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FESTIVALS, RITUALS AND ETHNICITY AMONG EAST INDIANS IN TRINIDAD

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Ratimaya Sinha Bush, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University 1997

Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Ojo Arewa, Adviser Professor Erika Bourguignon Professor Amy Zaharlick A dviser Department of Anthropology UMI Number: 9731596

Copyright 1997 by Bush, Ratimaya Sinha All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 9731596 Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Copyright by

Ratimaya Sinha Bush

1997 ABSTRACT

This research was conducted In order to examine definitions of East Indian identity among a group in Port of Spain, Trinidad.

It was found that in defining "Indianness", religion played a key role, especially symbols taken from the Hindu epic The Ramayana.

Even non-Hindu Indians spoke of the protagonists of this text,

Rama and Sita, as the ideal role models and made parallels between Lanka (the capital of Ravana, the demon king of T h e

Ramayana ) and Trinidad. In using symbols from The Ramayana.

East Indians in Trinidad have been able to unite and set themselves apart from Trinidadians of African descent. Hindu cultural symbols have thus been politicized.

It will be demonstrated that relations between the two major groups - Africans and East Indians, are vital to the emergence of East Indian identity. The structuralist method was used to explicate the manner in which East Indians in Trinidad identify and distinguish themselves from Trinidadians of African descent. i i To my mother

111 ACKNOWLEDGMENTTS

I wish to thank my adviser, Ojo Arewa, for his support and encouragement. I also wish to thank the members of my dissertation committee, Erika Bourguignon and Amy Zaharlick, for intellectual guidance and friendship.

To my friends in Trinidad, I would like to extend a warm thanks and appreciation, especially to Manwanti Charran, Ruby

Ramdial, Jamila Edoo and Mr. and Mrs. Nock.

My father, Indranand Sinha, was generous in funding my research and was of great help in providing translations of

Sanskrit words and texts. I would like to thank my brother,

Yoganand Sinha, for allowing me to quote from his dissertation.

Most of all, I would like to acknowledge the very enthusiastic encouragement that I received from my wonderfui husband, Gary, who accompanied me to Trinidad, and has been of invaluable help in every facet of my life.

I V VITA

December 30,1956...... Born - Bihar, India

1978...... B.A. Anthropology Michigan State University

1988...... M.A. Anthropology The Ohio State University

1988 - 1993, 1995...... Graduate Teaching Associate The Ohio State University

1995-Present...... Instructor of Anthropology Wright State University

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Anthropology

Studies in: Anthropological Theory, History of Anthropology, Anthropology of Religion, Ethnography of the Caribbean TABLE OF CONTEhfTS

Page

Abstract i i

Dedication...... 111

Acknowledgments I v

Vita...... V

Chapters:

1. Introduction ...... 1

Significance of the study ...... 6 Symbols ...... 11 Methodology ...... 1 6

2. The Setting ...... 22

The CanblDean ...... 22 Early History ...... 38 East Indians in Trinidad ...... 41

3. Relations between Indians and Africans ...... 60

Historical factors...... 61 Political antagonisms ...... 6 2 Geographical conditions ...... 6 4 Black Power...... 6 8 Recent relations ...... 7 3

4. Religious Organizations ...... 7 6

Sanatan Dharma ...... 7 6 AryaSamaj ...... 80 vi Muslims 8 2 Christians 8 4 Temples 8 8

5. The Religious Practitioner...... 92

Becoming a pandit 9 4 Pandit families 9 9 Role of the pandit ...... 99

6. Festivals ...... 102

Carnival...... 104 Hosay ...... 106 Phagwa ...... 110 Diwali...... 117 La Divina Pastora ...... 120

7. Rituals ...... 123

Puja ...... 127 Puja Sequence ...... 128 Yagna ...... 1 30 A typical yagna ...... 133 Functions of the yagna and the puja ...... 142

8. Analytical Approaches ...... 145

Ritual and symbol ...... 145 Structual analysis ...... 1 52 "Binary oppositions" ...... 154

9. Conclusion...... 179

Appendix A; Chronology ...... 1 8 3

Appendix B: Trinidad and Tobago Statistics ...... 185

Glossary ...... 1 86

Bibliography ...... 19 3

vi i CHAPTER 1

im’RODUCTION

The Caribbean region, due to its multi-ethnic nature, presents researchers with a broad array of problems to be investigated. Widely different nationalities, religions, languages and cultural traditions are all represented here. The anthropological study of the area has not had a very long history - one of the earliest frameworks for Caribbean studies came out of the works of Melville and Frances Herskovits

(1934, 1947) who conducted research in Surinam, Haiti and

Trinidad. The Herskovits' were interested in the process of acculturation and sought features of African cultural configuration among New World African-Americans. This approach was questioned by several scholars who felt that the

African historical past was being overemphasized by them

(Mintz, 1974; Simey, 1946; Whitten and Szwed, 1968).

Nevertheless, the ethnohistorical tradition within which M.J. 1 and F.S. Herskovits carried on their work has greatly influenced

Caribbean scholarship, so that a substantial literature on

African-derived practices in the Caribbean exists. A great degree of African roots have been found in the religious realm, for instance Shango and vodoun can be shown to have connections to African religious views and practices

(Herskovits, 1937, 1941, 1947; Mischel 1958; Simpson, 1945,

1980 ).

Perhaps because of the tradition established by

Herskovits, the majority of early work in the Caribbean focused on African-derived populations. It is important to more fully investigate the other ethnic groups that are represented in the

Caribbean. For instance, the Asian Indian groups in the

Caribbean are politically and economically quite influential.

Asian Indians constitute a substantial New World population, and examining the manner in which they have reconstituted or abandoned their traditional practices would provide insight into the process of culture change and persistence. Several studies of Indians in the Caribbean have focused on cultural elements that are structurally Indian and have tended to emphasize the persistence of Indian culture among immigrants 2 to the Caribbean (Clarke 1967; Klass 1961, 1971, 1980, 1991;

Malik 1971) Just as Herskovits looked to Africa to understand and explain Afro-Caribbean cultural patterns, these scholars have looked to India to explain Indo-Caribbean practices.

Morton Klass studied a village in Trinidad inhabited almost entirely by East Indians. In his book. East Indians in

Trinidad: A Study of Cultural Persistence (1961: 3) Klass demonstrated that "the village is a highly integrated, cohesive community..., that this community is structurally Indian rather than West Indian". He goes on to say that (1961: 4):

Indian immigrants to Trinidad...were able to reconstitute a community reflecting their society of origin. They did this, moreover, despite considerable handicaps. The original settlers derived from different villages in northern India. During the period of indenture they had become part of what was for them the alien sociocultural system of Trinidad... The community they reconstituted had to exist within the framework of the larger Trinidad society and culture.

Thirty years later, he reiterated his position (1991: 36) that in

Amity, the pseudonym for a town in central Trinidad,

. . . and by extension throughout East Indian Trinidad - despite all ‘loss’ and change and Westernization, 3 the way of life was more ‘North Indian’ than it was ‘West Indian’. And, further, this Indian ‘way of life’ presented problems for those who followed it: it was not in accord with the non - Indian ‘way of life’ of Trinidad.

Kelvin Singh in “East Indians in the Larger Society" (1974) also

viewed East Indians in Trinidad as unchanging. Clarke (1967:

197) looked at the East Indian population residing in San

Fernando, Trinidad’s second largest city and found that "caste

does not seem to have been especially eroded in the industrial,

multiracial, and multireligious environment of San Fernando".

Even though a large proportion of Caribbean Indians

continue to practice and perpetuate "Indian" cultural traditions,

the extent to which their practices have been modified in the

New World setting was examined. On certain islands, like

Trinidad, Hindu marriages were not regarded as being legal

until recently. The Hindu practice of cremating the dead was

also illegal, therefore many Christian elements such as burials

and the practice of observing a "wake" had been adopted. These

and other changes in the life cycle suggest the importance of

looking at ways in which Indians have given up certain traditional practices in the Caribbean setting. The Indian community was examined within the context of the larger

multi-ethnic country of Trinidad and Tobago in order to

determine which specific aspects of traditional culture were

retained and which ones were discarded.

It was found that the Indian community of Port of Spain

had modified and adapted in every respect, but was not willing to acknowledge that it had done so. East Indians frequently stated that their customs "were just like they were before - nothing has changed". Interestingly, they would often quote the works of anthropologists that had come up with the same conclusion in their studies. For instance, many of the East

Indians would quote from Klass’s (1961) work in Amity as

"proof" that they had not given up any of their Indian-ness.

It was found that religion was by far the most important element in defining East Indian identity, therefore during my stay in Trinidad, I conducted an ethnographic study of East

Indians, but focused on aspects of their religion for this particular monograph. The objective of the study was to use the structuralist method to explicate the manner in which East

Indians in Trinidad identify and distinguish themselves from

Trinidadians of African descent. 5 After establishing the setting in which the early history of Trinidad is briefly dealt with, there will be a discussion of

East Indians in Trinidad. Chapter 3 will delineate relations between Africans and East Indians to demonstrate that the two groups differentiate themselves from each other in several key areas. This will be followed by chapters on religious organizations, major festivals and rituals of East Indians in

Trinidad. The final two chapters will outline a structural dichotomy for Africans and East Asians and will discuss how this contributes to the formation of Trinidadian Indian identity.

I found it useful to go against the standard dissertation format in which the first three chapters deal with theory, methodology and a review of the literature. In this monograph I have incorporated anthropological literature throughout the body of the work, so that the literature review is not confined to one chapter.

Significance of the study

Definitions of ethnicity and identity usually include shared sociocultural traits which lead a group of people to view themselves as apart from others. Hobsbawm (1992: 4) 6 writes that: "Ethnicity, whatever its basis, is a readily definable way of expressing a real sense of group identity which links the members of 'we' because it emphasizes their differences from 'them'." Geertz (1973) uses the term

"primordial sentiments" to characterize ethnicity and identity.

These are emotionally charged bonds arising from commonalties of religion and customs. In writing about the

"tension between primordial sentiments and civil politics", he writes (1973: 277):

The power of the "givens" of place, tongue, blood, looks, and way-of-life to shape an individual's notion of who, at bottom, he is and with whom, indissolubly, he belongs is rooted in the non rational foundations of personality . . . once established . . . this unreflective sense of collective selfhood . . . seems to touch on such an extraordinarily wide range of matters.

Thus for Geertz, "primordial sentiments" serve to distinguish one group from another, so that despite factors which might dilute them, such as migration, exposure to mass media and so on, they persist due to strong emotional attachments.

When applied to the situation in Trinidad, this view is inadequate in that it does not address the dynamics of social 7 structure. It falls to look at conflict and interaction between the various groups in the emergence of East Indian group identity. Hobsbawm (1992: 5) also rejected Geertz's ideas concerning ethnicity and wrote that "it is . . . more important than ever to reject the primordialist' theory of ethnicity".

Frederik Barth (1969) criticized definitions of ethnic identity which stress their conservative and closed aspects.

He felt that such characterizations were simplistic and inadequate, and what was needed was to show how ethnic boundaries flourish within situations in which different ethnic groups are constantly interacting with one another.

Among Trinidadian East Indians, their strong sense of identity has emerged as a result of their particular situation in Trinidad. They have not been socially isolated and do not represent a "relic" population. East Indian ethnic identity is not a simple question of continuing the cultural traditions of

India, but has emerged within the milieu of contemporary social relations.

It will be demonstrated that relations between the two major groups - Africans and East Indians, are vital to the emergence of East Indian identity. East Indian immigrants who 8 arrived in Trinidad were known scornfully as "coolies", a term which stereotyped them as constantly laboring in a slavish manner. The occupation of the original indentured laborers came to represent the main aspect of their identity, as far as the wider Trinidadian population was concerned.

The East Indian indentured workers faced hostility and were relegated to the bottom of Trinidadian society (Crowley

1957: 818). As a response to this. East Indians have elaborated some dominant symbols in order to separate themselves from Africans. The term "East Indian" has replaced

"coolie" for the most part and there has now been the trend for differences within East Indians, for instance, between Hindus,

Muslims, Christians, to be lessened. It will be seen that various East Indian groups have assembled shared aspects of their traditions from India to form a new "East Indian" identity.

This research was conducted in order to examine definitions of Indian identity among a group in Port of Spain,

Trinidad. It was found that in defining "Indianness" religion played a crucial role, especially symbols taken from the Hindu epic The Ram ayana. written by the poet Valmiki around 1500

B.C.. Even non Hindu Indians talked of Rama and his wife Sita 9 as the ideal role models and made parallels between Lanka and

Trinidad.I In using symbols from The Ramayana. Indians in

1 Because The Ramayana is constantly alluded to, it is necessary to provide a synopsis of it. This is a multi-volumed epic, but it may be condensed as follows. Vishnu appeared in his seventh avatar as Rama in order to suppress Ravana, the dangerous demon king of Lanka. In the dynasty of Raghu lived King Dashratha, who had four sons. Ramachandra (Rama), the oldest, was born to Dashratha’s wife Kausalya. Another wife, Kaikeya had Bharata as her son and a third wife Sumitra had Lakshman and Satrughan. Right from childhood Rama and Lakshman were close and this bond lasted throughout their lives. Rama married Sita, the daughter of King Jan ak a of Maithila, a region of Bihar. After this marriage. King Dashratha made up his mind to step down from the throne and proclaim R am a as king of Ayodhya. But in the interim Queen Kaikeyi asked Dashratha for a boon, and Dashratha agreed to granting it without asking Kaikeya the nature of it. Dashratha was shocked when Kaikeya requested that Rama be exiled for fourteen years and that the kingdom be bestowed to her son Bharata. Rama was accompanied into the forest by his devoted wife Sita and equally devoted younger brother Lakshman. Bharata refused to take the kingdom and after great persuasion by Rama himself, agreed to just be the custodian of the kingdom until Rama’s return after the stipulated fourteen years of forest living {banbaas ) . Bharata reigned over Ayodhya but kept a pair of Rama’s sandals on the throne as a symbol of the true king. In the meantime, Ravana, the Lord of all evil forces, cunningly abducted Sita while Rama and Lakshman were away. Ravana carried Sita to Lanka in his aerial chariot. Bereaved and helpless, Rama made alliances with several classes of warriors, the main leaders of whom were Sugriva and Hanuman. With their help, Rama bridged the sea-pass, connecting the southern tip of India with Lanka, which was the golden capital of Ravana. Rama conquered Lanka, killed the rakshasas , and thus emancipated his wife Sita from their clutches. Thus the 10 Trinidad have been able to unite and set themselves apart from

Trinidadians of African descent. Hindu cultural symbols have thus been politicized. It will be seen that some themes borrowed from The Ramayana have taken on great importance for Trinidadian East Indians. These include the importance of and devotion to one's family, filial duty and the need for constant vigilance against individuals like Ravana who instigate violence and are capable of "turning Trinidad and

Tobago into another Lanka" (this was stated by a 43 year old

East Indian woman).

Symbols

Symbols are an inherent part of any ritual activity.

Sounding somewhat tautological, Alfred North Whitehead

(1927: 63) wrote that "the object of symbolism is the enhancem ent of the importance of what is symbolized". Ritual symbols are very different from those in mathematics, where purpose of Rama's incarnation, that of relieving this world of evil forces was fulfilled. In the meantime, the stipulated period of fourteen years had elapsed. So Rama, Sita and Lakshman returned to their kingdom in Ayodhya and were duly received by their devout brother Bharata who gave up as viceroy of Ayodhya so that Rama could assume reigns of his kingdom. 11 they have definite, straight forward meanings. Symbols in ritual are cultural constructs, often showing what Turner

(1967) refers to as "multivocality".

Many anthropologists have utilized the idea of "key symbols" (Ortner 1973) which characterize any society. These are somewhat along the lines of “patterns" or configurations unique to each culture. Cultural patterns are "those arrangements to systems of internal relationships which give to any culture its coherence or plan, and keep it from being a mere accumulation of random bits" (Kroeber, 1948: 311). Ruth

Benedict used the concept of "pattern" to refer to an overall organization or configuration of particular culture. In her classic works Patterns of Culture (1934) and The

Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946 ) she gives examples illustrating her configurational and integrational view of culture.

As an extension of the idea of "pattern", Schneider (1968) refers to the "core symbols" of American kinship and Turner

(1967) mentions the "dominant symbols" among the Ndembu.

Evans-Pritchard (1962: 80) has written that the anthropologist must ". . . determine the meanings of a few key 12 words, upon an understanding of which the success of the whole investigation depends".

An idea to emerge from my work among the East Indians was that religious symbols and texts, especially The Ramayana and the life of Rama are powerful "dominant symbols" in providing ethnic identity to Trinidadian East Indians and in keeping the Indian sense of unity separated from perceived

African elements.

Indians in Trinidad are proud of having retained the cultural traditions of India, and one perennial theme to emerge from scholarly debates concerning Indian Trinidadians is that practices and traditions from India were more or less retained and replicated (Clarke 1967; Klass 1961, 1980, 1991; Malik

1971). Anthropologists who have worked among Trinidadian

East Indians have tended to view them as carry-overs from

India. They have stressed the importance of such things as kinship terminology, family arrangements, and views on caste, as evidence that Indian traditional practices were re­ established in Trinidad. One exception was Daniel Crowley

(1957), who asserted that Trinidadian Indians were fusing into the Creole culture. 1 3 It will be demonstrated that Indians in Trinidad should not be treated as static carriers of the traditions of India.

Even though they take great pride in perpetuating their

"Indianness", this is largely an "invented tradition" (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983: 1) based on

a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual of symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past.

Several of my informants stressed that "even after 150 years, we Indians have still preserved and kept our old ways". They were keen to assert how "authentic and traditional" their interpretations of Hindu rituals were. They made it a point to differentiate "Indianness" from African elements. I was reminded of the idea of Max Gluckman, stating that conflicts are socially pervasive. Several articles by Gluckman deal with the manner in which ritual reflects the social order and affirms social norms through symbolism. His recurring thesis is outlined in his "Rituals of Rebellion in South E ast Africa"

(1963). Gluckman viewed ritual as "not simply expressing

14 cohesion and Impressing the values of society and its social sentiments on people, as in Durkheim’s and Radcliffe-Brown’s theories, but as exaggerating real conflicts of social rules and affirming that there was unity despite these conflicts " (1963:

18).

Many of my informants talked about inherent differences and conflicts between Indians and Africans. Through the course of my stay, I concluded that this conflict produced a third element which drew from both traditions, but at the same time the Indians were unwilling to acknowledge that they had borrowed from African elements. They were especially critical of the Carnival and all that it represented to them - boisterous abandon, licentious behavior and so on.

The Hindu festival Holi {Phagwa in Trinidad), which in

India has a Carnival like atmosphere, representing a "ritual of rebellion" (Gluckman 1954: 114) or a "feast of love" (Marriott

1955 ), has been toned down in the Trinidadian setting. Several of the Indians that I participated in Holi ceremonies with criticized celebrants that “got out of hand" and "acted like

Phagwa was Carnival". Whenever Indian festivals and rituals became too passionate, several participants lamented the 1 5 "Carnlvalization" of their traditions. It will be seen that

structural oppositions between Africans and East Indians play

a major part in defining East Indian identity.

