A Postmodern Exploration of the Discourse (S) of Childhood and How
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MARGARET PTOLEMY A thesis submitted in confonnity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Science Graduate Department of Community Heaith University of Toronto Q Copyright by Margaret Ptolemy 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant B la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la fome de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othemise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. 1 would keto extend great thanks and acknowledgement to rny supe~sorand fnend Professor Margaret MacNeill. Her wisdom, cornmitment to excellence and patience has been invaluable to me throughout my graduate education. 1 cannot fully express the extent of my gratitude to her or the extent of her contribution to this project. 1 could not have completed this without her guidance and direction. Speciai thanks to comrnittee rnember, colleague and fiiend Professor Brian Pronger for stimulating conversations, encouragement and guidance throughout the project. Thanks aiso to my cornmittee rnember Professor Bruce Kidd for your support and co inment S. 1would also keto thank Professor Greg Malszeck., rny extemal reviewer, for your kind insightful comments, questions and your supportive attitude. Also to Professor Peter Donnelly, my intemal reviewer, for a thorough reading of my thesis and invaluable comments and questions. I would like to acknowledge and th& Crystal Tancredi at the City of Toronto Department of Parks and Recreation. Her assistance has been invaluable to this project. My feliow graduate students and fiiends have provided ongoing support and encouragement, and I would particularly fike to thank Cora McCloy for her fnendship and interest in my thesis. Finally 1 would like to thank rny fdyfor their contiming support, love, and encouragement. Most importantly, 1 wodd Wce to thank my partner and best fiiend Tim Daly for his love, support, encouragement and patience. 1 could not have completed this degree without his help. A postmodern exploration of the discoune(s) of childhood and how they produce the active child's body: A case study of Toronto Parks and Recreation documents. By : Margaret Ptolemy Master of Science, 1998 Deparhnent of Cornmunity Healt h, University of Toronto ABSTRACT This postmodem exploration of the discourse(s) of childhood and how these discourse(s) produce the active child's body seeks to fiii a gap in the research on children and sport which has been based on traditional developmental assurnptions about children. Document analysis of staff training manuals for the Toronto Department of Parks and Recreation reveaIs the myth that children's recreation ought to be wmpetitive sport and the myth that sport develops children into 'good' adults. These myths are conveyed and produced by the discourses of patiarchy, capitalism, the cure for social problems discourse and the discourse of development. Children's bodies are aiso marked by power relations in terms of age, ability, gender, race, and social class, and these Parks and Recreation documents mark children's bodies in ways which privilege the dominant male, white, middle class body. These power relations aiso organize and constrain children's recreational experiences in the Parks and Recreation programmes. The concluding chapter suggests avenues for resistance and iiberation by children through recreational activities. Table of Contents 1 Introduction 11 Literature review 'Childhood' Theories of power and childhood Definition of power The child's body Research on sport and children Children and sport psychology SociaLization theories Socialization into sport Sociaiization out of sport Socializattion via sport Summary of the critiques of this sport psychology and socialization research Children, gender and sport GirIs and gender research Boys and gender research Children, race and sport Children, social class and sport Summary of the critiques of the social class, gender, and race, sport research on children Children, health, sport and the ideology of production Summary of the literature review III: The case study p. 58 Introduction Theoretical foundation and form of anaiysis Language and text(s) Discourse Role of the researcher Persona1 rationaie and locatedness Chapt er summary IV The myth(s) of children's recreation: Children's recreation is competitive sport Introduction Children's recreation is competitive sport Challenges to the myth that chiidren's recreation is competitive sport What conveys the myth that recreation for children is competitive sport Patriarchy and capitaiism The chiid's body Curriculum of domination The case of "Streetbuds" Chapter summary p. 210 V The myth(s) of chiidren's recreation: Sport develops chüdren into 'good' adults p. 112 Introduction p. 112 Sport develops children into 'good' adults p. 113 Challenges to the myth that sport develops children into 'good' addts p. 117 The case of the volunteer p. 120 What conveys this myth that sport develops children into 'good' adults p. 122 Cure for social problerns discourse Discourse of development The child's body The individual body The value of the child's body Chapter summary p. 140 VI The bioculturdy marked body p. 141 Introduction p. 141 *ge p. 142 Developmental assumptions and promotion of merences p. 143 Age, power and the body p. 146 Ability Developmental assurnptions Disability, power and the body Gender p. 162 Reproduction of patriarchal asçwnptions p. 163 (a) The perpetuation of gender Merences p. 163 @) The promotion of gender specific activities p. 167 Gender, power and the body p. 171 RaciaUy marked and class marked bodies Racist and classist assumptions and the production of ciifference Race, cIass, power and the body Chapter summary VII Conclusion Introduction The construction of the cbild's body in Toronto Parks and Recreation documents Toronto Parks and Recreation programmes for children Recommendations for Toronto Parks and Recreation programmes Future research recommendations Theory recommendations ChiIdren and sport, recreation, and physical activity: Specific research questions Toronto Parks and Recreation: Specific research questions Summary VIII Glossary of terms p. 198 IX References p. 201 Chapter One Introduction Several years ago, while working at an afterschool program for children aged four to six years of age, 1 was forced to question why I was bothering to teach these children how to play soccer. They seemed to have no interest in anything except chasing the bal1 - which is precisely what all25 of them did. One particular chiid was not chasing the ball, so in order to have him included, 1 decided to teach hun how to be a goalie. He completely grasped the concept of running back and forth, and side to side in the net, but he was totaily oblivious to the game going on around him. At this point, with one child running around in the net, and 24 children chasing the bail around the gym, 1 felt that rny endeavour to teach them soccer was somewhat absurd. This expenence lead me to question what the role of sport really was for children, and why we, as adults, often try to teach children adult sports and games. This thesis is a pursuit of those basic questions that 1 asked rnyselfon that aflernoon. One of the most seemingly simplistic questions is "how is a child defined as such?" The answer to that question, however, is more complex - it depends on who you ask, or where you look. Some historians argue that in the Middle Ages, the first seven years of life were considered infancy, and after that, "clddren" as we know them, were considered fL.ümembers of society, with no distinctions between themselves and "adultsl' (GreenIeaf, 1978). Suice then, the definition of a child has continued to emerge and change.