti Mukwe Member of Parliament, Justice Hellen A. Bungoma Court Petition IEBC Kabuchai Constituency, Omondi No. 5 of 2013 Silas Rotich Bungoma County Bungoma High Joash Wamangoli IEBC Member of Parliament, Justice Hellen A. -
Muslim Relations in the Politics of Nationalism and Secession in Kenya
1 MUSLIM RELATIONS IN THE POLITICS OF NATIONALISM AND SECESSION IN KENYA Hassan J. Ndzovu Moi University, Kenya PAS Working Papers Number 18 ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Edited by Charles Stewart, Emeritus Professor University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, Illinois 60208-4110 U.S.A 2 Abstract Within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. Since independence, the racial and ethnic antagonism among them has weakened a united Muslim’ voice whenever political issues concerning the community arose. As Kenya was preparing for independence, a section of Muslims (Arab Muslims) living at the coast agitated to secede from the rest of Kenya. This demand for secession led to a hostile relationship between the Arab Muslims and other non-Arab Muslim leaders in the country. One effect of this political development is the lasting impact it had on post-independence Muslim politics. The events set a pattern for mistrust between the Arab Muslims and non-Arab Muslims in Kenya. This absence of unity has influenced the way the political elites in Kenya perceive the Muslim community in general. Politicians in Kenya are known to have capitalized on the disunity among Muslims to prevent any united political front from the community. As a result the Muslim community has felt politically marginalized. It is this perceived marginalization which Kenyan Muslims are presently striving to overcome. 3 Introduction In this article, I would like to bring forward the argument that within Kenya’s political scene, racial and ethnic identities play a crucial role in creating division in Muslims’ political engagement. -
Our Turn to Eat: the Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗
Our Turn To Eat: The Political Economy of Roads in Kenya∗ Robin Burgess R´emiJedwab Edward Miguel Ameet Morjaria Draft Version: August 2010. Abstract By reducing trade costs and promoting economic specialization across regions, transportation infrastructure is a determining factor of growth. Yet, developing countries are characterized by infrastructure underdevelopment, the general lack of funding being often mentioned as the main reason for it. Then, even when such investments are realized, the welfare gains associated to them might be captured by political elites that are strong enough to influence their allocation across space. We study this issue by investigating the political economy of road placement in Kenya, an African country where politicians are said to favour individuals from their region of origin or who share their ethnicity. Combining district-level panel data on road building with historical data on the ethnicity and district of birth of political leaders, we show that presidents disproportionately invest in their district of birth and those regions where their ethnicity is dominant. It also seems that the second most powerful ethnic group in the cabinet and the district of birth of the public works minister receive more paved roads. In the end, a large share of road investments over the period can be explained by political appointments, which denotes massive and well-entrenched ethno-favoritism in Kenyan politics. JEL classification codes: H41, H54, O12, O55, P16 ∗Robin Burgess, Department of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). Remi Jedwab, Paris School of Economics and STICERD, London School of Economics (e-mail: [email protected]). -
Governance Assessment Kenya 2016.Pdf
GOVERNANCE ASSESSMENT KENYA: JANUARY 2013 – JULY 2016 Kenya: Governance Assessment GOVERNANCE ASSESSMENT Kenya: January 2013 – July 2016 Roland Ebole and Morris Odhiambo1 1 Introduction This report focuses on politically significant developments in Kenya from 2013, when the country held its first general elections under the 2010 constitution. The constitution is considered to have markedly enhanced protection of basic rights, significantly constrained executive power, and provides limited devolution of powers across 47 newly created county governments.2 In 2013, Kenya held its first general election under the 2010 constitution. Kenyans cast their votes for president, national and county-level representatives, female representatives to the National Assembly, and governors. With 50.5% of the vote, Uhuru Kenyatta of the National Alliance (TNA), backed by the Jubilee Alliance, won the presidency. His opponent, Raila Odinga of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), backed by the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD), was second with 43.7%. The election of governors and local assemblies strengthened the position of county governments. Female representatives to the National Assembly were elected in all 47 counties3 while 16 more were nominated to the Senate.4 Following the vote, CORD and a civil society organization (CSO) challenged the outcome of the presidential election at the Supreme Court,5 which had only 14 days to consider their petition under the constitution.6 Moreover, the pay scale for members of parliament set by the Salaries and Remuneration Commission was rejected by legislators, forcing the SRC to approve higher salaries.7 Implementation of the constitution and additional reforms continued, including the vetting of police officers by the National Police Service Commission (NPSC) and scrutiny of judges and magistrates by the Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board (JMVB). -
Judging the Judges: Who Are the Supreme Court Justices?