Methodology

In his classic Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922),

Bronislaw Malinowski wrote about the importance of explaining

the manner in which data are gathered in any ethnographic

enquiry, but his advice was often unheeded, so that In Akwe-

Shavante Society (1967: xix), David Maybury-Lewis laments

that "anthropologists are frequently reticent about the

circumstances of their field work"(quoted in Heider 1980: 51).

In order to observe Malinowski's advice, I will briefly describe

my methodology.

Anthropologists utilize a wide range of methodological

techniques, including participant observation, personal

interviews, historical documents and other sources. My

research used the following strategies: 1. One on one

interviews with Trinidadian informants - interviewing in formal and informal settings. 2. library research - historical

documents, census reports, and records; 3. local residence, 16 including participant observation, that is, interacting on a daily basis in aspects of local life.

Before going to Trinidad for the first time, I conducted library research at the Ohio State University. Being an

"overseas Indian" myself, with an interest in anthropology, I have been fascinated by the situation in Trinidad. In general the Caribbean islands support incredible diversity, but

Trinidad appears to top them all, with East Indians, Africans,

"Mixed", Europeans, Chinese, "Syrian", Caribs and Arawaks. The people are mainly of African and East Indian descent, so they emphasize two major cultural traditions - "Creole", which in

Trinidad refers to African traditions that have been influenced by Spanish, French and English, and East Indian. Most of the works that I read on Trinidadian East Indians spoke of their continuation of traditions from India. In other words, that they had created a microcosm of the situation in India in the

Caribbean.

In 1992, my husband and I went to Port of Spain, the capital city of Trinidad and Tobago for two months in order to gather preliminary data and to prepare for my longer fieldwork.

I went there with the idea that Indian cultural practices would 17 be replicated and I would Investigate how this had been accomplished within Trinidad's multicultural society. In other words, I would examine how pluralistic societies facilitate harmony among ethnic groups.

After being there for just days, I was struck by how different Trinidadian "Indian" cultural practices were when compared to those in India. I found that there were modifications and drastic changes in every area, leading me to re-formulate my line of inquiry. There appeared to be a constant separation and conflict between East Indians and

Africans. A lot of this w as beneath the surface in that

Trinidadians liked to point out how well their country worked, as far as the "races" were concerned.

My husband and I went back to Trinidad in February 1994 for the completion of my fieldwork. This time around, my husband stayed in Trinidad for one month after which he returned to the United States and I stayed on for four more months. I found that it was much easier for me to move around the country after Gary left, even though being a woman alone in parts of Trinidad presents som e difficulties. While Gary was with me, the Trinidadians would see us as "outsiders", 18 specifically as Americans. After Gary left, it was easier for me to blend in - until they heard me speak, the Trinidadians would assume that I was from their country. This greatly eased day to day living and travel on the crowded mass transportation system.

I resided in a centrally located flat in Port of Spain, in which there lived several families. The design of the flat was such that there was little privacy, so that I was able to interact constantly with my neighbors. Especially after my husband left, neighbors would drop by unannounced at all hours- sometimes as early as six in the morning. One elderly couple felt that they needed to "look after me" and were solicitous of my welfare and the progress of my research. They would often invite me over to their flat to discuss my work, and to give me pointers, suggestions, and names of persons that I could interview.

After I had settled in, the first thing I did was to attend the Hindu m andir (temple) located not far from my flat. During the weekly sessions, I would mingle and visit with East

Indians, and was able to gather a lot of information, albeit in an informal manner. In addition to this, I had sessions in 19 which I interviewed individuals and families and recorded our conversations for later analysis. Throughout my stay there were various pu jas, festivals and rituals that I participated in on a regular basis. These are described in chapters that follow.

I gathered a lot of my data through my friendship with teachers at the Laxmi Girls Hindu College. Initially, I interviewed four teachers, all women, who taught at the school. One particular person was to become my key informant, with whom I would socialize and attend various "Indian cultural" functions. I was able to visit this school periodically and interact with the pupils, who were very receptive to me when they found out that I was "a real Indian". They were especially interested in anything I might have to say about

Hindi movie trivia and pop culture from India. Some of these students introduced me to their families and I was able to interview twenty-two mothers and eighteen fathers of these girls in a formal manner.

When I went to Trinidad, I found that my personal background helped greatly - I was born in the Indian state of

Bihar, which is where many of the original Indian inhabitants of Trinidad came from. One of my informants. Rose, joked that 20 "we might be related". My ancestral home is in the region of

Bihar known as Maithila, which was the birthplace of Sita, the heroine of The Ramayana. a connection which further facilitated fieldwork matters. The Trinidadian Indians viewed me as "one of them" as a des hi ( from the same country ), therefore I did not undergo any obstacles in the establishing of rapport. Those Indians who were attending Hindi classes were happy to practice their language skills with me and to share information about Indian popular culture.

Whenever possible I have drawn from the music of

Calypsonians, for their words give great insight into the

Trinidadian social situation and many of the Trinidadians I interacted with would often quote the words of some calypso song in order to underscore their points. This was especially true in the area of relations between Africans and East Indians

- when talking about this subject, both groups would make references to famous or popular calypso singers in order to give credence to their ideas (refer to chapter 3).

21 CHAPTER 2

THE SETTING

The Caribbean

There are several ways of defining the Caribbean, for example, in terms of its shared history, slavery and so forth.

The most straightforward way is to view it in geographic terms, that is, use the term “Caribbean" to refer to the islands in the Caribbean sea. These are tropical and sub-tropical islands south of the United States and east and north of South

America. These island are distributed over a range of approximately 4,000 kilometers and are subdivided according to their size and location. The Greater Antilles consist of the relatively large islands of Cuba, Hispaniola (Haiti and

Dominican Republic), Puerto Rico and Jamaica. The Lesser

Antilles include the much smaller islands from the British

Virgin Islands to the Dutch islands of Aruba, Curacao and

Bonaire. North of the Greater Antilles are scattered several 22 islands which make up the Bahamas. Sometimes the Lesser

Antilles are subdivided further based on their position relative to the prevailing trade wind and its climatic effect. The north- south island chain are the humid "Windward Islands" and the relatively arid east-west islands are the "Leeward Islands". In addition to these islands, there is the Eastern Caribbean which includes Trinidad and Tobago, St. Vincent, Grenada, Barbados and the South American coastal strip of Guyana, Surinam and

French Guiana.

An extensive body of literature exists on Caribbean history, and according to Lewis (1983: 3):

All of them, for all their differences of view, have shown clearly that despite the contrasts between one island - society and another- and despite the different identifying names that the region has acquired throughout its momentous history (the Spanish Main, the West lndies,the Caribbean) - the area is characterized by a distinctive commonality of leading features that justify the concept of a collective sociocultural character, setting it apart from its neighbors.

Just what are the common features of the Caribbean that set it apart from other regions? To begin with, the majority are small, island societies. The largest of these is Cuba with 23 44,000 square miles. The others are substantially smaller, some consisting of only a few square miles. Thus, this region is characterized by an "island ecosystem" (Fosberg, 1963: 5) with small land area and insularity. At the same time, these islands are not closed, isolated systems - various non- indigenous human groups have occupied them, as have

Europeans, Africans, East Indians and several other ethnic groups. These immigrants introduced new cultural practices and technologies. They brought in many of the crops that are associated with the Caribbean, including sugar, bananas, mangoes, pineapples, coffee and breadfruit (Horowitz, 1971:

2).

Another commonality of the Caribbean societies is their history, specifically, their colonial history. With the exception of Haiti, these islands were colonies of European countries until this century.

The Caribbean has had a long history of contact with

Europe, being the first European colonies in the New World.

During his first voyage to the New World, Christopher Columbus arrived in the Caribbean in 1492 and established it as the property of the Spanish Crown. His second, third and fourth 24 voyages led to the European discovery of the Caribbean chain of islands. The Spanish Crown attempted to take the indigenous

Carib Indians as slaves, but this attempt was unsuccessful, for the Caribs suffered greatly and fled or died under enslavement.

A priest of the Order of St. Dominic, Bartolomé de Las C asas was appalled by the inhumane exploitation of the Indians and condemned Spanish practices in his Historia de Las Indians.

This early work represents a plea for tolerance of the aboriginal Indian cultures (Lewis, 1983: 3). Las C a sa s’s works were polemical tracts against Spanish practices in regard to

Indians. His work "A Brief Relation of the Destruction of the

Indies" (1552) was read in many European countries and it gave credence to the "black legend" concerning the atrocities committed against indigenous peoples under Spanish rule.

Due to the lack of success at enslaving the Caribs, in the early 1500s (Sauer, 1966: 207) the importing of slaves from

Africa began. The slaves were drawn from various African populations, including the so-called "slave coast" of western

Africa, as well as from Togo, Senegal and Benin. Due to this importation of slaves, populations that were culturally unrelated and linguistically incompatible were mixed in 25 together, resulting in tremendous ethnic diversity in the

Caribbean.

Eventually, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, much of Spain’s Caribbean empire shifted to England and

France, and later to the United States. Sweden and Denmark also had holdings in the area - St. Bartelemy was a Swedish colony until 1877, after which it went to France. The Virgin

Islands were under Danish rule until 1917 when they were sold to the United States.

The impact of colonialism has been immense, especially in the economic sphere. The islands became prime examples of mercantile exploitation (Lewis 1983: 6). They produced sugar, tobacco and cotton for export to their colonial rulers but at the same time had to import such items for their own use.

Horowitz (1971: 3) gives an example of this:

Sea-island cotton from the British Leewards is spun into thread, woven into cloth, and cut and sewn into garments in Europe; a shirt of sea-island cotton costs more in Antigua than in England. The sugar exported from most of the islands is brown, with a heavy molasses content. It is refined in Europe and the United States and white sugar is an expensive luxury in the Caribbean. West Indian tobacco is processed in European cigarette factories; and so on. 26 Colonialism left its mark in other areas as well. For

instance, in the political realm it meant that administrators

and those in political power were usually from abroad and uiai

political decisions were made in a far-away European land.

Colonialism also impacted the education system in that

European texts and curricula were imposed in Caribbean

schools, sometimes with ridiculous results. Horowitz (1971:

5) writes:

Children learned the history and geography of the métropole and were ignorant of their own. “One hundred years before Christ, the Germans came to our land...” begins a textbook used in the Dutch Windwards in 1958... British W est Indian pupils had to learn arithmetic in pounds, shillings and pence, even though the local currency employed dollars and cents. Martiniquan students were taught that snow accumulates on fallen leaves in winter, while they were expected to know nothing of the geography of Guadeloupe.

Although the common experiences of the Caribbean have

been discussed above, it must be stressed that important differences among the societies also exist. Due to the importation of slaves and indentured labor, mutually

27 unintelligible languages and cultural practices exist. There are also very differing political leanings (Stone, 1985: 13 -53) and economic conditions. So it is important not to lose sight of the tremendous heterogeneity and unique history of each area.

In "A Framework for Caribbean Studies" (1955 / 1965),

M.G. Smith discusses the anthropological approaches to the region. Some of these consist of treating the area as part of a larger Afro-American region, or in viewing it in terms of its

"Plantation Culture", or in treating it as a Caribbean Culture

Area.

The Afro-American approach is associated most closely with M.J. Herskovits and his students who were interested in the dynamics of culture contact and acculturation. Herskovits sought insight into cultural continuity in contact situations.

He argued that the culture of African-Americans in the New

World could be traced back to Africa. Information gained through fieldwork in what was then Dutch Guiana (now

Surinam), Haiti, Trinidad and Brazil, as well as W est Africa, suggested to Herskovits cultural similarities in the African -

American population. Therefore, he sought to discover traits which might have their origins in traditional African cultures. 28 Herskovits felt that many African cultural values and behaviors

persisted in the societies of the Caribbean. Furthermore, this

cultural persistence could be seen also in the continental areas

in which African-Americans lived (1937, 1941). Usually, these

continuities exhibited "syncretism" so that elements of African

as well as European tradition existed together. Striking

examples of this are the vodoun practices of Haiti and the

shango of Trinidad. In both these instances Christian saints

and figures have been equated with African ones. In Trinidad

Village (1947 : 330) Herskovits writes that syncretism is:

...observed and reported upon especially from many parts of the New World, where Africans have transplanted their aboriginal religious structure into the patterns of worship of their new environment. Such renderings of belief and worship have proved both simplest and most felicitous when the accommodation was made to a pattern of Catholicism, since its multiplicity of saints made feasible parallelisms to a multiplicity of nature deities.

Thus, in Haiti, the Dahomean (Benin) serpent deity is identified

with St. Patrick whose im age is associated with serpents.

Legba, the Dahomean (Benin) god guarding crossroads and

29 entrances is associated with St. Peter who also is "the keeper of keys" (Herskovits 1937 : 494).

In some cases, the Caribbean practices are widely removed from the original African source so that instead of syncretism, we find "reinterpretation". An example of reinterpretation of African polygyny would be the practice of serial monogamy reported among African-Americans

(Herskovits and Herskovits 1947 : 295 - 296). According to

Herskovits, "reinterpretations" arise in situations in which syncretism cannot occur, so that practices are perpetuated "in substance, rather than form, in psychological value rather than in name " (Herskovits , 1946 : 350 - 351).

The Afro-American approach has also used the concept of

"cultural focus", which is "a people's dominant concern" for it is "that area of activity or belief where the greatest awareness of form exists, the most discussion of values is heard" (Herskovits, 1945: 164 -165). According to Herskovits, items within the cultural focus are least likely to change during contact situations. The Afro-American paradigm looked for retentions, syncretisms, reinterpretations and cultural foci in various aspects of culture (Bascom, 1952; Herskovits, 1946; 30 Simpson, 1945), but were more successful in areas such as religion and music than in others. Mintz (1974: 18) has no problem in accepting that:

In many Afro-American religious groups, elements from Christianity have been synthesized into new bodies of belief. Thus, for instance. Catholic saints are merged with African gods, as when the Yoruba Ogun, the Dahomean god of iron and smiths, Gun, appears as St. George, St.Peter, or St. James the Apostle.

But Mintz finds that those working within the Afro-American conception limit themselves by focusing only on the African past at the expense of other salient influences to Caribbean culture. He writes (1974: 25) that:

...the African contribution to contemporary Caribbean life has been massive. But there were many sources besides these: Over the centuries, an endless search for plantation labor was carried on by the Europeans, who, in addition to Africans both enslaved and free, imported vast numbers from India, China, Java, and even the impoverished of Europe itself. As a result, the Caribbean islands early became settings in which peoples of very different pasts but fairly similar presents jostled together in new social settings...Thus, a search for Africa in the Caribbean is, among other things, an exploration of the nature of cultural disguise. Here one sees a wide variety of usages that appear to be rooted, in one way or another, in the African past; 31 but such usages are often interpenetrated by others. The result is neither a seamless synthesis nor a potpourri.

Other critics of the Afro-American approach felt that it overemphasized the retentions at the expense of other cultural processes (Whitten and Szwed, 1968: 50). Still others sought to focus on the repercussions of slavery which they felt were far more pervasive than ties with Africa. R.T. Smith (1960:

450) writes that Franklin Frazier (1939) stressed the effects of slavery on African - Americans and

unlike Professor Herskovits he did not regard New World Negroes as being primarily displaced Africans, but rather as Americans trying to build a stable life after the almost total social disorganization of slavery and in a society which continues to be hostile and discriminatory.

Due to the perceived inadequacies of the Afro-American approach, some scholars turned towards looking at the

Caribbean as "Plantation America" since this region is characterized by a past of slave plantation labor. The African slave trade flourished in this area due to the large amounts of labor involved in running plantations. Plantations often relied

32 on few crops, or in some cases one crop, which made them extremely dependent on the world market. Regarding the

Caribbean in terms of plantations combines several factors such as:

...monocrop cultivation under the plantation system, rigid class lines, multi-racial societies, weak community cohesion, small peasants proprietors involved in subsistence and cash - crop production and a matrifocal family form (Wagley, 1960: 9).

This approach to the Caribbean was first utilized by

Julian Steward who conducted research with a group of students in Puerto Rico. Steward’s The People of Puerto Rico

(1958) sought to relate ecological aspects such as types and varieties of crops produced to social organization. He writes

(1956: 2) that his aim was "to ascertain subcultural differences between certain classes or categories of rural peoples by analyzing their methods of making a living, family types, social relations, political and religious forms, practices and attitudes, varieties of recreation, and life forms".

Mintz (1959, 1974) and Wagley (1960) have also recommended using the plantation framework for it was "not

33 only an agricultural device; it also became the basis for an entire societal design. This design involved the perpetuation of societies sharply divided at the outset into two segments, one large and unfree, the other small and free" (Mintz, 1966: 27).

Eric Williams, the first Prime Minister of independent

Trinidad and Tobago and a Caribbean scholar, has emphasized the role of slavery and "King Sugar" in understanding Caribbean problems (Williams, 1944, 1971), for "the saga of the

Caribbean has always been so much a saga of slavery, and of the plantations upon which slaves were principally concentrated" (Mintz, 1974: 47).

An alternative approach views the Caribbean as a larger

Culture Area. The concept of culture area has been attributed to Clark Wissler (1927: 881 - 891) who proposed that any such area has a "culture center" in which "typical traits" are found and a "culture margin" where the traits become diluted. The culture area concept has been utilized for its heuristic value in delineating diffusion of culture traits. Mintz (1974) enumerated some common similarities or themes which would justify viewing the Caribbean as a culture area. Many of these have already been discussed above. They are due to 34 "demonstrably parallel historical experiences during more than four centuries of powerful (though Intermittent and often whimsical) European Influence" (Mintz, 1966: 18). Mintz

(1966: 20 - 37) discusses nine features that are shared by all

Caribbean societies, but at the same time cautions us to not lose sight of the ethnic diversity and cultural heterogeneity of the reglon.2 He concludes ( 1974: 256) that:

2Mintz (1966: 20) writes that "Caribbean regional commonality is expressed in terms of nine major features as follows: (1) lowland, subtropical, insular ecology; (2) the swift extirpation of native populations; (3) the early definition of the islands as spheres of European overseas agricultural capitalism, based primarily on the sugar-cane, African slaves, and the plantation system; (4) the concomitant development of insular social structures in which Internally differentiated local community organization was slight, and national class groupings usually took on a bipolar form, sustained by overseas domination, sharply differentiated access to land, wealth, and political power, and the use of physical differences as status markers; (5) the continuous Interplay of plantations and small-scale yeoman agriculture, with accompanying social-structural effects; (6) the successive introduction of massive new ‘foreign’ populations Into the lower sectors of insular social structures, under conditions of extremely restricted opportunities. . . ; (7) the prevailing absence of any ideology of national Identity that could serve as a goal of mass acculturation; (8) the persistence of colonialism, and of colonial ambiance, longer that in any other area outside western Europe; (9) a high degree of Individualization - particularly economic individualization - as an aspect of Caribbean social organization". 35 The Caribbean is as homogeneous as It is because of the twin forces of imperial imposition and popular response; it is as differentiated as it is because each responding population differed in significant degree from every other.

M.G. Smith (1965: 19) agrees with Mintz that the

Caribbean region as a whole, due to its historical past of

European expansion, has certain shared features which define it. Smith elaborated on the work of the economist U.S.

Furnivall in order to shed light on the Caribbean situation.

Furnivall had worked in the multicultural environment of

Southeast Asia and "was the first to distinguish the plural society as a separate form of society" (Smith 1965a: 75).

Furnivall realized that his training in Western economic theory was inadequate in dealing with the complexity of the Southeast

Asian situation which he characterized as "plural". This was a situation in which "a medley of people . . . mix but do not combine" (Furnivall 1948: 304). In such conditions "each group

. . . holds its own culture and language . . . with different sections of the community living side by side, but separately within the same political unit" (Furnivall 1948: 304).

Furnivall posited that plural societies are a consequence of

36 Western political domination since Western colonial powers benefitted from separate dependent groups that had little interaction with one another.

M.G. Smith looked at the history of the Caribbean, concentrating on St. Vincent and Jamaica, and found separate groups existing, each with its own set of values, religions, social structure and so on. This led him to apply Furnivall’s idea of “plural" society to the Caribbean and to write (1965a:

91):

Pluralism is quite distinct from other forms of social heterogeneity, such as class stratification, in that it c o n sists in th e coexistence of incompatible institutional systems. Plural societies depend for their maintenance on the regulation of inter-sectional relations by one or another of the component cultural systems.

It can be seen from the above discussion of the various approaches to the study of the Caribbean that the region has been fascinating to social scientists for a number of reasons.

Its geography, history, economy and so on lends itself to several theoretical schemes and modes of analysis.

37 Early History

Trinidad and Tobago are at the southern end of the Caribbean chain of islands. Trinidad lies just seven miles off the South

American country of Venezuela. The island of Trinidad shares geographical features of the South American mainland instead of with other Caribbean islands. Whereas many of the

Caribbean islands are volcanic in origin, Trinidad resulted from a gradual break with South America approximately 1000 A.D., therefore its flora and fauna are similar to those of

Venezuela.3

In the beginning, Trinidad and Tobago were inhabited by groups speaking Arawakan languages. Later, Cariban speakers settled on the islands, coming from the South American mainland. For several hundred years after the arrival of the

Caribs, immigrants from other parts of the world came to the island that was referred to as "leri" or the land of the hummingbird.

On his third trip to the Americas, Christopher Columbus reached an island which he dubbed "Trinidad" after sighting

3por further reading, refer to Boomert 1982; Borde 1982; Brereton 1981; Carmichael 1986. 38 three mountain peaks which suggested to him the Christian

Trinity. When Columbus landed on Trinidad on 31 July 1498,

there were about 35,000 inhabitants made up of Shebaio,

Nepoio, Yao and Arawak tribes.

Columbus travelled the south coast of Trinidad and landed

at Erin (then Punta de la Playa). Soon Columbus and his men

departed for Santo Domingo and while en route he sighted two

islands which he christened "Assumpcion" and "Concepcion"

which we now know as Tobago and Grenada.

In 1592 the first Spanish settlement w as established by

Domingo de Vera. This colony was frequently attacked by

foreign adventurers, the most famous of these being Sir Walter

Raleigh, who viewed Trinidad as the entrance to El Dorado. At

first the Spanish settlers grew tobacco for trade with the

Dutch and English. Soon cocoa was also produced, using labor

provided by captured Indians.

Spain sought to attract settlers to Trinidad - as long as

settlers were Catholic and from a country friendly to Spain, they were welcome. In 1787 a Spanish decree granted land to

Roman Catholics who were willing to settle in Trinidad. Many

French aristocrats emigrated to Trinidad in order to escape the 39 aftermath of the French revolution and soon French and French

patois became widely spoken. French religious traditions,

including Carnival were introduced. In a short time, Trinidad

took on a French character, as plantations owned by French

planters proliferated in the island. In addition to French

settlers, there came the "free coloureds" who emigrated from

the French colonies of Grenada and Haiti, as well as from other

Caribbean islands.

The French past is reflected in today's Trinidad and

Tobago. Even though English is spoken on the islands, it is

peppered with French words as weil as French grammatical

constructions. Instead of saying "it is hot", one hears

Trinidadians saying "it making hot", as in the French "il fait

chaud". Instead of saying "There is or there are", a Trinidadian will often say "It have" as in "II y a ". Fruits are often referred to by their French names - "pomme cythere", "cerise" and

"balisier". A Trinidadian will sometimes refer to a person as

"doo doo" from the French word for sweet (doux).

Characters from Trinidadian folklore also reflect this

French past - "La Diablesse" is the devil-woman who wears the traditional clothing of the islands and lures people to their 40 death; "Mama Dio" Is a variation of the French "maman de l'eau"

or "mother of the water". She has the body of an anaconda and

the face of a woman and m akes cracking sounds with her

reptilian tall. There are also the frightening "LIgahoo" or "Loup

Garou" and the "Soucouyant".

East Indians In Trinidad

According to the United States Department of State

(January 1993), In Trinidad, Aslan Indians account for

approximately 40 % of the population. The cultivation of sugar

cane Is the reason for the existence of Aslan Indians In

Trinidad. Until about 1650, Trinidad's economy was based on

subsistence farming and small-holding cash crop farming.

During this time there existed a system of European Indentured

labor. But after sugarcane became an Important crop In the

British Islands, Europe could not provide the large labor force

that was required for the sugar plantations. Both the British

and French planters started Importing slaves from Africa.

By the end of the 18th century economic theorists,

reformers and philosophers In England questioned the practice of slavery. On 1 January, 1808, an act nullifying the slave 41 trade was enacted, and in 1833, the Emancipation Act became law in the British Empire. Although this law made slavery illegal, in practice, the slaves really were not free. The

Emancipation Act freed children who were under the age of six, but made it mandatory for others to serve an "apprenticeship" on the plantation on which they had been slaves. The apprenticeship period was six years for those who worked in the fields and four years for everyone else.

The Emancipation Act abolished slavery, but the need for a cheap labor force to work on sugar plantations continued. In the British West Indian colonies which relied on "the production of staple articles on a large scale for an export market, a constant and disciplined labor force was necessary"

(Williams, 1944: 4 ).

Klass (1961: 7) writes that "the emancipated Negroes scomed to come back to work on the plantations whenever any choice was open to them... The plantations, however, for their own survival, required slave labor - or as close to it as they could get - and the Negroes, once emancipated, had no desire to return to what would have been essentially their previous condition of servitude". Soon the planters were actively 42 searching for immigrant labor. The other Caribbean islands were looked at - many came, lured by promises of affordable land and high paying jobs. Some freed slaves from the United

States came, as did several thousand from Sierra Leone. Some

Europeans, especially Portuguese from Madeira, arrived but did not fill the labor pool for plantations. Instead, they took up as shopkeepers and owners of small businesses.

The planters looked to Asia in their search for labor.

Chinese contracted labor was being used in several countries

(Anthony, 1975: 144-50) and some came to the sugar • producing islands. Eventually, British India started providing labor for the sugar plantations.

Indentured laborers from India were recruited from many parts of India, but most of them cam e from Bengal, Bihar, Uttar

Pradesh and Madras. By 1836, agents for planters in the West

Indies and Guyana were actively recruiting Indians. Not much is known of the personal motivations of the Indians who left

India to go overseas as indentured labor, but it seems that many who left India did not have a clear idea of what they were binding themselves to. “The Indian migrants, one surmised, were made up as all similar groups were in the 19th century, of 43 the adventurous, the desperate, the ne’er-do-well, the person who was willing to try anything that might improve his lot"

(Weller, 1968: 1). Klass (1961: 9) questioned some people about their motivation for leaving India and seeking work in

Trinidad :

Most claimed to have been 'tricked' by recruiting agents, who played upon their youth and ignorance with stories of high wages' and 'easy work' (eg. sifting sugar') in Trinidad. A few came for the adventure, a few to escape the law, a few because of family conflicts - but most came because food, money and employment were scarce at home.

All the Trinidadian Indians that I talked to did not know why their ancestors had left India, and several expressed regret that they had done so.

Conditions in India during the time of indentured immigration were very poor, so that many would have faced starvation had they not left to go abroad. But still, the

Trinidad-born East Indians are almost unanimous in their belief that their forebears were 'damn fools' for allowing themselves to be tricked. Whatever the truth of the case, the East Indians of Trinidad are firmly convinced that their presence in the West Indies today is due to 'trickery' - and, as they see it, the plantations, the recruiting agents, and 44 the colonial government at the time were all parties to the deception (Klass 1961:10 ).

It is likely that conditions in India accounted for the main

reason to emigrate - there were famines and a depressed

economy. Northern India was hit hard by a series of

horrendous famines in the 1800s - these occurred in 1804,

1837, 1861, 1877, 1889 upto 1900. The states of Bihar and

Bengal suffered the most deaths due to starvation. British

laws further depressed the situation in Northern India. For

instance, the British Parliament prohibited the importation of cloth such a s calico and muslin from India as a response to the

Manchester textile industry. In some cases the fingers and hands of Indian handloom workers were cut off to prevent them from producing any muslin or calico.

In the 1760s the British East India Company had enacted a land tax of eighty to ninety-five percent in the Northern Indian states of Bengal, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. This created such hardships for the naw abs (governors) and zamindars (lan d ­ holders) whose lands were subject to this tax that even the

English criticized the policies of their government (Dutt 1916).

In 1857 the Great Indian Mutiny occurred, leading to a crack-down by the British on Indians, creating more struggles 45 and loss of privileges, thereby furthering the impetus to em igrate.

Despite the hardships prevailing in the Indian communities, the labor recruiters found it hard to persuade

Indians to leave their villages. There were charges made that fraud and coercion were being used by the recruiters. This resulted in investigations and laws were established to set guidelines for labor recruitment. The first laws were set in

1845 and were amended several times during the century.

In Madras and Calcutta, the two major ports of embarkation, a "Protector of Emigrants" was appointed by the

Govemour General of India to oversee the ships and to make certain that the emigrants had not been coerced but had embarked voluntarily. Despite these precautions, recruiting infractions continued to take place. In 1871, there was an infamous case of kidnapping by the recruiters which led to further changes in emigration laws. In 1883, the Indian

Emigration Act was enacted which specified that an Emigration

Agent would be paid a fixed salary rather than by the number of emigrants recruited in an attempt to lessen the temptation to coerce indentured labor. 46 Planters In Trinidad often complained that laborers who were recruited were not suitable for agricultural work.

Jewelers, silversmiths, barbers, and so forth had signed on as laborers and were found to be unfit for manual work by the planters. This led the Trinidad Protector of Immigrants to suggest that recruitment be limited to field laborers.

Recruiting was a difficult process - the agents and recruiters had to convince the Indians that conditions In Trinidad were much better than those In India and that the laborers could still carry on their customs and traditions.

During the 1850s the mortality rate on the emigrant ships was unnecessarily high. Dysentery, cholera and

Inadequate nutrition were chiefly responsible for the high death toll. Increased precautions were taken on the ships and the selection of emigrants became more stringent so that by

1861, the mortality at sea decreased substantially. Still, the voyage to Trinidad was long (lasting 96 days), harsh, and unpleasant for the emigrants (Anthony 1975: 136).

Throughout the Indenture years, there were changes in regulations In order to prevent Immigrant deaths. The Indians constituted a financial investment to the planters, therefore 47 they were especially concerned with improving shipboard conditions so that their workers would be healthier. The Fatel

Rozack arrived in the Port-of-Spain harbor on 30 May 1845 and

Indian immigration to Trinidad began (Anthony 1975: 136).

Preparations had not been taken care of so that when the immigrants disembarked, there was much chaos and the immigrants suffered greatly. Personnel were lacking to deal with the Indians and there were no laws to protect the employer or the employee. So the Fatel Rozack disembarkation resulted in a flood of strangers lacking guidelines for establishing themselves in an alien land.

In order to ease the chaotic situation, the Legislative

Council passed an ordinance defining the rights and obligations of the employer and employee. This ordinance required the planters to keep records of all their dealings with laborers.

The immigrants were contracted to work for five years and afterwards could receive "free return papers". This was not the same as a free return passage - the immigrant was required to stay in Trinidad for five more years. Indentured laborers whose contract expired after 1895 were required to cover part of their return trip to India. Those who were not 48 indentured had to pay a monthly tax to cover the cost of their passage to Trinidad. If the immigrant left before his indenture period had been completed, he had to pay the employer a certain fixed amount for every day he did not work. If the indentured laborer was absent from work, the Agent General of

Immigrants was notified, and the days of absence were deducted from the five-year indentured period. According to the ordinance, the immigrant was required to work nine hours per day except Sunday, Good Friday, Christmas and New Year’s day. But in reality, the laborers had to work a lot more since often they were assigned tasks that had to be completed on a daily basis. Work was especially difficult during the crop times: "It involved hard work in the fields, and equally hard work around the mill buildings - loading trucks and manufacturing sugar, with women working alongside men - for twelve, fourteen, sixteen hours at a stretch " (Klass 1961: 15).

Comins (1893: 215) noted that:

On some estates, though comparatively few, the owner, if he is dissatisfied with the task, as a punishment to the labourer, puts a cross instead of the price of the task for that day; this means that the labourer will get nothing for that day. On other estates the space for the price for the task is simply left blank, and there is nothing in the pay 4 9 list to show whether the immigrant worked on that day, or whether he was absent or in hospital, or what happened to him, as a reason for his receiving no pay.

The plantation owners and foremen were especially hard on the

Brahmins because of their authority and the high status which

they enjoyed among fellow Indians. Brahmins were often given

demeaning work activities which ran counter to the

stipulations of their varna 4, such as the cleaning of latrines.

The Brahmins were unskilled in the heavy physical labor

that was required on the plantations. The majority of them

were unfamiliar with manual labor since their varna rules

necessitated avoidance of agricultural pursuits. Those

Brahmins who did manage to survive their hardships have been

4It is said that the sage Manu established the system of Varna- Ashram as a classification of society in perhaps the second century A.D. Varna which translates as "color" was equated with the human body by Manu, who wrote that the different varnas functioned like parts of the body, each being necessary for the overall health and well-being of the society. The four major varnas were the Brahmins who were the highest rank, followed by the Kshatriyas. Below them were the Vaishyas and then came the Sudras. Each of these were further sub­ divided into endogamous jatis, numbering into thousands in each linguistic area. For further clarification refer to Dumont 1970; Leach 1971; Srinivas 1986; Tambiah 1972.

50 credited with perpetuating many aspects of Indian traditions in

Trinidad.

The immigrant worked long hours, suffered, and there were many deaths. The Anti - Slavery Society launched an investigation and concluded that the regulations governing indentured labor gave legislative sanction to conditions very similar to slavery. In India the laborers had signed agreements stipulating the wages and working conditions, but these were disregarded by the planters in Trinidad. But when the indentured laborers strayed from their contracts the planters treated them as criminals and often punished them by incarceration.

The organization of the farm estates was similar to the ones which existed during the slavery period. The plantation system into which the Asian Indians were introduced had developed when the labor force was made up of slaves. In other words, the indentured Asian Indians were required to take the place of former slaves in the plantation social system. The wages, hours, and working conditions that had been promised in

India had little resemblance to the reality of working conditions In Trinidad. The living facilities for the indentured 51 laborers were usually those that had previously been used by slaves. Several families shared single room barracks which lacked adequate conditions of hygiene, consequently diseases were widespread - many died as a result of malaria, cholera, hookworm and other such ailments.

The plantation managers saw the indentured laborers as substitutes for slaves. Indian cultural requirements were ignored - extended family patterns, dietary practices, and

Indian notions of privacy could not be practiced in the slave quarters. The plight of the indentured workers was exposed in

1897 by the East Indian National Association, an organization which came into existence to counter the discrimination endured by Indians. A year later, the first Indian newspaper in

Trinidad, the Kohinoor Gazette, was published, which further exposed the wretched conditions suffered by the indentured workers. The East Indian National Association and the Kohinoor

Gazette showed that the story of the indentured laborers paralleled the plight of African slavery.

As an indentured laborer on a sugar plantation in

Trinidad, the Asian Indian had to assume a position within the existing plantation social system. The plantation system that 52 had developed during slavery continued with little change during the period of indentured labor. Despite this continuity, there was one crucial difference between slavery and indentured labor. Whereas slavery was for life, indentured labor was for a fixed period of time, so at least in principle, an indentured laborer could become free from their bondage. A slave had to live with the fact that there was little chance of returning home, but an indentured Indian laborer was required to work for five years and then put in five more years of residence as a "free" laborer. Free return was usually provided for in the contract.

The first laborers who came to Trinidad did not intend to stay there permanently. They saved whatever they could and resolved to return to India. This idea is expressed eloquently by V. S. Naipaul in his tragicomic novel A House for Mr. Biswas.

He writes ( 1969: 193 - 194):

In the arcade of Hanuman House . . . there was already the evening assembly of old men, squatting on sacks on the ground and on tables now empty of Tulsi store goods, pulling at clay chellums that glowed red and smelled of ganja and burnt sacking. Though it wasn’t cold, many had scarves over their heads and around their necks; this detail made them look foreign and, to Mr. Biswas, romantic. It was the time of day for which they lived; it w as a 53 place where they had come for a short time and stayed longer than they expected. They continually talked of going back to India, but when the opportunity came, many refused, afraid of the unknown, afraid to leave the familiar temporariness. And every evening they came to the arcade of the solid, friendly house, smoked, told stories, and continued to talk of India.

After a few years of the indentured labor system, the planters wanted to assure a regularly available supply of cheap labor. They started to object to the cost of return passage and the cost of additional recruitment. The laborers continued wanting to go back home, at least for a short time to visit their relatives. The planters tried to make this difficult by withdrawing the promise of a free return passage. Some planters made the conditions of return passage impossibly difficult so that the laborers only alternative was to sign up again. These pressures and difficulties led to some laborers having signed up for their fifth or sixth indentures.

An alternative approach used by the planters was to convince the laborer to stay on his own will after completing the indenture period. For example, in Guyana, the East Indians were offered special incentives to stay on as "free" laborers on the estates. Trinidad made it possible for many indentured 54 laborers to buy or rent small plots of land. This led to the formation of small Indian villages and contributed, to a large extent, to the continuation of Indian culture in Trinidad. This approach also helped the planter who did not have to provide residence for the laborers during the slack season.

Some Indians did manage to return to India after completing their contracted period, but many stayed on, especially in the rural areas. In Trinidad, many "free" Indians settled in rural areas and formed villages close to the plantations. These villages were seen to resemble those in

India. There were alleged similarities in the types of houses, clothes, language, custom and so forth. Many scholars feel that despite acculturation with their host culture, the cultural traditions of India persisted in these villages. ^

The nature of labor on the sugar plantations weakened some important elements of East Indian social structure such as the caste system. Many Indian religious practices and customs were forbidden - until recently, cremation was not allowed and the legality of Hindu marriages were not recognized until 1946. Therefore, reconstitution of East Indian

SMalik 1971; Wood 1986 55 culture had to occur within the multi-ethnic context of the wider Trinidadian society. Since the Indians owe their presence in Trinidad to sugar, they had always been dependent on the plantations and had maintained relations with non -

Indians. Nevertheless, some anthropologists feel that the East

Indians have "rebuilt in exact and revealing terms the key institutions of their native land, its ancestral but overreaching social order" (Klass 1961: 18)

This paper will demonstrate that the Indians in Trinidad today are not an isolated entity - they have not replicated their ancestral traditions. In my research I found that there was a great deal that had changed in East Indian practices when compared to those In India. The manner in which festivals were celebrated, rituals performed, and the lack of the "caste system" all point to the extent of the change. Why then have so many scholars persisted in viewing these "overseas Indians" as replicating and perpetuating the traditions of India? Partly it might be that despite all the changes, there persists the guise of continuity. This feeling of extension of traditions does not necessarily have a bearing on the current situation. These are along the lines of "invented traditions" mentioned by Hobsbawm 56 and Ranger (1983: 2). In other words, they "are responses to novel situations which take the form of reference to old situations, or which establish their own past by quasi - obligatory repetition" (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983: 2).