By Apollo Mboya If there is a jurisdiction that the Justices of the Supreme Court of Kenya curse is the court’s exclusive original jurisdiction to hear and determine presidential election petitions. It is both legal and political but politics reign supreme. In a highly divided country, the court will be doomed whichever way it rules. Former Chief Justice Dr. Willy Mutunga, conscious of the impact of “political jurisdiction” on the courts, expressed his frustrations in a public forum that courts ought not handle election disputes but instead politicians should “deal with their own shit” elsewhere. In his dissenting opinion in Bush v. Gore, Justice Stevens, underscoring CJ Mutunga’s thinking sympathized with the Supreme Court of the United States and indeed the judiciary following the highly disputed 2001 election dispute between George Bush and Al Gore opining as follows: Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year’s presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the Nation’s confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the rule of law. Although SCOTUS does not have exclusive jurisdiction on presidential election dispute as Kenya’s, Bush v. Gore has been the court’s sore thumb that is thought to have led to a “court generated president”. Erwin Chemerinsky in his book The Case Against the Supreme Court notes: Bush v. Gore obviously cost the Supreme Court in terms of credibility. More than forty-nine million people who voted for Al Gore, and likely almost all of them regard the Court’s decision as a partisan ruling by a Republican majority [judges] in favour of the Republican candidate. -
COMPLEMENTARITY in PRACTICE Capacity Building for the Establishment of the International and Organised Crimes Division (IOCD) of the Kenyan High Court
REPORT FINAL REPORT COMPLEMENTARITY IN PRACTICE Capacity Building for the Establishment of the International and Organised Crimes Division (IOCD) of the Kenyan High Court CONTACT WAYAMO FOUNDATION Prinzregentenstr.82 | 10717 Berlin | Germany [email protected] | www.wayamo.com Project completed with the financial support of theGerman Federal Foreign Office COMPLEMENTARITY IN PRACTICE COMPLEMENTARITY IN PRACTICE COMPLEMENTARITY IN PRACTICE: CAPACITY BUILDING FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL AND ORGANISED CRIMES DIVISION (IOCD) OF THE KENYAN HIGH COURT December 2015 | Berlin, Germany Author: Bettina Ambach, Wayamo Foundation Wayamo Director Bettina Ambach and Kenya‘s Chief Justice Willy Mutunga. COLLABORATION WITH the Committee of the Judicial to establish the International Crimes JUDICIARY AND Service Commission on the Division (ICD) in the near future (the PLANNING PROCESS: establishment of an International name was subsequently changed Crimes Division in The High Court to the „International and Organised In May 2012, the Judicial Service of Kenya published the first Crimes Division,“ IOCD). It was clear Commission (JSC) of the Kenyan detailed report, which became that capacity-building measures Judiciary began to deliberate on the basis for all further discussion had to be organised for the relevant the possibility of operationalising on the establishment of the new actors, and legal discussions and the 2008 International Crimes Act. division. possible amendments had to As a consequence, a committee be initiated before the actual was set up to look into modalities of At a joint Wayamo & Institute establishment of the new division. establishing an international crimes for Peace and War Reporting division in the High Court. conference in November 2012, It is envisaged that the IOCD will Kenya‘s Chief Justice Dr. -
Kenyatta and Odinga: the Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya by Dr
Global Journal of HUMAN-SOCIAL SCIENCE: D History Archaeology & Anthropology Volume 14 Issue 3 Version 1.0 Year 2014 Type: Double Blind Peer Reviewed International Research Journal Publisher: Global Journals Inc. (USA) Online ISSN: 2249-460x & Print ISSN: 0975-587X Kenyatta and Odinga: The Harbingers of Ethnic Nationalism in Kenya By Dr. Paul Abiero Opondo Moi University, Kenya Abstract- The paper traces the political problems that Kenya currently faces particularly the country’s inability to construct a united national consciousness, historical relationships that unfolded between the country’s foremost founders, Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga and the consequences of their political differences and subsequent-fallout in the 1960s. The fall-out saw Kenyatta increasingly consolidating power around himself and a group of loyalists from the Kikuyu community while Odinga who was conceptualized as the symbolic representative of the Luo community was confined to the wilderness of politics. This paper while applying the primordial and essentialist conceptual framework recognizes the determinant role that the two leaders played in establishing the foundations for post-independent Kenya. This is especially true with respect to the negative consequences that their differing perspectives on Kenyan politics bequeathed the country, especially where the evolution of negative ethnicity is concerned. As a result of their discordant political voices in the political arena, there were cases of corruption, the killing of innocent Kenyans in Kisumu in 1969, political assassinations of T J Mboya, Pio Gama Pinto and J M Kariuki among others as this paper argues. GJHSS-D Classification : FOR Code: 160699 KenyattaandOdingaTheHarbingersofEthnicNationalisminKenya Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of: © 2014. -
Ballots to Bullets Organized Political Violence and Kenya's Crisis of Governance
March 2008 Volume 20, No. 1 (A) Ballots to Bullets Organized Political Violence and Kenya's Crisis of Governance Map of Kenya ........................................................................................................... 1 Summary .................................................................................................................2 Methodology ...........................................................................................................7 Recommendations .................................................................................................. 8 On Accountability.................................................................................................... 8 To the Government of Kenya ......................................................................... 8 To Foreign Governments ............................................................................... 9 On Reforms to Safeguard against Human Rights Violations...................................... 9 To the Government of Kenya ......................................................................... 9 To Foreign Governments ..............................................................................10 On Displaced Persons ............................................................................................10 To the Government of Kenya ........................................................................10 To Donor Governments, UN Agencies, and National and International NGOs 10 Background: Kenya’s Long-Term Crisis of Governance -
Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya
Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 2 January 2021 Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya Edmond M. Were Kisii University, [email protected] Paul A. Opondo Moi UNiversity, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps Part of the African Studies Commons, Asian Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Political Science Commons, Public Administration Commons, and the Terrorism Studies Commons Recommended Citation Were, Edmond M. and Opondo, Paul A. (2021) "Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya," Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies: Vol. 4: Iss. 2, . DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/2325-484X.4.2.1113 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps/vol4/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contextualizing the Politics of Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives (Nyumba Kumi) for Human Security in Kenya Cover Page Footnote Edmond M. Were is an Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at Kisii University, Kenya Paul A. Opondo is a Senior Lecturer of History at Moi University, Kenya This article is available in Journal of African Conflicts and eaceP Studies: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jacaps/ vol4/iss2/2 Were and Opondo: Ten-Household Cluster Initiatives for Human Security Introduction The contextualization of the politics surrounding the adoption of the ten- household cluster initiative (Nyumba Kumi) in Kenya as a way of addressing existential threats is located in the experiences initially borne outside the African continent.