The idea of "invented traditions" resembles what Bestor

(1989) calls "traditionalism" or "the interpretation, creation, or manipulation of contemporary ideas about the past to bestow an aura of venerability on contemporary social relations " (Bestor 1989: 4). As will be seen in chapter 6, this describes the situation among modem day Trinidadian Indians.

Even though Bestor was describing a section of Tokyo, his concepts certainly have application to the situation in Trinidad.

He writes that he looks at "ways in which residents invoke tradition to legitimate the present by reference to an idealized, (a)historical past" (1989: 11). He goes on to write that: "these presentations of the cultural present as the

(a)historical past - often mask the dynamism and fluidity of

Japanese social life" (1989: 11).

Bestor writes that traditionalism has led to fallacies in the interpretation of Japanese cultural patterns in that it has led anthropologists to view the current Japanese situation as a 57 perpetuation of the organization found in pre-industrial

villages. He writes that this line of analysis leads to

erroneous conclusions (1989; 49):

Those who argue for underlying structural and cultural continuities between past and present, between rural and urban, often distort the past, the present, and the processes of social and cultural change and continuity that link them. They assume that culture is an ahistorical constant, not an ever-changing construct created in historical moments and altered by historical change at the same time it changes participants views of history.

Bestor argues that (1989: 260) : ". . . idioms of traditionalism and elements of traditional social patterns are invoked in the symbolic creation and maintenance of the neighborhood as a community", but that this must not prevent us "from examining these ideas for what they are : metaphors of the organization of social life . . . observers should not take them at face value as evidence of historical continuity".

In the description of the yagna and phagwa in chapters six and seven it will be seen that Trinidadian Indians certainly do "invoke tradition" by making reference to an idealized view

58 of their Indian past. In so doing they lend an air of legitimacy to their beliefs and practices.

59 CHAPTER 3

RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIANS AND AFRICANS

Relations between African derived Trinidadians and

Indian Trinidadians have historically been tense, even though politicians, some musicians and others like to point out that:

It’s fantastic, yes it is

The way how we live as one

In integration, our nation is second to none

Here the Negroes, the White man,

the Chinese, the Indians

We walk together hand in hand

(Calypsonian Baker’s "God Bless Our Nation", 1967)6

6The role of calypso in Trinidad has been covered by Constance 1991; Hill 1993; Warner 1985. 60 Another Calypsonian named Blakle stated in "Sweet Trinidad" that :

We doh want no revolution, no war

For this we are proud and glad

We have no colour bar in Tobago and Trinidad

Traditionally, Afro-Trinidadians and East Indians have been antagonistic toward each other due to historical, geographical, political and cultural reasons.

Historical Factors

After their period of indentureship ended, many East

Indians stayed on the plantations. Some continued as laborers, others honed their skills as jewellers and many went into small businesses, such as family run shops and movie theaters.

Some of the laborers who stayed on the plantations became proprietors of small parcels of land they had received in place of a return trip to India. They grew sugar cane, rice, and several types of vegetables. Even today the vegetables in

Trinidad and Tobago are mainly grown and sold by Indian 61 agriculturalists, and these vegetables are referred to by their

Hindi names by the rest of the population.

Despite being characterized as "industrious and useful citizens" by the Trinidad Labour Committee (1905), the Indians were viewed as outsiders who carried on and even flaunted their Indian traditions. An Indian sense of identity was maintained and many Indian customs were recreated in

Trinidad. On the whole, Indians became quite successful, and along with their success came resentment as they were seen as possessing great wealth. They were also seen as controlling most of the rural land, despite the actual figures stating that only 9 % of the land w as owned by East Indians (Constance,

1991: 3).

Political Antagonisms

East Indians and Afro-Trinidadians have been divided in the area of politics - East Indians have tended to endorse political parties controlled by Indians. These include the P.O.P. or the People’s Democratic Party, the Democratic Labour Party

(D.L.P.) and the United Labour Front (U.L.F.).

62 The Afro-Trinidadians have sided with the P.N.M. or the

People's National Movement since its beginning in 1956 as the

“black people's party". In its early years the P.N.M. alienated the Hindus and the French Creoles by presenting itself as a party of the "African race". Its opposition cam e from the

People's Democratic Party (P.O.P.) which was led by Bhadase

Maraj, the president of the Hindu organization, the Maha Sabha and the head of the union of sugarworkers. In the elections of

1956 Eric Williams' P.N.M. party won, taking 13 of the 24 elective seats. After winning, Williams courted the French

Creoles and the Indians, who had joined together and formed the Democratic Labour Party (D.L.P.), but he was not successful.

Political antagonisms between Afro-Trinidadians and

Indo-Trinidadians were extensively dealt with by Calypsonians.

The “Hindu Prince" (Kenneth Nathaniel ) sang :

Since in the days of our forefathers

who came from India and Africa

They inject in these two races

To treat one another with disgrace

After they slave together 63 They still hated one another

Leaving us to carry on foolishly

With such names as nigger and coolie

Some calypsonians put the blame on the politicians. "Cro Cro"

(Weston Rawlins) sang in 1981:

They had they P.N.M. nigger

And they had they D.L.P. coolie

Is them who instill that racialism in we

For 25 years them politicians

give we tears.

Geographical conditions

Due to historical circumstances, most Indians live in

Central and South Trinidad. This area, sometimes referred to as the "Sugar Belt" was where the plantations were located.

After the period of indentureship was over, many Indians stayed close to the plantations and formed Indian villages.

This created a degree of isolation from the wider population and helped to perpetuate feelings of suspicion. 64 in her book A History of Modern Trinidad (1981 : 101)

Brereton writes that

Trinidadians of all ethnic groups evolved a set of stereotyped judgments about Indians, almost invariably unfavourable. Indians were regarded as deceitful and prone to litigation... Violence and crimes of passion were an important element in this stereotyping, especially the murders of wives by Indian men. Again there was little effort to understand the root cause of this tragic development... attitudes towards money were yet another aspect of the stereotype, the Indians were accused of being misers... Again the Indian did not share the Creoles’ interest in certain clothes and they could easily be derided for their ‘uncivilized’ way of dressing, similarly the women were sneered at for the Hindu habit of decorating themselves with bangles and rings.

The Indians who decided to stay on even after the period of

indentureship was over tried to recreate their traditions of

India. But at every turn they faced enormous pressures to abandon their ways. They were ridiculed for their lifestyle, their language and their religion. They were referred to as

“coolies" and were ostracized. Braithwaite (1953: 49) writes that East Indians and other immigrants such as Chinese,

Portuguese and Syrians who came to Trinidad were at the fringes of the rigidly stratified social system:

65 They were considered for the most part by the rest of the population to be on the lowest social scale. The Portuguese were identified as dirty shopkeepers .... The Indians coming in as indentured labourers were despised and thought of as ‘coolies’ .... The Syrians came in for the most part as peddlers of dry goods . ..the humble nature of their work caused them, too, to be considered as almost outside the system.

The larger Trinidad population showed little respect for the

Hindu and Muslim faiths that were practiced by the East

Indians. They were seen as ripe for conversion to Christianity.

One incentive to convert was that Indians who embraced

Christianity were awarded opportunities in education and jobs

that were out of reach to those who retained their traditions.

The most successful missionaries were the Canadian

Presbyterians. They were able to convert some Hindus and

Muslims in exchange for schooling. Those Indians who adhered

to their traditional faiths found themselves to be on the

defensive - they were derided for their practices.

Over time and despite the discrimination and their status as "coolies" many East Indians prospered. Braithwaite (1953:

49) writes that:

66 Because they did not share the same scale of values, they were able to accumulate wealth with greater ease than the local population who were committed to the ‘standards of living’ and the symbolism of their respective classes. For these and other reasons there emerged in time a middle class among these ethnic groups which, in terms of the values of the society, could not be considered outside the social system.

As the immigrants became wealthier, they gained access into the upper classes, which in Trinidad were made up of whites:

"The Chinese, the Syrians and the Indian groups are ... breaking into the lower fringes of white society" (Braithwaite 1953:

52).

The economic success of East Indians was covered by

Calypsonians. Chalkdust (1984) sings of the character "Ram the f^agician" :

Barefooted this man cam e from India

Seeking wealth and fame

With a bolt of cloth he start in San Fernando

Bought and sold everything

He invested all his savings

67 And in one year’s time the Empire start to grow

Anything Mr. Ram put he hand on

The thing does swing from a shack to a mansion

The feeling persists that Indians have economic control over

the country. The Calypsonian Cro Cro expressed this sentiment:

Ah form a post-mortem through San Fernando

Indian people controlling all the dough

Jack Ramoutarsingh, the Steel King...

Ah walk down High Street, this is what I see

Indian people controlling all the money

Solomon Ghany, money ! money ! money !

Black Power

During the Carnival of 1970 masquerade bands dressed up

as "1001 White Devils", "King Sugar" and other politically

charged topics. Hundreds of people marched into Port of Spain and demonstrated in front of the office of the High

Commissioner of Canada. This was to protest an incident at Sir

George Williams University in Canada that involved the trial of 68 several Trinidad and Tobago students who were accused of

vandalizing the university’s computer center. The

demonstrators moved from the Canadian High Commission to

the Royal Bank of Canada and further to the prominent Catholic

Church on Independence Square in the heart of Port of Spain.

This demonstration came to be known as “Black Power"

and the "February Revolution". It was organized by the National

Joint Action Committee (N.J.A.C.), an organization composed of

various groups, including college students and trade unions.

The leaders of the movement were arrested and the Trinidad

and Tobago cabinet called an emergency session. The

organizers of the movement were jailed without bail,

instigating a crowd of supporters numbering in the thousands to rally and chant "power".?

Demonstrations, marches and meetings were occurring

constantly and the jailed leaders were released. They marched through economically depressed areas such as Shanty Town,

picking up supporters, eventually numbering to more than

10,000. Meetings were held at Woodford Square, in the heart of

^Cosine 1984 69 Port of Spain - this square was renamed "The People’s

Parliament".

Many East Indians were supportive of the Black Power movement and when a street march took place on April 12,

1970 many Indians joined the demonstrators. A leader of the movement used the slogan "Indians and Africans Unite". The demonstrators stated that their goal was to "create brotherhood and unity between brother and brother, between the two black races of Trinidad and Tobago" (quoted in The

Express , March 3, 1970 ).

The National Joint Action Committee’s Calypsonian,

Valentino stated this goal in his song "Liberation":

To gain liberty we must have unity

Between the Indians and the Africans

We were under the same bondage and slavery

Shared the same oppression on the plantation

So let we forget the nigger and coolie grouse

We belong to the same old house

70 A state of emergency was declared and the government of

Trinidad and Tobago Issued a curfew. On April 21, 1970 most of the leaders of the Black Power movement were arrested and the movement died down.

One outcome of the Black Power movement was that many

Afro-Trlnldadlans looked to Africa as their source of pride.

This was applauded by the Indians in Trinidad. During a conference on "Race and Ethnicity" held at the University of

West Indies during February 28, 1994 to March 3, 1994, Dr. Ken

Parmasad, a social scientist, stated that: "When Africans began adopting their ancestral dress, names, and rituals,

Indians approved because they had experienced prejudice when they followed their foreparents' culture". He went on to explain that:

The 1970 movement ‘legitimized’ a practice for which Indians had been criticized, the preservation of ancestral cultural ways... Indians hoped that Africans would develop a more sympathetic attitude to Indian culture If they developed such an attitude to their own culture.

Not everyone agreed with Parm asad’s views. In 1972 a popular calypso song entitled "We is We" tried to demonstrate that it 71 was futile to look to Africa to claim a heritage for Afro-

Trinidadians. Chalkdust sang that :

It is right here we go find we identity

The young people colour crazy

They in fat head and dashiki

They want to know more ‘bout India

Some want to go back Africa

Several presentations at the University of West Indies conference dealt with relations between Indians and Africans.

Dr. Parmasad stated that Indians provided support to the marchers but at the same time "Indians steadfastly objected to being called black because they saw that would mean cultural suicide". Parmasad went on to state that :

Africans rejected the old slave name of Negro in favour of being called black in the same way that Indians insisted on being so called instead of coolie, a derogatory term used persistently in colonial documents ... Indians saw the word ‘black’ as an identity marker, as a cultural - social category and refused to adopt that marker because they were not prepared to deny their own identity.

72 At the conference the following day (on March 3, 1994) , an

United Nations Social Affairs officer, Asha Kambon, felt that

Indians "were afraid to be called black" even though "during the sixties a worldwide cultural affirmation was taking place among people of color and everybody who wasn't white was black". A gentleman in the audience stood up and told Kambon that Kwame Ture, formerly Stokeley Carmichael, visited

Guyana and stated that the Black Power movement must exclude Indians since they could not be characterized as

"black". Tu re's comments served to divide the Africans and

Indians.

Recent Relations

Recently, relations between the two groups have often been tense. On a weekly basis, the media has reports of

"African fears of Indian takeover". An example of this took place in February 1994 when a teacher at a school in Toco concluded that students did not want any Indian teachers coming to their school. Toco, a mostly African area, did not welcome Indians coming in and creating "coolie towns".

Statements by students were that "Indians ... liked money, 73 prayed to strange gods and were smelly" (quoted In the Daily

Express, March 4, 1994).

Some believe there to be a basis to these fears of "an

Indian takeover" - at the University of West Indies conference,

Professor Selwyn Ryan, a political scientist, predicted that within the next ten years, Indians will gain political control.

According to Professor Ryan this will occur as a result of more urbanization taking place among Indians. Ryan’s paper entitled "Ethnicity and Political Coalition Building" stated that

"the P.N.M. (People’s National Movement) victory was guaranteed for so many years because of the way the electoral boundaries had been deliberately drawn. Even If the boundaries were left as they were, with minor modifications, Indians would win".

The perceived encroachm ent of Indians Into the African world was taken up by Calypsonians. The musician Killer Is troubled that Indians In Trinidad are substituting "creole" nam es for Indian ones :

What’s wrong with these Indian people

As If they Intention Is for trouble 74 Long ago you see an Indian by the road

With is capra waiting to tote people load

But there is no more Indian again

Since the women and them take away the Creole

names.

(“Indian People with Creole Names” 1951)

Calypsonians viewed Indians as a threat, especially those

Indians who were becoming "creolized". Killer went on to sing:

As for the men and them I must relate

Long time all they work was in cane estate

But now they own every theatre

Yes hotel, rumshop and hired car

Long time was Ramkaisingh, Boodoo,

Poodoo, and Badoo

Now is David, Cooper, Johnston,

Caesar, Cephas, Alexander

75 CHAPTER 4

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS

A discussion of the religious organizations of East

Indians in Trinidad is germane to this manuscript dealing with

the way in which rituals and symbols have played a

fundamental role in defining "Indianness". The East Indians in

Trinidad are comprised of three main groups - Hindus which

make up the majority of the population, Muslims and

Christians.

Hindus : Sanatan Pharma

In Trinidad, several branches of Hinduism are

represented, including the Sanatan Dharma, the Arya Samaj, the

Shiva Narayans and the Kabir Panths.® The majority of

®The Shiva Narayans and the Kabir Panths are sects of Hinduism that are represented by relatively small numbers of followers. Refer to the glossary for the defining characteristics of these groups. 76 Trinidadian Hindus refer to themselves as followers of Sanatan

Dharma or the "eternal religion", referring to the "eternal" precepts of Hinduism. At the national level in Trinidad, the

Sanatan Dharma is incorporated in the form of the Sanatan

Dharma Maha Sabha, an organization that has strong support from Trinidadian Hindus.

In 1881 Hindus in Trinidad organized themselves into the

Hindu Sanatan Dharma Association. In 1932 it merged with other organizations, including the Sanatan Dharma Board of

Control. In 1949 there appeared the Sanatan Dharma Maha

Sabha of Trinidad and Tobago, with Bhadase Sagan Marajh as its head. According to Sandeep Cosine, a 61 year old lawyer, : "the fact is that the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha of Trinidad and

Tobago came into existence by the m erger of the old Sanatan

Dharma Association and the Sanatan Dharma Board of Control and was incorporated by an Act of Parliament, Number 41 of

1952. . . . Before then, none of the existing organizations were known and were not particularly significant".

Currently, the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha is the most prominent and influential organization among Hindus in

Trinidad and Tobago. Some of its projects include religious and 77 secular education, the reestablishment of Hindu cultural traditions, and political activism. The Sanatan Dharma Maha

Sabha also has shows on television, with programming such as

Dharam Vani (voice of duty or religion, that is, a vocal preaching of spiritual duties or code of conduct ); S w a h a

(referring to a mantra that is used during "offerings of spiritual enlightenment"); Siksha ( the teaching of the contents of the scriptures ); and “The Story of Lord Krishna".

Despite its ubiquitous influence, according to Suren

Capildeo, a Trinidadian Senator, the Maha Sabha "does not purport to be the mouthpieces of the Hindu - no single organization can do that". Because of the heterogeneity of

Hindu beliefs and practices, "in Trinidad, and in India . . .no one organization can be mouthpiece". Mr. Capildeo stated that the primary goal of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha of Trinidad and

Tobago was stated by its founding fathers:

... their priority was education. Education they decided was the sine qua non of the survival of Hinduism. . . History has proved they were right. They built what has been described as cowsheds and thousands of Hindu children who would have otherwise not seen schools, graduated, went to universities and have become the economic backbone of this country. . . . And what has happened to these cowsheds? They have been substantially 78 remade and new structures have been erected - the M aha Sabha is the proud owner of several multi - million dollar primary school buildings... this school building educational program will culminate in $ 14 million structure of Hindu girls right where you are sitting now.

Mr. Capildeo was referring to the building of schools that was instigated by the leader of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha,

Bhadase Marajh. At these schools, in addition to the regular curriculum of Trinidad and Tobago, Hindi, Hinduism and Indian arts and music were also taught.

The Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha also runs the mandirs

(temples): "150 mandirs throughout the land where thousands are employed and thousands more derive financial benefits"

(Capildeo). According to Capildeo "most do not understand that

Maha Sabha is a secular organization". He is referring to the organization at the national level. At the same time "the pandits’ parishes are religious organizations".

The Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha of Trinidad and Tobago organizes several functions throughout the year. These may be grouped under the following:

1. Pujas (worship) of deities

2. Kathas (recitation) from texts sacred to Hindus 79 3. Yagnas (sacrifice)

4. Festivals

Each of the above groupings will be taken up in chapters to follow .

Arya-Samai

The Arya Samaj group has a much smaller following than the Sanatani Dharma. This movement has its roots in India of the late 19th century. It was started around 1875 by Dayanand

Saraswati who sought to bring about certain reforms within the Hindu religion. Dayanand felt that Hindu society was engrossed "with superfluous rituals sponsored by Brahmin priests" ( Heimsath 1964; 121). Forbes (1979: 4) writes that

Dayanand "criticized the Brahmins for encouraging superstition and keeping the people in ignorance. Dayanand believed that :

...Hindu ideas and practices regarding caste were gross distortions of the original Vedic concept of four Varnas, a system in which a person's status and occupation in society were determined, not by birth but by Guna, Karma and Swabhav or temperament, actions and individual merit. Furthermore, Dayananda emphasized the idea . . . that all men should not only be allowed but should be encouraged to read and preach the Vedas (Forbes 1979: 4). 80 An informant who identified herself as an Arya Samaji told me that the teachings of Dayanand were first brought to the

Caribbean in 1920 by Mehta Jayamuni. Later, in 1929,another follower of Arya Samaj, Ayudhya Pershad came to the

Caribbean and preached the tenets of his faith.

According to an informant who belonged to the Sanatan

Dharma Maha Sabha, there were some differences between the

Sanatani and the Arya Samaji, but "belonging to one or the other presented no problems. As you know, Hindus are not exclusive. All faiths have some good". She did outline some differences between the two types of Hinduism practiced in

Trinidad.These include the following;

1. Whereas Sanatan Dharma is characterized by Murti

Puja ("worshipping" of idols and icons), Arya Samaj does

not endorse such activities.

2. Arya Samaj does not believe that a person is born into

his/her varna, but that one’s varna is based on karma or

their actions and achievements.

81 The above characteristics of Arya Samaj do not conflict with th e tenets of Hinduism, a religion with a myriad of beliefs. Morris ( 1968: 51) writes that:

No single ecclesiastical body has ever included all or even most Hindus, and cults which have arisen in Hinduism have always been founded on an interpretation of existing views which scarcely ever laid claim to an exclusive salvation or membership. Adherence to a Hindu cult does not therefore present its adherents with the problems of orthodoxy and heterodoxy which confront Muslim and Christian sectarians, and membership does not mean that a man or woman, even within the same domestic group, is obliged to neglect other parts of the Hindu pantheon or to forgo other forms of Hindu w orship.

Echoing Morris' views, practitioners of both Sanatan Dharma and Arya Samaj attend the same functions and do not see their views in conflict with that of the other.

Muslims

Just as the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha stressed education and the building of schools. East Indian Muslims built their own schools and mosques in order to inculcate the values of their faith. For the most part, the Muslims and

Hindus in Trinidad do not share the traditional antagonisms 82 which exist between Hindus and Muslims in India. According to a well educated informant who is a teacher at at local school:

“Basically not a lot of difference between Hindus and non -

Hindu Indians in Trinidad . . . Even the Muslim population of

Trinidad shares a great deal of similarity with Hindus because of the number of years they’ve been here". She went on to explain that “It’s only in recent times that Muslims have been using Arabic words to define themselves. Previously used

Hindi words. Basically, not a great deal of difference between

Indian Trinis".

A Muslim woman was present at all the Hindu festivals that I attended. She explained that even though she is a

Muslim, she takes part in Hindu celebrations, even goes to the pujas, since “all of we all the same now - same Indian customs.

The main thing is that we are different from the others in

Trinidad". At a yagna that I attended, I noticed that a Muslim gentleman sang the following song:

“Raghu Pati Raghav Raja Rama, Pati-pawan Sita Rama

Ishwar Allah Tero Naam, Sabko Sanmat Day Bhagwaan "

(This might be translated as : "Oh the lord of Raghu dynasty. Oh descendant of Raghu, Your consort Sita and you are the only 83 ones whose devotion purifies the soul of even the greatest

sinners. People may call you with different epithets such as

Ishwar or Allah; Oh Lord Almighty, bestow goodwill and

wisdom on all of us". He also joined in saying "Ramchandra jee

ki jai "(roughly translated as "glory to Ramchandra"). At the

end of the ceremonies, he bowed to the aarti and took the

prasad.

C hristians

A small percentage of Trinidadian East Indians are

Christians. Some converted because Hinduism and Islam were

pariah religions to the rest of the population of Trinidad. When

the indentured Indians landed in Trinidad, Catholic and

Protestant missionaries actively sought their conversion.

Indians who embraced Christianity were able to take advantage

of educational and occupational undertakings that were denied

to those East Indians who carried on their traditional religious

practices.

On the plantations there were overt and covert incentives to convert. In the plantation barracks, Hindu and Muslim dietary practices were totally ignored and their faiths were 84 ridiculed. A commissioner of Indian Affairs, W. B. W olesely’s writings show the contempt shown toward Hindus and Muslims:

Unfortunately the bright beams of Christianity have not shone among them and it is much to be lamented that they are left so entirely destitute of religious instructions as scarcely to be raised above the beasts of the field (quoted in Nath 1950: 18).

At this time, . . the south Asian immigrants . . . were a minority population on the island - socially, economically, politically and ideologically imbedded in what was not only a larger and a very different society, but one that was more than uncaring: it was actively hostile to south Asian values and beliefs, practices and relationships" (Klass 1991: 27).

Whatever religious faith the East Indians in Trinidad practice, they see themselves as "one group, different from the

Creoles". In defining their "Indianness" they have selected symbols from Hinduism, especially the epic text The Ramayana.

The life of Rama and his story encapsulates many values cherished by East Indians in Trinidad. Values which they feel sets them apart from Afro-Trinidadians.

85 One such value was hammered over and over again - at each festival, yagna, and cultural show - that the importance of family is one major difference between Indo-Trinidadians and Afro-Trinidadians. At each event, the United Nations

Declaration of 1994 being the "Year of the Family" was mentioned. One East Indian female informant told me that

"Indians here are different from the rest of the Trinis mainly in family life - Negroes here don’t care about family, but to

Indians it’s very important". One theme in The Ramayana is that one must do one's duty and respect the wishes of one's family. Rama’s father Dashratha followed the wishes of his wife and Rama himself went into the forest for fourteen years because of this. The devotion and love between the brothers

Rama, Lakshman and Bharata were also frequently brought up

(refer to the synopsis of The Ramayana on page 10).

The principal of a local school, an East Indian woman in her mid fifties, stated that:

Indians in Trinidad cling to traditional ways. Now even more so. Due to the rise in crime, many Indians have concluded that they need to go back to the glory days as portrayed in The Ramayana. Many feel that we need to return to patriarchy and even to the laws of Manu. 86 Another East Indian stated that "we must re-create a new

Trinidad and Tobago with suggestions from The Ramayana". One such suggestion was to place a premium on our family: "Our family, unity In diversity - existing In a cruel society. The

Rama Raj tells us of the Importance of the kids - the family".

He stated that The Ramayana "speaks of tolerance and discipline", then he sang the national anthem of Trinidad and

Tobago which has the lines "Where each race finds an equal place". He went on to make parallels between The Ramayana and the current situation In Trinidad :

Isn’t It the same when we speak The Ramayana and sing the national anthem - same 5,000 years ago . . . Ramayana says discipline, tolerance and production as a facet of the progress and development. Who represents dharma more than Rama? What does Tulsidas say? In Sunderkand - Hanuman takes Rama to be supreme. I want to point out to you . . . In this year 1994, Is It not declaration of the United Nations that this Is year of the family? Who can question this - for this Is what The Ramayana emphasizes, this Is what Ramayana says.

At a Muslim prayer meeting that I attended, one elderly Muslim man whose grandfather was an Indentured worker from the

87 Indian state of Bihar told me that "we should all heed the teachings of the Bhagawada Gita^ and The Ramayana - we must live a life where we see the family as the unit of morality”.

Mandirs (Temples)

Throughout Trinidad and Tobago there are numerous mandirs or temples. A great majority of these are associated with the major Hindu organizations in Trinidad, notably the

Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha, the Arya Samaj, the Trinidad

Academy of Hinduism and the Divine Life Society. Most of these mandirs have weekly ceremonies in which the local

Hindus congregate to sing bhajans ( devotional songs ) or to listen to a pandit recite a katha of the The Ramayana. The

Mahabharata. or The Upanishads.^° Throughout the week these mandirs have educational activities such as classes in Hindi language and children’s classes on Hindu mythology and

9 This sacred text is a dialogue between Krishna and Arjuna, the protagonist of The Mahabharata. One theme in this is the importance of doing one's duty. ^0 The Upanishads are an elaboration of the earlier Vedas which are the ancient and sacred texts of Hindu knowledge which include the Rig Veda . the Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda and the Atharva Veda. 88 traditions. The mandir that I attended was in Saint James, a

suburb of Port of Spain with a large East Indian population.

This particular m andir was dedicated to several deities

of the Hindu pantheon. On the main "altar" - a raised section -

were icons of Rama, Sita and Lakshman (the heroes and heroine

of the epic Ramayana). Around these were potted banana

plants, considered to be "auspicious". On one side of the plants

sat the pandit, who incidentally was the only man wearing

Indian clothes. In front of the pandit were musicians - one

gentleman played the dholak (a small hand drum), another

played a harmonium and a third man played the violin. They also had a portable cassette deck which played tapes of

bhajans (religious songs) - in this case they were songs from

Hindi movies with religious them es. On the wall of the altar was a design showing the unity of the beliefs of Hinduism.

This was represented by a flower with a long stem and several branches. The bottom branches had the words Shastras, followed by other branches stating that they were The

Mahabharata. The Ramavana and The Vedas. These branches and the stem were a vivid green color, leading up to the flower

89 which was bright blue, and had Gita written inside it (refer to the glossary for clarification).

As people entered the mandir they sat on benches which were identical to church pews. All the women were very careful to keep their heads covered, either with silk scarves or with lace mantillas. This is significant in that in India covering of the head is often done to show respect and is also practiced while attending temples during p u ja s and in mosques during prayer meetings.

The pandit conducted a "service" in which he sang in

Sanskrit and then translated the words into English.

Afterwards, the people systematically left their benches and went forward to the area where the priest was sitting to receive his blessings and to partake of the prasad. This was very reminiscent of a church service. One of my key informants told me that she was surprised at how different things were in

"the home country". She had taken a pilgrimage to the religious places in India and had visited all the major mandirs. One thing that really surprised her was that mandir-goers were actively participating in all the rituals, whereas she was coming from a tradition in which the pandit recited and sang while the rest of 90 those in attendance sat on the benches, akin to a church service. This observation illustrates that Indian cultural elements have not been retained, but have been modified and reinterpreted in the Trinidadian setting.

The next chapter will examine the role of the pandits

(priests) in perpetuating the religious traditions of India. It will be seen that they are viewed as “the repository of spiritual knowledge, an authority on religion and traditional

Hindu heritage" (Maharaj 1991: 24).

91 CHAPTER 5

THE RELIGIOUS PRACTITIONER

Pandits

Pandits (priests) have been credited with the persistence and strength of Hinduism in Trinidad and Tobago. During the period of indentureship, p a n d its were the major force responsible for sustaining Indian traditions.^ i

According to Kelvin Singh, pandits provided the Indian workers with a sense of security. In Calcutta to Caroni ( 1974

: 41) he writes: "the role of the Indian priest . . . was extremely important in giving the mass of the Indian psychological protection in a society basically hostile to them racially, culturally and economically ".

As the Indian workers established themselves into villages, there was a proliferation of mandirs (temples) as well as of Hindu organizations. Many of these were directly

Maharaj 1991 92 influenced by India. According to Forbes (1979) Hinduism in

Trinidad underwent changes during the early years of this century, triggered by the coming of religious interpreters from

India. These reformers were followers of Dayanand who had founded the Arya Samaj society. Dayanand had spoken out ag ainst p an d its since he felt that they had deliberately prevented the masses from gaining knowledge. Naturally, the

Trinidadian pandits denounced the Arya Samaj movement. But the pandits realized that they had to make some changes in order to remain viable. One realization of the pandits was that

Hinduism or Sanatan Dharma was adaptable - local traditions, places and items were absorbed into the rites of Sanatan

Dharma. Indian holy sites such as Benares and Rishikesh were replaced with Trinidadian locations. For example, the Ganges river is sacred to Hindus in India^^, and when Hindus cam e to

Trinidad they substituted the Caroni river for Ganga mal

(mother Ganga - the Ganges river ).

^2There are several accounts of the goddess Ganga. One says that this beautiful daughter of the Himalayas emanated from the feet of Vishnu and traversed through the three worlds - the celestial one, the earth and the nether lands to spread the blessings of Vishnu. Hence, taking a dip in the Ganga or Ganges amounts to having worshipped and touched the feet of Vishnu him self. 93 Becoming a pandit

The first step in becoming a pandit is to go through the janew or sacred thread, a ceremony marking that a boy has now become a Brahmin. Van Gennep (1909 :3) wrote that: "The life of an individual in any society is a series of passages from one age to another and from one occupation to another". Janew is such a "rite of passage" (Van Gennep 1909) after which the boy becom es a DIvija - a "twice born" who is seen as being enlightened. Becoming a DIvija enables the boy to perform

Brahmanical duties, chiefly, the performing of rituals.

I attended a Janew ceremony of a neighbor’s eleven year old son, Ramesh and his cousin Teeluck. Ramesh’s parents told me that they had taken short cuts because of their very busy schedules and that normally the ceremony is much longer. The ceremony started at around 6 : 15 a.m. with the Brahma puja

(Brahma is seen as the force or manifestation of "Almighty" which is responsible for creation. Brahma is worshipped and called upon as a "witness" and "helper" during the ceremony).

It was followed by Kaarpat in which Ramesh and Teeluck had a

"farewell meal with their childhood friends", marking the start 94 of Van Gennep's (1909)"phase of separation". After this came the Mundan in which Ramesh’s head was shaved, symbolizing the "casting of his child role", then Teeluck's head-shaving followed. This signalled Van Gennep's phase of "margin" or

Victor Turner's (1974b: 81) "liminal phase" during which

Ramesh and Teeluck (the "neophytes") were "betwixt and between" social positions. They had little on in terms of clothing and were "liminal beings" without "status, property, or secular clothing to indicate rank or role" (Morris 1990: 254).

The Mundan is a ritual shaving as part of any initiation ritual.

It is done for the first time at the age of about three, when

"the child is felt to be fit enough to learn the traditions of the family and the culture of one’s society".

This was followed by Ashta Snaan or ritual purification through bathing by the pandit. In his article "Betwixt and

Between" (1967: 93-111), Victor Turner writes that neophytes may be "considered unclean or polluting" (quoted in

Morris 1991: 252), therefore the Ashta Snaan marks the lifting of pollution by the pandit.

Aarti followed in which deyas (tiny clay lamps) were lit and Ramesh’s younger sister took the aarti to everyone who 95 was present. Aarti which translates as “with pause" refers to

offerings of deyas and songs (chants) either in between phases

of a ritual, or at the end of it. We ran our right hand through

(or in some cases, on top of) the fire and bowed to it (did

pranam ). After the aarti cam e the puja to Ganesh, the god

"who removes obstacles", and then a puja to Saraswati, the

goddess of wisdom and learning.

After the puja cam e Bastra at which time Ramesh and

Teeluck changed into dhotis (traditional Indian clothing ) and

took the Brahmcharya Sankalpa (vow to be a student and to

lead a pure spiritual life). They were then given their ja n e w

(sacred thread) and kharaws (wooden footwear) and a Danda

(stick). The janew consisted of five threads representing the five senses, which "lead a person to good or bad deeds and

hence have to be properly hamessed towards spirituality". The

kharaw is a wooden sandal from "olden times", when it was customary to walk barefoot. During "spiritual practices, to avoid interruptions by being pricked by thorns or stepping upon filth, the person wore the kharaw ". The danda is to remind the initiates to control their mana (mind), bajan (words) and karma

(bodily actions). "To remind the disciple always to be 96 conscious of these three controls, one Is symbolically asked to carry the danda".

At this time, the pandit whispered the Gayatri Mantra

(an esoteric combination of words felt to be of great

Importance) In the ears of Ramesh and Teeluck. This

Illustrates the ideas of Van Gennep (1909) and Turner (1967) that the symbolism Involved In such rites of passage stress the

"importance of secret, esoteric knowledge - the s a c ra -

(constituting) the crux of llmlnallty'" (quoted in Morris 1990:

254). Another aarti followed and everyone bowed to It.

After this came the bhajans (songs) which had been recorded earlier and then a bhojan (feast).

Neither Ramesh nor Teeluck had any desire to become a pandit, but If they had, the next step would be to become an apprentice of a practicing pandit. The apprentice would observe the pandit and learn the proper techniques and rites.

At the same time, the novice pandit might also be enrolled In a course to learn the codes and rites.

There are several schools in Trinidad providing formal training in becoming a pandit. The Sanatan Vidwad Vidalaya

97 and the Trinidad Academy of Hinduism provide pandit education to anyone who desires it.

Traditionally, pandits came from the Brahmin caste and were males, but at the training schools non - Brahmins are welcome to learn the profession. The Hindu Prachar Kendra has been the center of controversy since it has been training women to become pandits. In February 1994, Indrani

Ram persad was ordained as the "first ever official woman priest in Trinidad " {Hinduism Today February 1994 : 14 -15).

At her ordination, another pandit stated that he "supports the ordination of women as panditas because it is sanctioned in the

Vedas. . . Women aspiring to be priests should be allowed to do so. This nation now needs more spiritualism, and there are none better than women to do the job".

13 Even though this is not a common occurrence in India, it is nevertheless possible for women and non-Brahmins to become pandits. This happens most frequently among followers of the Arya Samaj movement. 98 Pandit Families

Learning to become a pandit at school is one way to do it,

another is to come from a family of pandits. A common way to

become a pandit is to be the son or the grandson of a practicing

pandit. In Trinidad, there are several "pandit - families"

where the son of a pandit automatically becomes one when he

comes of age. The most respected pandits come from a long

line of pandits - sometimes they are able to go back to the

time of indentureship and even earlier, to villages in India.

Role of the Pandit

A person may be either a full-time or a part-time pandit.

Generally, p an d its function as part-time practitioners,

performing rituals and overseeing events as required. The pandits who operate on a full-time basis are usually affiliated with one of the religious organizations or schools, such as the

Sanatan Vidwad Vidalya or the Trinidad Academy of Hinduism.

At these places they serve as teachers to those students going through the Pandltal (becoming a pandit) course. Some pandits have also tapped into the astrology market, with their 99 own mediaprograms. A local radio station in Port of Spain as

well as a television station carry a program called D haram

Vani in which a pandit reads the weekly astrological charts

and horoscopes.

Many Hindu families in Trinidad have their own “family pandit" - a person who is there for all the major events in their

life cycle. The pandit’s advice is sought in the “naming ceremony", in which an eight dayold child is given its official

(religious) name. At this time the patra is read - this is an astrological chart that is unique to each individual since it is based on such things as the exact configurations and positions of the planets at the time of one’s birth.

When a child is about to reach puberty s/he goes through the Guru Diksha, a ceremony in which the pandit assumes his official role as the Guru of the child. The pandit is again consulted when a person desires to get married. Before the engagement, the pandit reads the patra of both the prospective bride and groom to "ensure that there are no grahas^^ or

This literally means “to catch, hold, or put in place". It alludes to a constellation or planet or sets of these in certain positions at certain times. In common usage, it means the effect of such formations of constellations and planets in the life of a person, a country or the world in general. Some such 100 obstacles to their happiness", if the patra indicates that the couple is compatible, then the marriage ceremony is planned and the pandit officiates.

The pandit is also consulted in day to day affairs. An

Indian gentleman who was educated at Manchester, England consulted his family pandit before starting construction of his house. Another gentleman called his pandit to find out the best date and time to deal with some legal problems he was facing.

So it appears that the p a n d it is ubiquitous, appearing throughout the lives of many Hindu Trinidadians, for he is seen as the carrier of traditional knowledge.

The next chapter will describe some important festivals that are celebrated in Trinidad. It will be seen that many of of

East Indian festivals have been modified and "Garnivalized".

planetary formations are seen as auspicious, whereas others are detrimental and steps are taken to remove their ill effect. 101 CHAPTER 6

FESTIVALS

In this chapter I will describe some of the major festivals celebrated by the Indians in Trinidad and one that is not celebrated but is brought up over and over again. In addition to festivals such as Hosay, Phagwa, and La Divina

Pastora, many others are celebrated, but on a much smaller scale. For instance, Shivratri, Kartik Snan and Navratri^^ do not approach the same level of pomp and revelry as do Phagwa and Diwali. It will be seen that many of the festivals celebrated by Trinidadian East Indians have taken on a "creole" air - they have changed drastically from their counterparts in

India, but at the same time the East Indians use their celebrations as "proof" of continuity of "authentic" Indian traditions.

1 SThese festivals are not described in this chapter, but are summarized in the glossary. 102 Of all the Indians that I interviewed and interacted with

in Trinidad, only one admitted to participating in Carnival, the

"fete" for which Trinidad is renowned. W hen I asked Indians

about what differentiated them from the wider Trinidadian

population, some of the things which came up were the

importance of the family, dietary restrictions, and the lack of

participation in the Carnival. I was told that "Indians - Hindus,

Muslims and Christians - do not take part in Carnival". Over

and over again it was stressed that "Carnival is for Africans,

not Indians". The lone person who did engage in Carnival

activities was an Indian woman whose family had lived in

Kenya. Shahnaaz herself had been bom and raised in Kenya and

had moved to Port of Spain in the 1970s. During the period of

Idi Amin’s rise to power in Uganda, her family did not feel

comfortable being in Africa, so they moved to Trinidad.

Starting in August 1971, Amin had ordered the expulsion of

Indians and Pakistanis from his country. Indians and Pakistanis were threatened and intimidated by Amin’s soldiers and as

many as 20,000 Indians were "missing". So Shahnaaz’s family feared a backlash against Indians in other African countries

103 and not wanting to take any chances with their safety, they

left the continent.

Other than Shahnaaz, the Indians in Trinidad sought to

dissociate themselves from the Carnival, but it will be seen that many of the festivals that the Indians do celebrate have

become "carnivalized".

Carnival

This pre-Lenten celebration was described as a

"disgusting two-day orgy" by one Indian informant. The roots of Carnival are said to go back to the time of the Phoenicians paying homage to the god Dionysius and to Saturnalia in ancient

Rome. It was brought to Trinidad by the French settlers in the

1780s, among whom Carnival was an established tradition.

Carnival, although it is associated with Lent, involves year long activities and preparations. Shortly after New Year’s day new calypso songs are released. These songs vie for the

"Road March award"- the song that is performed the most during the festivities. Steel bands also start practicing in the

104 many "pan yards" that dot Port of Spain. Each band selects a

King and Queen epitomizing the Carnival theme for the year.

During the week before Carnival are held “fetes" throughout neighborhoods, clubs and homes in Port of Spain and other major cities. Jour ouvert or Joovay in Trinidad marks the official start of carnival - it is announced around 4 a. m. on

Monday morning by the crowing of the roosters. This is when participants dress in costumes which satirize aspects of life in Trinidad. A parade ensues with costumed people and musicians, especially drummers of every type. During their march, called "Ole Mas" or "Old Masquerade", practically anything goes as far as costume is concerned.

On the next day {Mardi Gras) the more elaborately costumed men and women appear. Although sleep deprived and having ingested large quantities of rum punch and Carib beer all week, the celebrants continue to "fete" for "it is well known that Trinis love to fete".

In the minds of many Indians Carnival represents the anti-thesis of "Indian-ness". They associate it with the

Pan refers to steel drums, the percussive instruments that are made of empty gasoline and oil drums. 105 African cultural heritage of Trinidad. Indeed, social scientists

have also characterized carnival as belonging to the African domain. Powrie ( 1956: 266) felt that Carnival "belongs to the

black, lower class".

■ H p . g a y

This festival was called Hussein when it was first celebrated in Trinidad in the 1800s. It was brought by Indian

Muslims as a festival of mourning in remembrance of the martyrdom of two grandsons of the prophet Mohammed, Hussein and Hassan. These two brothers died during the Jihad (Holy

War) at Kerbela in ancient Persia.

According to an informant, at first Hosay was a solemn procession, as it still is in such places as Iran, Lebanon and

India. When Yasmeen was a little girl she remembered Hosay as

“frightening . . . people were crying and old women were singing in terrible voices". It was customary for elderly women to sing maseehahs (wailing dirges) lamenting the plight of H assan and

Hussein.

The flavor of Hosay changed in the early 1950s - this was when "there came a mixing of African elements". Yasm een said 106 that Hosay took on a more festive air, so that the children of today do not even realize that it is a time of deep grief. She lamented that it has become "indigenized".

The death of Hussein and Hassan is believed to have occurred on the tenth day of the month of Muhurram in 680 A.D.

It is celebrated between February and March, in the month of

Muhurram. Towns and villages with the highest concentrations of Muslims have the most elaborate celebrations. The following description of the Hosay procession is of one that took place in

Saint James, an area outside Port of Spain with a very large concentration of Indians.

Forty days before the start of Hosay, Muslims undergo fasting and also refrain from sexual relations. Each night they meet for prayers and meditation. The festival starts with "flag night" - colorful flags stuck on poles are carried through the streets. The flags are said to represent the start of the battle of Kerbela. After meandering through the streets, the flags are stuck on a wattle and mud stand and pungent incense is burned.

On the next day, groups of people are busy making Tadjahs or Ta’ziyeh - these are highly ornamental replicas of the tombs of the martyred brothers. On that night, two Tadjahs which 107 were made of bamboo sticks and mirrors, colored silk and

tissue were carried on the heads of dancers as they made their

way through the streets of Saint James. They were followed by

tassa drummers, most of whom were Indians - Muslim and

Hindu, and som e were African. After a while the two dancers

approached one another and leaned toward one another so that

their Tadjahs touched.

Events are at their most dramatic on the third night of

the procession when very large and elaborate Tadjahs are

brought out to the delight of the onlookers. Yasmeen told me

that previously "Tadjahs looked like Indian minarets with

filigree designs, but now there is the desire to be like the

Carnival costumes - with tinfoil, glitter and ostentations".

The Tadjahs that were brought out appeared to be about ten

feet tall and were very colorfully decorated. They were kept

inside the yards of families and suddenly emerged, bringing on

cheers from the onlookers. Several men carried each Tadjah as

they made their way around the streets of Saint James.

Incidentally, these streets bore the names Lucknow, Delhi,

Hyderabad and Patna - cities in India that were the homes of the indentured laborers. 108 After the Tadjahs were brought out, there appeared two large (perhaps eight feet across and five feet high) crescent moons which were said to represent the brothers Hussein and

Hassan. These edifices were red and green and were attached to long poles which were carried by men who were able to strap them in their cummerbunds and dance elaborately at the same time. The red color was said to symbolize Hussein’s decapitation at the hands of the enemy and the green was said to represent the poison that killed Hassan. The crescents were covered with a heavily ruffled cloth in which were stuck what appeared to be very sharp swords. These represented the battle of Kerbela. The dancers carrying the crescents danced languidly so that the crescents and the swords whirled around.

The crowd appeared to be hypnotized, as did the dancers. This lasted until midnight when there was a symbolic embracing of the two brothers, represented by the "kissing" of the two crescent moons. This ritual embrace drove the crowd into a frenzy and there was cheering, whistling, clapping and spontaneous dancing. Throughout this event the ta ss a drummers kept up their hypnotic rhythms. The drummers always had a crowd that followed them, dancing and clapping 109 and appearing to be mesmerized. Yasmeen told me that for many non-Muslims the tassa drummers are the main attraction

- "the drummers produce a Carnival atmosphere".

Another draw is the Ghadka (stick fight) which is a dance performed by men. The men hold a stick about five feet long and a leather shield. They dance and engage in mock fights, clanging their stick against that of the other. This is a ritual representation of the Jihad that killed Hussein and H assan.

The audience watching the men appear to have a favorite that they root for and cheer on.

The next day marks the dramatic end of the Hosay when the beautiful Tadjahs and the crescents are wheeled through the streets. A procession follows them to the sea ( the Gulf of

Paria) where they are ritualistically tossed into the water.

Pl3.aflwa

This springtime festival coincides with the vernal equinox and the full moon in March. Several days before the start of Phagwa there are song competitions that are referred

110 to as "chowtal" contests. ChowtaP^ consists of songs with

messages; many of these are religious, based on the story of

Holika.i8 Some of these songs are traditional ones from India

in which case the singing ability of the performer is judged.

Others are original compositions which appear to be influenced

by calypso, the musical style for which Trinidad and Tobago is

best known. There is some debate about the origin of calypso.

Some feel that it is a corruption of the Hausa word kaiso

Chowtals are songs sung with sixteen beats, divided into four units with four beats per unit. They are also devotional music sung at the center of villages ("where four corners of the villages meet"). 18 The story of Holika starts with the demon king Hiranyakashipu who had a son named Prahalada. The king, having conquered heaven, earth and the nether lands, announced that he is the Lord (God) of the universe and no one should pray to any other God. But Prahalada, having met Narada, the great saint and devotee of Vishnu, learned from him that Vishnu, the ultimate force of creation, protection and dissolution, is the one and only God. Prahalada himself went on to become a great devotee of Vishnu, thereby enraging his father, who endeavored to dissuade his son from his devotion to Vishnu, but failed. Hiranyakashipu then decided to get rid of this renegade son. The king had a sister named Holika, who had the blessing that fire could not burn her. So the king asked her to cajole her nephew Prahalada into her lap, and while she had him there, king Hiranyakashipu had a huge bonfire lit under and around Holika. But to the astonishment of all, it was the king’s sister Holika who was burnt to ashes and Prahalada walked away unscathed. Finally, this demon king was killed by Vishnu and the kingdom was bestowed upon Prahalada who ruled as a noble king, unlike his demon father. 111 (bravo), while others state that It comes from the French

carrousseaux (a drinking party). Perhaps the Carib carieto (a

topical song) or Kai-so (the goddess of secrets) is at the root

of calypso. In any case, it is "the mouthpiece of the people . . .

the Calypsonian has remained the poetic mouthpiece for the

m asses " (Constance 1991: 2). Similarly, the chowtal songs

deal with the political and psychological concerns of the

people. These chowtal competitions are held at private homes

as well as at public places.

The Indian radio station in Port of Spain played chowtal

songs constantly in the days before Phagw a. Som e of these

were those that had been recorded in India and were sung in

Hindi. Others were local compositions which were sung in

English and Bhojpuri ( a language spoken in the Indian state of

Bihar). The chowtal songs at the homes that I attended were

always accompanied by a dholak ( a small hand drum) and janj

(cymbals).

After listening to chowtal songs for days, I was really

looking forward to the Phagwa celebration, as it is probably the most dramatic and amusing festival in India. Marriott

(1955) described it as a "feast of love", a time when the normal 112 roles are reversed and licentious behavior dominates. The following quote from the as yet unpublished doctoral dissertation by Sinha (1996: 56) establishes the flavor of

Phagwa (or Holi ) in a small town in Bihar (the ancestral home of many of the indentured Indians):

The day starts out by people chanting bura na mano Holi hai (“don’t take offense, it’s Holi”) or other such framing chants that define the day as a day of license. Special festive foods are prepared and eaten. People in this area drink thandai (a milk and almond drink) laced with large quantities of bhang (pureed marijuana). This puts everyone in the mood for the day’s activities. Large buckets of colored water are to be found everywhere and people use phuschkaries (large syringe like squirt guns, the original super soakers I) to douse each other with colored water. There is much sexual license, normally tabooed people openly “play” Holi; that is, avoidance relationships... are suspended on this day. The license extends to the entire community, so that on this day anyone may (in theory) come into contact, even members of different castes who normally avoid each other. It is perhaps significant that Holi is “played” and not performed, like other ritual.

The Phagwa fest that I attended at the Hindu Prachar Kendra near the city of Chaguanas, an area heavily populated by East

Indians, bore little resem blance to the festival described by

Sinha. As I arrived there I was told by an informant named

113 Saraswati that Phagwa has been "taking on a bad element, with everyone sprinkling everyone". The festival started with speakers talking about the importance of carrying on 'our traditions that our forebears brought" and once again the

United Nations declaration of 1994 being the "Year of the

Family" was mentioned. A prominent Trinidad and Tobago diplomat of East Indian descent beseeched the crowd to "not get out of hand" since this is not what Holi in India is all about! He described Holi in a typical village in India:

This is a time of the harvest. There is harmony between land and man. There is unity in the family, and order in society. Today, more than ever we need to re-shape our communities and perhaps we can begin this Phagwa as we reflect on the virtues of simple harmonious living. We need more than ever to admire the beauty of the environment and be inspired by the wonders of creation. As for H ail itself, I would like to single out one typical Indian tradition which would do well to re-establish in Trinidad and Tobago. People are up early in the morning. They bathe and put on new clothes, then they go about greeting each other, applying colors to the forehead and exchanging sweets. In this tradition there is respect and there is warmth which we must highlight in Trinidad and Tobago.

114 Many people did heed the diplomat’s words so that instead of the wildness of Holi in India, there was very sed ate abir (red vegetable dye) on the faces and clothes of adults. Children sprinkled abir on one another in a more indulgent manner, but on the whole, the abandonment of Holi in India had been reduced. To the Trinidadian Indians, wild and boisterous behavior is characteristic of Carnival and they make a real effort to disassociate themselves from the "lewdness and loose morality" of Carnival.

In India one of the highlights of the Holi celebration is the sprinkling of colored dyes on one another. These dyes are of several contrasting colors, so that by the end of the day, clothes and skin take on a rainbow effect. In Trinidad only one color is used - the abir, which when mixed with water takes on a bright fuchsia hue. It looks even brighter as most of the celebrants wear white on the day of P h a g w a . I think it is significant that only one color is used. In India the use of several colors tells us something about Indian social structure.

Sinha (1996: 58 -58) dealt with this in his work:

The liminality of the festival is pointed out by the use of color. Color in Indian society has implications for social order, a metaphor for 115 classification. The term varna, used in the Bhagavad-Gita to describe the stratification necessary for social order (i.e. the caste system) literally means color (Bhagavad-Gita, Chapters 1, 43). Each segment of society is thought to be a different color, and it is only by keeping such colors separate and discrete that social order is possible. . . color is being used as a metaphor for order. This use of color points out one of the central features of the Holi festival, namely the random mixing of colors. The squirting of colored water has the effect of mixing up discrete colors in a haphazard fashion. The net effect is a psychedelic mix of colors literally all over one's body. The body itself is used as a symbol of the breakdown of social order. . . (and) is used to symbolize the fact that discrete categories of social groups are broken down in the erotic play of Holi; that is, different castes are allowed to intermingle freely in this play of colors. The squirting of colored water then is symbolically pointing out the breakdown of normal social order, the liminality of the festival.

None of the Indians in Trinidad that I spoke to made mention of

Varna or caste affiliation. One of my most valuable informants said that "we can think of all Indians as one big caste". It appears that the marriage, dietary and other rules which exist for caste (or varna) relations in India are non - existent in Trinidad. One gentleman told me that "it was a fact that only low-caste Hindus and very poor Muslims left for

Trinidad during the indentured years". This point was brought

116 up by another gentleman who told me that when he went to

India to see "his homeland", he told people that he was "from

America" since this increased his status in their eyes, for they

"knew that there were no Brahmins or Kshatriyas in Trinidad".

Even though I only observed one color (fuchsia) being used during Phagwa, Saraswati told me that in some areas different colors are also used. She said that these are places where other ethnic groups have joined in Phagwa celebrations. This would make sense if we go back to the original meaning of varna as a color system. All the Indians in Trinidad belong to one metaphoric varna, represented by the fuchsia abir. The other groups in Trinidad are outsiders to the "Indian varna” and it follows that as they join in the festivities, they bring in the other colors.

Phagwa, as celebrated in Trinidad, is consistent with the main thesis of this monograph in that it represents a reconstitution (not replication) of the traditions of India.

Diwall

Diwaii or Deep Divali has become a national holiday in

Trinidad and Tobago. This is a festival associated with 117 Lakshmi, the goddess of prosperity and fortune and the wife of

Vishnu. Diwaii is celebrated at two levels - on the one hand,

families conduct pujas to Lakshmi and at the same time there

is a very public "celebration of lights". Lakshmi pujas are

usually family affairs - one family in Port of Spain conducted

the puja only with their extended kin. They had their own

temple in their back yard. On the day of the puja, they bought a

clay statue of Lakshmi to put inside their temple which had

been decorated with banana and mango leaves, which were seen as auspicious greenery. A deya (a small clay pot filled with oil and a cotton wick) was lit in front of the representation of

Lakshmi and a tray filled with cream of wheat halwa, sliced fruits and nuts were placed besides the deya. One of the girls in the house bowed to the deya and then put it on a tray and took it to all her family members who bowed to it (did pranam), thereby ensuring their family’s prosperity.

At the public level, several weeks before Diw aii there are edifices built of bamboo poles and wattle. These are placed in village squares, public school grounds and m an d ire

(temples). Some of these structures are small (a few feet tall), whereas others are very elaborate representations of 118 mythical cities. All around these structures are placed deyas,

and in some cases electric lights. Private homes are also

decorated with hundreds of deyas, as are walkways, gardens

and whole streets. Neighbors often organize the lighting of their streets, with all ethnic groups participating.

During the week before Diwaii, there are “cultural shows" in which mythological stories are re-enacted. Usually it is the story of Rama and his victory over Havana, representing the triumph of goodness over evil. The shows often have dance and music competitions and sometimes are visited by celebrities from India. These celebrities are usually Hindi movie playback singers. Once in a while a “Diwaii Queen" is chosen based on her beauty and her skills in the song competitions. My key informant told me that D iw aii is a time for us “to be like

Lakshmi - full of beauty, charm and goodwill".

On the day of Diwaii families visit their neighbors and friends bearing sweets and gifts. As darkness falls the deyas

i9The majority of Hindi movies are musicals, but the actors do not sing the songs themselves. Instead, they are recorded by professionals specializing as “playback singers". The actors then lip-sync to these pre-recorded songs. 119 are lit and kept lit throughout the night so that "Lakshmi can

see her way into your house and your street".

One them e of Diwaii is the victory of Rama over Havana, that is, the celebration of good over the forces of evil. At a time when the crime rate is at an all time high, with murders

becoming a common occurrence, the celebration of Diwaii has taken on significance at a national level. Consequently, one

recent phenomena has been the holding of non-denominational public prayer services which attract thousands of Trinidadians from all ethnic and religious groups.

La Divina Pastora

At the small town of Siparia in the southern part of

Trinidad, there stands a Catholic church with a famous statue that is referred to as the "Black Virgin of Siparia". This statue if said to represent "La Divina Pastora" or the Virgin Mary in her role as "the divine Shepherdess". The origins of the statue are felt to lie in the rural, sheep rearing area of southern

Spain, in Andalusia.

Shortly after Spain declared Trinidad as belonging to the

Spanish Crown, there came Capuchin monks as missionaries, 120 hoping to convert the Amerindians. The monks brought with

them their love and devotion to Mary as "La Divina Pastora".

The statue itself is rather interesting - it is small, with

a very dark brown complexion and lipstick pink cheeks and jet

black hair. "La Divina Pastora" is dressed in a sheer blue

velum fabric and her hair is decorated with artificial flowers.

Devotees who come to visit her leave necklaces around her neck

and body as tokens of their devotion. They also light candles

around her which stay lit around the clock due to the large

numbers of devotees who come at all times.

One interesting aspect of the "Black Virgin of Siparia" is that even though she is a Catholic icon, throughout the years,

Hindus have also been paying visits to her Church. Like the

Catholic devotees, Hindus also put necklaces around her neck

and light candles, or in some cases, deyas. Some Hindus who come to pay their respects to "Sooparee Mai" make offerings of

rice, cream of wheat halwa and jewelry. Women who have been unable to conceive come to pray to "Sooparee Kai Mai" to

request that she grant them a son or daughter. Others who have children, make offerings so that their children stay healthy.

They refer to her as "Soparee Kai Mai" or as "Sooparee Mai", 121 which were translated to me as “Mother Kali" or “Mother of

Siparia" or “Mother of Betelnuts". One Hindu devotee told me that “Sooparee Mai" is not really a Christian icon because she has such "long black hair and piercing eyes like Durga.“2o

Once a year the sleepy town of Siparia comes alive during the feast of "La Divina Pastora" which takes place on the second Sunday after Easter. On this day, the statue of the

"Black Virgin" is ceremoniously removed from the Church and is carried outside, where a large crowd has gathered. It is then taken around in a procession, with thousands of people following. This day is a highlight in the lives of Siparians.

In this chapter, some of the more important festivals that are celebrated in Trinidad have been described in order to illustrate that they have taken on a "creole" air. The next chapter will examine two categories of rituals that are observed by East Indians- the puja and the yagna.

20 Durga, Sati, Parvati, Kali, Shakti and others are variants of Mahadevi or "the Great Goddess". 122 CHAPTER 7

RITUALS

The connection between ritual (as a manifestation of religion) and social structure has long been debated in anthropology. Festivals, rituals and ceremonies provide us with an understanding of societal ideology. What exactly is ritual? William Howells (1986: 224) characterizes it as "the meat which goes on the bones of a cult’s beliefs". Probably the most quoted definition of ritual comes from the writings of

Victor Turner. According to Turner (1973; 1100):

A ritual is a stereotyped sequence of activities involving gestures, words, and objects, performed in a sequestered place, and designed to influence preternatural entities or forces on behalf of the actors' goals and interests. Rituals may be seasonal, hallowing a culturally defined moment of change in the climatic cycle or the inauguration of an activity such as planting, harvesting, or moving from winter to summer pasture; or may be contingent, held in response to an individual or collective crisis.

123 Anthony Wallace (1966: 102) characterizes ritual as "the

primary phenomenon of religion". Ritual is a "tool" of religion:

Ritual is religion in action; it is the cutting edge of the tool. Belief, although its recitation may be part of the ritual in its own right, serves to explain, to rationalize, to interpret and direct the energy of the ritual performance . . . It is ritual which accomplishes what religion sets out to do. (Wallace 1966: 102)

Rappaport (1979: 174) takes "ritual to be th e basic social

act". Similarly, Wilson (1954: 240) had also stressed the role

of ritual:

I hold that rituals reveal values at the deepest level . . .Surely men express in ritual what moves them most, and since the form of expression is conventionalized and obligatory, it is the values of the group which are revealed. I see in the study of rituals the key to understanding of the essential constitution of human societies.

Some types of rituals lend themselves to easier analysis than do others. Geertz (1973: 113) writes that ritual is of major importance in deciphering the world view of any group of people: 124 though any religious ritual, no matter how apparently automatic or conventional . . . involves this symbolic fusion of ethos and world view, it is mainly certain more elaborate and usually more public ones, ones in which a broad range of moods and motivations on the one hand and of metaphysical conceptions on the other are caught up, which shape the spiritual consciousness of a people. Employing a useful term introduced by Singer, we may call these full-blown ceremonies "cultural performances" and note that they represent not only the point at which the dispositional and conceptual aspects of religious life converge for the believer, but also the point at which the interaction between them can be most readily examined by the detached observer.

Any ritual can be examined by the symbols that are attached to

it. Turner (1966: 14) viewed symbols as "the basic building

blocks - the 'molecules' of ritual". In "Symbols in Ndembu

Ritual" (1967: 19) he wrote that "the symbol is the smallest

unit of ritual which still retains the specific properties of

ritual context". He outlined the method for inferring "the structure and properties of ritual symbols" by examining "(1) external form and observable characteristics; (2) interpretations offered by specialists and laymen; (3)

125 significant contexts largely worked out by the anthropologist"

(1967: 20).

The complete analysis of ritual must be done within “the total field situation" according to Turner (1967: 46-47):

Here the significant elements of a symbol's meaning are related to what is done to it by and for whom. These aspects can only be understood if one takes into account from the beginning, and represents by appropriate theoretical constructs, the total field situation in which the symbol occurs. This situation would include the structure of the group that performs the ritual we observe, its basic organizing principles and perdurable relationships, and, in addition, its extant division into transient alliances and factions on the basis of immediate interest and ambitions, for both the abiding structure and recurrent forms of conflict and selfish interest are stereotyped in ritual symbolism.

The ritual practices of Trinidadian Hindus take many forms which may be divided into two broad categories: pujas are worship ceremonies and ya g n a s are ceremonies of

"sacrifice". An inherent aspect of both the puja and the yagna are the katha sessions or reading of passages or entire chapters from sacred texts. An informant told me that

126 traditionally, pujas and yagnas were seasonal affairs, taking place during "winter" months when there was a lull in agricultural activities. But now there is no set time for their performance. They may be undertaken to fulfill a personal vow or to provide some benefit to the community or to families and individuals.

EüiâS

A puja or worship is performed several times a year - there are those that are undertaken at a grand level in which several hundred, sometimes thousands, of people attend. These are pujas to commemorate the major Hindu festivals such as

Diwaii or Shivratri. Then there are the weekly pujas that take place regularly at the Hindu temples. Finally there are pujas undertaken by families or individuals themselves. A Hindu family might feel the need to hold a puja for a myriad of reasons. During the grueling competitions for national examinations which determine the future academic fate of students, parents often perform a Saraswati puja since

Saraswati is the Hindu goddess of wisdom and learning. If the family is undergoing economic hardship or is enjoying monetary 127 prosperity, they would perform Lakshmi puja In honor of the

goddess of prosperity and wealth. If a family member Is facing

a series of misfortunes, a puja Is conducted In honor or

Ganesh, for he Is "the remover of obstacles". Misfortune might

be due to the "misalignment of the planets" In which case a

Graha puja would be performed In order to either stave off or

put an end to misfortune brought on by "planetary oppositions".

If a family Is facing problems with the health of any of Its

members, a puja honoring Hanuman Is performed.

Puja sequence

A middle aged East Indian woman was facing a series of

personal problems - her husband had died during the previous

year, her elderly parents "were becoming quarrelsome" and her

young daughter was dating a "creole" man. Mrs. T. decided to

conduct a Ganesh puja to "perhaps stabilize her life". On the

morning of the puja, colorful flags were attached to bamboo

poles In her front yard to signal to the outside that a puja was

In progress. Mrs. T.'s living room was cleared of all the furniture and a corner of It was thoroughly cleaned and "the 128 space was purified". On this ritually cleansed space was

placed a murti of Ganesh - "the remover of obstacles" and "the

god of wisdom and prudence and a scholar". A purohit sat in

front of the murti and placed a pot with twigs in it which he

lit. Liberal quantities of g h e e were sprinkled on the fire

which was said to represent Agni. Mrs. T. told me that "we call

AgnI to purify and witness our puja. Agni loves ghee and his

tongue' is quick to lick any ghee that is thrown on the fire".2i

Guests started to come to Mrs. T.'s house and sat down on

the floor. Throughout this time the purohit chanted mantras

in a soft, barely audible voice. After he had finished, he

brought out a harmonium and sang bhajans in which he was joined by some of the attending guests. Afterwards, a young

boy blew a conch shell to "signal that the puja was over". Mrs.

T. then served lunch to everyone who was present.

21 In India, pujas do not involve Agni, in other words, there is no ritual purification by fire. Yagnas, however, do involve fire rituals as specified in the Vedas. 129 Yagnas

Yagna which means “sacrifice",22 isa type of ritual that is regulariy performed throughout Trinidad and Tobago. Yagnas like pujas, were at one time associated with the seasons - they were performed during the "winter months" , but now they are held throughout the year "as the need arises". There are several kinds of yagnas : 1. the Gita yagna ; 2. The Ramayana yagna ; 3. the Mahabharata yagna ; 4. the Shiva Purana yagna ; 5. G arura

Purana yagna ; 6. the Ganesh yagna ; and many others.

The most common type of yagna is the Ramayana vaana.

I was told that this was the most popular and well - attended of all the various yagnas. In 1994 the Gyaan (wisdom or knowledge) yagna was held for 210 nights with the theme

22 The Vedas describe five kinds of yagyna : Rishi / Brahma yagyna which involves the study and contemplation of the scriptures; the Deva yagyna which is the worship of divine beings through purification and devotion; the Nri yagyna which entails respecting all living things and helping and protecting them with compassion and understanding; the Pitri yagyna involves devotion and service for one’s foreparents as well as to the elderly; and finally there is the Bhuta yagyna which stipulates that one not contribute to the destruction of any part of creation, living or non-living (such as forests, rivers and so on). Later, the "meat-eaters thought it wise to limit their indulgences by prescribing that if they must kill animals for food, they should only do so on assigned days and as ritual sacrifice and not just for their selfish lust". 130 "Ramayana - Ideal Role Model for Family Life" taking up seven nights of activity.

On the nights that I attended the yagna It took place at the headquarters of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha and was very well received. It was hosted by the Maha Sabha (refer to chapter 4) - they organized It and provided free dinner to everyone who attended.

Sometimes an Individual hosts a y a g n a In order to celebrate an achievement (such as successfully completing the masters or doctorate degrees). At other times It Is simply a way to gain esteem In the local community. One Individual was renowned for the lavish feasts that were provided to all at the yagnas that he hosted. One lady regularly held yagnas In memory of her deceased husband who had died prematurely of a medical condition.

There are some families that host yagnas as part of their kulu reet or family traditions. One such family told me that It has been the responsibility of their family to host at least one yagna per year for "a very long time". They think the tradition started when their great grandfather, an Indentured laborer, hosted a yagna because "he was homesick for his village reet 131 (tradition)".

Beginning in the early years in the 1840s, right up to the

present years, Hindus have had to defend their beliefs to the

wider Trinidadian community. One type of yagna has emerged

that seeks to do this in a formal, ritualistic manner. This is

the "Answer Back yagna " which is held at times when there are

increased incidents of harassment directed against Hindus.

During this type of yagna the aim is to clarify the tenets of

Sanatan Dharma and to resist the criticisms levelled against it.

In the spring and summer of 1994 there were several

incidents of harassment of Hindus, especially in the area known

as Bamboo Settlement. The local news reported that this

community was being bombarded "by Christians who

proselytize using loudspeakers" (AVM TV News, April 19,

1994). In addition to the loudspeakers, the Hindus in the area were ridiculed for praying to the "monkey deity" Hanuman. In

response to these types of harassment, one local family organized an "Answer Back" yagna in order to disseminate

information about Hindu beliefs.

132 A Typical Yagna

In this section I will describe a "typical" yagn a which was held as a Gyaan or a "knowledge or wisdom" yagna. The yagna was held outdoors at the grounds of the Sanatan Dharma

Maha Sabha in the city of Saint Augustine. A very large tent had been set up with rows of benches inside. The function was very well attended with several hundred people under the tent.

All the benches faced toward the "stage" - a raised area in which sat the pandit and several singers and musicians. There were potted banana plants all around the raised platform.

There were murtls (statues) of Rama and Sita. In front of these was a circular metal pot in which a fire burned constantly. Whenever the fire started to die down, ghee

(clarified butter) was sprinkled over it in order to stoke it.

Around the murtls were plates of cream of wheat halwa, fruits, and nuts. These would become the prasad that was passed to each person in attendance.

The yagna started out with a pandit stating that "we must look to the R a m a v a n a as providing us with the values to make this a crime free society. We need to re-create a new

Trinidad and Tobago with suggestions from The Ramayana". He 133 said that Sita (the heroine of The Ramayana^ was the "ideal woman, the divine mother to us all". He went on to say that

Sanatan Dharma is the ideal way of life which exists in every human. Thomas Moore’s Utopia describes an ideal state, as does Tulsidas^^. . . Trinidad and Tobago are a nation of unity in diversity. Tulsidas presents us with a vision of an ideal country of diverse beings contributing to unity. Tulsidas declares in Sanskrit: ‘ nowhere under rule of Rama righteously existing under law does anyone suffer the ills of society. No one suffers of the social diseases’. Sanatan Dharma was the way in which society was established. Every society must be built upon D harm a, every society must be built upon righteousness.

The pandit went on to elucidate the characteristics of Rama

Raj or rule under Rama:

In Rama Raj there was no domestic violence. . .In Rama Raj there was guarantee of religious and cultural tradition. In Rama Raj every individual learned from one another. Every individual was a role model to one another. Each helped one another. Each reached out to one another in the development of karma, in the development of Ayodhya. . . In Trinidad and Tobago we are relegating the experiences of our societies to the corners and perimeters. In Ayodhya, such a system never existed, for Rama Raj was a system of devotion, a system of love, a system in which the human society was developed to its fullest quality. . . How

23 Tulsidas was the first poet to translate The Ramayana from Sanskrit into vernacular languages in order to make it more generally accessible. He was renowned for his erudition and his devotion to Rama. 134 to get Trinidad and Tobago influenced by the pages of the Ramayana ? Where must we start and how must it begin ? We must look at the quality of the leadership in the Ramayana. We must question our leadership’s influence. . . Dashrat would do what is right. There existed a democratic society. There was confidence in the rule of Dashrat in Ayodhya. The ruler, Tulsidas says, reflects the national image of the father. . . We must look to Rama Raj as the perfect society. The leaders must never be individualistic, but they must be nationalistic as it pertains to the will of the country at large. Decisions made by the leaders reflect the wishes made by the nation as a family. The nation must be seen as a national family.

Oblivious to the situation in Ayodhya in 1994, with Hindus and

Muslims in bitter and violent conflict with one another, the pandit described Ayodhya w as the "ideal community - a place where there was tolerance and people worked side by side in becoming a productive community. . . The people of Ayodhya was a nation of discipline ". The pandit described the most important unit of society: " Our family is the basic social unit of society. Our family is the link to our deepest morals". He then went on to make parallels between "our family" and the

“human family" :

Can a family which is not whole, can a family which is divided, can it ever survive? Can a community divided stand? We always say that in diversity in Trinidad and Tobago there is unity. When I speak of a national family, I want it understood that I’m 1 35 speaking of a new Image, a new identity for Trinidad and Tobago . . . We must create a new society based on Dharma . . . to create a new society we have to change our attitudes as a nation, to change our outlook as a nation. To do this, we have to change - this is what Rama teaches us. A nation divided along color lines can never thrive. . . The Ramayana emphasizes in its fullest concept this tolerance - not only among Hindus and Muslims, but as a nation as a whole.

The pandit made parallels between Lanka and Trinidad and

Tobago:

Hanuman looks into a paradise in the sun, in the Caribbean Sea. . . My friends, a paradise in the sun, the beautiful jewel. But when Hanuman looks into Lanka, what did he see? It's what observers see in Trinidad and Tobago today, what Hanuman saw. Would he see the beautiful plants, the beautiful trees, the beautiful people, or would he see what Hanuman saw? People beating people, crimes and disrespect, no more values. Would he see this, would you see this?

The pandit went on to mention the sorry state of affairs in

Trinidad and Tobago, with crime and violence running rampant.

But he emphasized that despite the high murder rate and general violence in the country, there were "good people":

In every society there are good people - was it not Bhibhusan lived in Lanka ? Was it not that Sita (the 136 mother of this world) was established In Lanka? Society must balance - when balance goes awry, then we must bring It back to the level of Dharma. Sita, even In Lanka, remained pure; she remained untainted. This Is why In Trinidad and Tobago there Is D h arm a, there Is purity of D h arm a existing In every race. In every culture. In every creed. In every aspect of society, but we have shut ourselves away from It. Trinidad and Tobago has become Lanka - we have abandoned Dharma.

The pan d it went on to state that D h a rm a had to be re­ established In Trinidad and Tobago :

We say, the Hindus say. The Ramayana say that everyone now come forward and remake Trinidad and Tobago. We need a new Image, a re-bullding of our community, a re-bullding of our society. The society will reflect a re-bullding of our national country. Are we not the family of Trinidad and Tobago - unity In diversity, who can deny us? For 150 years we have planted the seeds, we have tolled; now we are coming forward with the most vital challenge - to express, to tell this country, that we must understand that The Ramavana Is not a tale. It Is not a fable. It Is not a story, but It Is a history of what existed, what can be lost by an Individual, by Havana. Such Individuals have destroyed harmony. It Is such Individuals that have destroyed the purity. It Is such Individuals that have destroyed and perverted your homes, your families, your national Image. . . If we establish In Trinidad and Tobago a new Image, then what better way Is It for us to tell the world that 1994 must be a year to build, to build our world of values - to me this Is what the United Nations wants. When I look at Bosnia, when I look at Algeria, I am reminded of our life In the Ramayana. I do not wish to exist In a Lanka society, but In Ram raj society. We have the 137 opportunity to see what is wrong and to correct it. When I see all the crime - I see it as a blessing in disguise, for it points out mistakes, the mistakes that we made, we can correct.

The second part of the yagna stressed the importance of tradition - it was stated that there are three types of reet or traditions: the desha reet are the traditions of the country; the gama ke reet are the traditions of the village; and then there are the kulu reet or the traditions of the family, which are the most important ones. In the words of the speaker:

"this entire exercise that we have conducted for 210 nights across the country is to bring us back to the traditions of the family". A theme of the yagna was stated to be:

going back to the future - we are going backwards to the future - we are going back to the pages of the Ramayana so that we can embrace the future. We want to tell the entire community, you must follow your traditions and at the sam e time grab for the future because by standing firm in your traditions you will not be blown off course.

After this discourse another speaker was introduced - a member of the political elite in Trinidad. He started out by giving a brief history of the arrival of Indians in Trinidad: 138 On the 30th of May 1845 the first immigrant ship the Fate! Rozack arrived from Calcutta. The total number of immigrants on board was 225 comprising men, women and children. The Port of Spain Gazette recorded on the day of their arrival: 'We have much pleasure in announcing the arrival this afternoon of the long looked for vessel, the Fate! Rozack'. Ninety six days from Calcutta, forty one days from the Cape of Good Hope, the general appearance of the people is noted. Hugh Tinker, in The New System of Slaverv . . .describes the reality of the exile in bondage: the Indian came into a system in which human value matters less than production. Professor Tinker ended his book with the following words: they arrived as coolies and in many people’s eyes they are itinerant coolies still, for slavery is both a system and attitude of life'.

The speaker was visibly riled by this statement by Professor

Tinker. He enumerated the strides made by Indians in Trinidad:

"Never reckoned with the likes of Hindus such as Maraj and

Capildeo, the conspiratorial founders of the Sanatan Dharma

Maha Sabha in Trinidad and Tobago. . . "(refer to chapter 4). The speaker then emphasized that Indian and Hindu traditional traits are as strong as ever in Trinidad and Tobago:

. . . Hindus do not go convert but are the only group who have been approached by others to convert for 149 years, and yet inspite of that, we continue at 139 20 to 24 % of the population of our nation. Hinduism is an amalgam of cultures that goes back thousands of years. Haven’t we survived? I have no fear of losing our religion - I have complete faith in Hindu family structure. In Trinidad the Indian family is an example of cultural survival p a r excellence.

The speaker quoted several scholars regarding the persistence of Indian family structure and the "traditional Indian way of life" in Trinidad "despite the relenting pressures to change".

Throughout the yagna there were readings {katha) from the Ramayana. Some of these were in Sanskrit, but most of the time the pandit read the texts in English. The katha and the speeches were interspersed with songs sung by the pandit. He was accompanied by several men who played the dholak (a small hand drum) and some people played cymbals and a harmonium. Several women sang along with the pandit, serving as a background chorus. These bhajans (songs) were sung in Hindi and Bhojpuri, as well as in English. The bhajan that appeared throughout the night was a traditional one from

India:

“Raghu Pati Raghav Raja Rama, Pati-pawan Sita Rama

Ishwar Allah Tero Naam, Sabko Sanmat Day Bhagwaan"

140 (refer to page 83 for a translation of this)

A person sitting next to me was a Muslim whose great,

great grandfather had come from India, but he enthusiastically

sang the bhajans and loudly declared “Ramchandra jee ki jar

(glory to Rama) at the end of each song session. At the

conclusion of the ceremony, a young girl brought the aarti

around and we all ran our right hand over it and did p ran am

(bowed to it), even the Muslim gentleman. Afterwards, each

person in the audience was given a bag of prasad to take home.

But before leaving, we were all served dinner and tea.

During the dinner I spoke to three Hindu Indians and two

Muslim Indians. One of these ladies said that "the pandit was

100 percent right. This place is turning into Lanka". Another

said that "there are so many Pavanas in this country" (referring

to the abductor of Sita, in other words, the "villain" in The

RamayanaL Thinking that she was referring to the perpetrators

of criminal activities in the country, I did not think anything of

her remark. But during the course of the dinner, it came out that she was equating the African population in Trinidad with

being Ravana and was blaming all the crime on them. A similar metaphoric equation of blacks with the antagonist of The 141 Ramayana was made among residents of a rural community in

Guyana. According to Skinner (1955: in Horowitz, p. 120):

East Indians often hesitate to invite black m en to their homes because they don’t quite trust the black men with their wives. I overheard an East Indian telling a black man, ‘Your nation can't come to my home because you na know how to act’. This wide­ spread stereotype is also indicated in the epithet which the East Indian uses to signify black people. They call the black people ‘Ravan’. Ravan, in Hindu mythology, is the lustful, curly-haired king of Ceylon who kidnapped the beautiful and chaste Sita, the wife of Rama, the hero of the Ramayana . Since Sita represents to the Hindus the ideal of feminine chastity and wifely devotion, her abductor is held in contempt by them.

Functions of the vaana and the puia

From the above description of a "typical y a g n a " it becomes apparent that this ritual event benefits the community at several levels. One aspect of the yagna, as well as of the puja, is that they teach Hindus and non-Hindus about

Sanatan Dharma, mainly through the katha (reading of the sacred texts). These readings expose those in attendance to the precepts of Hinduism and to values cherished by Trinidadian

East Indians. Even though the majority of those who came were Hindus, many non-Hindus were also in the audience and

142 actively took part in the (Hindu) rituals. The Muslim gentleman who was sitting next to me said that "these things aren’t just for Hindus, but for all Indians. It’s a time to get together with other deshis ( those from the same country ) andshow that we are one". This statement illustrates that there is a sense of solidarity between Indians that is being re-affirmed at these events. Indo-Trinidadians have a sense of unity with one another that is underscored at ritual events such as the yagna.

One person told me that it was a time to get together with

"apna jaat" or "those from the same jati. In India, this would refer to divisions of a varna, but in this case, it was referring to all East Indians as belonging to the same jati or caste classification. Thus during this ritual event, the sense of oneness or "people-hood" of East Indians is emphasized.

A second function of the yagna and the puja is that they are social events. Men and women dress in their finest clothes and make a night of it. Large, extended families travel to the location of the yagna or the puja to meet with friends and relatives to catch up on happenings.

There is also an aspect of community service in that large quantities of food are prepared and all those in 143 attendance are invited to partake of it. At some y a g n a s clothing and household items are distributed to the needy, as is money in some cases.

In the following chapter, some analytical approaches to the data presented will be discussed. Structural oppositions between Africans and East Indians will be identified and explored.

144 CHAPTER 8

ANALYTICAL APPROACHES

Ritual and Symbol

Symbolic approaches have had a long history in the anthropological analysis of religion.24 One of the most famous examples comes from Sir James Frazer’s description of the ancient Egyptians identifying Isis the goddess with grain, beer, fertility and abundance. Frazer describes this in great detail in his once widely read book The Golden Bough ( 1890 - 1915).

Another early symbolic approach to religion comes from

Durkheim’s writings, especially his 1915 classic Les Formes

24Symbolic anthropology has its roots in the works of Frazer, Durkheim and others, but it gained popularity in the 1960s when scholars like Geertz, Schneider, Turner and Needham provided a new definition of culture. They viewed culture as shared symbols and assumed that cultural systems have an internal coherence which is perpetuated through rituals and symbols. Symbolic anthropologists concern themselves with meanings of cultural phenomena, so that in addition to describing behavior and action, they probe deeper and strive to analyze symbols. 145 Elémentaires de la Vie Religieuse. In this influential work,

Durkheim tries to explain the principles of religious symbolism. He refers to sociocultural forms and emblems as

"representations collectives" of the social structure and ties this into his distinctions between the sacred and profane aspects of society. His idea of "collective representations" leads to the conclusion that each society imposes its own categories on the external world of plants and animals and that religion is a symbolic manifestation of social reality.

The symbolism of right and left sides was taken up by

Robert Hertz, a member of Durkheim’s Annee Sociologique group, who, like many of Durkheim’s pupils, was a casualty of

World War I. Hertz found that the right side generally refers to sacredness, whereas the left side symbolizes profane qualities.

Hertz published his ideas in "Pre-eminence of the Right Hand: A

Study in Religious Polarity" (1909) which was translated by the Needhams as Death and the Right Hand (1973). Borrowing heavily from his teacher Durkheim, Hertz makes a distinction between the sacred and profane, a dualism which he feels perm eates social life and refers to as a "law of polarity".

146 Hertz’s thesis would certainly apply to Indians and their religious rituals. After each puja, yagna, or other festivities when the aarti was brought out or when the p rasad w as accepted, it was crucial to use only one’s right hand. The left hand was felt to be "unclean" and "unfit for such auspicious things".

The symbolic approach to religion becam e quite popular in the 1960s, when anthropologists became increasingly concerned with meaning and with re-defining culture.

Symbolic anthropologists view culture as shared meaning.

Clifford Geertz, influenced by the philosopher Gilbert Ryle, feels that anthropologists must endeavor to understand cultural symbols and ideology. He notes that the re-definition of culture has been crucial in recent years. In Islam Observed

(1968: 95) Geertz writes:

There has been . . . a general shift in modern anthropological discussion of culture, and within it of religion as part of culture, a shift from a concern with thought as an inner mental state or stream of such states to a concern with thought as the utilization by individuals in society of public, historically created vehicles of reasoning, perception, feeling, and understanding - symbols in the broadest sense of the term.

147 Geertz (1973), along with David Schneider (1968) and others view culture and religion as systems of meanings. They feel that the best way to understand a particular culture is through the meanings of its symbols.

Several approaches to symbolic anthropology have come from British anthropologists, such as Mary Douglas and Victor

Turner. Douglas’ works (1966, 1970, 1975) are concerned with the interpretation of ideologies in symbolic terms. Coming from the Oxford structuralist tradition, Douglas was interested in the symbolic analysis of religion and taboo. In Purity and

Danger (19661. Douglas looked at pollution taboos and related them to body symbolism. She hypothesized that the human body symbolizes the social structure. Social threats and dangers are equated with bodily substances, such as menstrual blood, urine and feces, which are viewed as unclean and polluting.

Perhaps the best known British symbolic anthropologist is Victor Turner, who studied under Max Gluckman at

Manchester. Turner's fieldwork among the Ndembu was instrumental in the formation of his ideas on rituals and

148 symbols, for the Ndembu are a Central African group known for the richness of their rituals.

Turner popularized symbolic studies of religion through his monographs on the Ndembu (1957, 1961, 1967). He introduced the discipline of "comparative symbology" as the study of ritual symbolism and dynamics. Several ideas and concepts central to symbolic anthropology are credited to

Turner. In his dissertation entitled Schism and Continuity in an

African Tribe (1957), Turner examines Ndembu society in terms of contradictions between matrilineal descent and virilocal residence and the manner in which these contradictions are resolved through ritual and symbol. Turner (1957: 124) writes that rituals and norms "cover the presence of contradiction within the society". Turner’s first monograph introduced the concepts of "social drama", "metaphor" and "metonym". Due to the "multivocalic nature of symbols" they are able to "unify apparently disparate significata". In several works. Turner

"demonstrated that the use of rite and symbol (are) a key to the understanding of social structure and social process". Turner outlines three key properties of ritual symbols: condensation or "multivocality" of meaning, unification of "disparate 149 significata" and polarization of meaning, so that both the ideological and sensory (natural) processes are expressed. Key concepts such as liminality, structure, anti-structure, communitas, and performance were introduced by Turner in his

"comparative symbology".

Turner and other symbolic anthropologists provided new ways of examining culture and religion. They assumed that religious systems have an internal coherence which is perpetuated through rituals and symbols. Symbolic anthropologists concern themselves with meanings of religious phenomena, so in addition to describing behavior and action, they probe deeper and strive to analyze symbols.

The solidarity of Indians in Trinidad is expressed eloquently in their festivals such as Phagwa and Diwali, and rituals such as the puja and the y a g n a . These religious gatherings serve to define unity among Indians. Even though these ceremonies have their roots in Sanatan Dharma or

Hinduism, participation is not limited to Hindus. Indian

Muslims and Christians alike engage in the festivals and rituals that are normally associated with Hindus. It appears that symbols from Hinduism have been selected to represent 150 "Indian-ness", and to differentiate East Indians from Africans in Trinidad. Festivals and rituals are used as a means for both the expression of and the resolution of social conflicts.

Referring to the yagna described in chapter 6, we see that this ritual reflects the social order and affirms social norms through symbolism, in this particular case, with symbols taken from the epic text The Ramayana. Throughout the performance of the yagna it was stated that "we need to go back to the glory days of Rama Raj " and that we must emulate the qualities of Rama and Sita (the hero and heroine of The

Ramayana ). The yagna also stressed the kulu reet or the traditions of the family and it underscored the premium placed on one’s family among Trinidadian Indians. As we have seen this was one aspect that East Indians regularly brought up to differentiate themselves from Afro -Trinidadians. At the same time, the yagna also brought up the idea of "a national family", comprised of all of the inhabitants of Trinidad and Tobago.

Thus in this event, it was implicit that:

In ritual . . . the ultimate emphasis is that harmony among people can be achieved despite the conflicts, and that social institutions and values are in fact harmonious - ultimate statements that are belied 151 to some extent by the ritualization itself. Ritual can do this since ritual selects to some extent from the gam ut of moods, of cooperative links, and of conflicts (Gluckman 1963: 236)

If we apply this idea to "Indian culture" in Trinidad we see that a dynamic system emerges, especially in the area of festivals and rituals. This dynamic aspect is functional to

Indians in that even though their cultural traditions have faced immense pressures to change, it has enabled the perpetuation of traditional religious aspects under new guises.

Structural Analysis

Structuralism has been a popular approach in anthropological analysis, especially among British and French social anthropologists. Structuralism is associated most closely with Claude Lévi-Strauss, although the idea of

"structure" and structural thinking were present in the thinking of Durkheim and his Annee Sociologique group, as well as in the writings of the linguist Ferdinand de Saussure.

L each , in his article "Structuralism in Social

Anthropology" (1973) equates structuralism with Lévi-Strauss' thinking. He feels that "structuralism is neither a theory nor a 152 method but a way of looking at things" (page 37). Lévi-Strauss is the "founder of structuralism" in Leach’s mind. Leach feels that structuralism provides a synthesis of the ideas of

Radcliffe-Brown and Malinowski since it represents a union of sociological and psychological thinking. He writes (1978: 38):

For Malinowski, institutions serve to satisfy the biological needs of the individual; for Radcliffe- Brown they satisfy the mechanical needs of the social system as such. Lévi-Strauss (by developing ideas initiated by Mauss) has attempted a synthesis of these two positions. The Durkheim - Radcliffe-Brown metaphor by which the articulation of society is seen as Mike that of an organism’ is replaced by Lévi-Strauss by the proposition that the articulation of culture is Mike that of language’. The superficial details of this language are peculiar to particular social systems; the way it is manipulated is the outcome of individual self- interest; but the ultimate grammar of the language is a human universal.

Structuralist thinking starts with the assumption that certain codes exist in culture. These codes disguise true meaning behind the surface manifestations of culture traits. If these ideas are applied to my research among East Indians in

Trinidad, it becomes useful to view their cultural elements in terms of the relationships they have to the other major 153 cultural element - the traditions of the Africans in Trinidad. It

is then that a pattern emerges, albeit one that is couched in

symbols.

"Binary Oppositions"

Dualistic classifications have a long history in

anthropology. Durkheim { 1915; quoted in Lessa and Vogt 1979:

28) alluded to this in his definition of religion:

All known religious beliefs, whether simple or complex, present one common characteristic; they presuppose a classification of all the things, real or ideal, of which men think into two classes. . . generally designated by two distinct terms which are translated well enough by the words profane and sacred.

Evans- Pritchard, in his seminal book Nuer Religion

(1956) characterizes Nuer cosmology as dualistic with a

marked opposition between kwoth (or spirit) and the earth.

This separation is closed during sacrifice. According to Evans-

Pritchard, the Nuer distinguish between the life and blood of the sacrificial animal and its meat - the flesh is eaten by the

Nuer after the sacrifice and is seen as belonging to the earth,

154 whereas the blood and life belong to the spirit or kwoth in Nuer

cosmology. Nuer social life is also characterized by duality

and may be represented by the following contrasts (Evans-

Pritchard 1956: 231-8):

Kwoth Earth

spirit humans

light darkness

right le ft

e a st w e s t

above below

strong w eak

masculine feminine

Evans-Pritchard’s techniques were continued by his student

Mary Douglas, especially in her book Purity and Danger (1966).

Douglas looked at food taboos in Leviticus and concluded that

sense could be made of it if the Hebrew animal classification

system was understood. The animals which were "anomalies",

that is, they did not fit neatly into categories, became tabooed.

Drawing from her own work among the Lele, Douglas wrote that:

155 Certain animals . . . are appropriate for men to eat, others for women, others for children, others for pregnant women. Others are regarded as totally inedible. One way or another the animals which they reject as unsuitable for human or female consumption turn out to be ambiguous according to their scheme of classification. Their animal taxonomy separates night from day animals; animals of the above (birds, squirrels and monkeys) from animals of the below; water animals and land animals. Those whose behavior is ambiguous are treated as anomalies of one kind or another and are struck off someone’s diet sheet. (1970: 196)

Douglas’s analysis of dietary taboos resembles that of Edmund

Leach, who was also interested in the anomaly, or the abnormal category. Leach demonstrated that the anomaly is viewed with ambivalence and is tabooed. In his amusing article

"Anthropological Aspects of Language: Animal Categories and

Verbal Abuse"(1964), he demonstrates how animals that do not fit into neat categories are the source of "indecent" symbols.

Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Jane Monnig Atkinson in their article "Man the Hunter and Woman: Metaphors for the

Sexes in llongot Magical Spells" (1975) write that a symbolic opposition based on sex, which they refer to as "symbolic parallelism", exists among the llongot of northern Luzon. This

156 opposition permeates all aspects of Luzon life and may be

represented by the following series of "structural oppositions":

forest garden

men wom en

game rice

wild boar domestic pig

wild chicken domestic chicken

life taking life giving

hunting cultivation

warfare motherhood

They conclude that . .certain oppositional principles constrain and organize cultural expressions universally . . . (and) that symbolic characterizations of men and women in any culture are shaped by social and ideological factors, and that

representations of one sex are dependent upon representations of the other"( 1975: 139).

Several of Rodney Needham’s (1961, 1967, 1968, 1973) articles deal with the structural dualities of social life which he feels illustrate the "natural proclivities of the human mind"

(1973: 123). Needham’s article "Right and Left in Nyoro

Symbolic Classification" (1967) is typical of his approach. In 157 it he outlines the classification system of the Nyoro by the

following contrasts:

Right Left

Man Woman

Heaven Earth

W hite Black

Pure Impure

Classified Anomalous

Life Death

Hard Soft

It appears that Lévi-Strauss was right after all - "binary oppositions" are to be found in societies from many parts of the world - from the Nuer to the llongot to the Nyoro.

One theme to emerge from my research was that East

Indians in Trinidad are united in their desire to separate themselves from Trinidadians of African descent. They take

great pains to enumerate the differences that exist between themselves and the Africans. With a nod to the anthropologists

158 whose works were cited above, this separation may be represented as a series of oppositions:^^

Indian African

Family Self

Stingy Spendthrift

Shy Forward

Rama / Sita Ravana

Ayodhya Lanka

No pork “unclean” meats

S tru cture Anti-structure (Carnival)

O utsider Insider

D.L.P. P.N.M

Family / Self

This opposition has already been identified in the section describing the yagna. At every East Indian festival and ritual event that I attended, 1994 being declared the "year of the

25 Klass (1991: 164-65) also mentions "an opposition in the on-going relationship between Trinidadians of Indian and African derivation. . . the Indo-Trinidadian strongly resents being treated as an outsider and an alien, but then continually rejects all overtures from the Afro-Trinidadian to come together and end ethnic distinctiveness". 159 family" was brought up over and over again. The importance of

family goes along with the Trinidadian Indians' perception of

this being one of the factors which differentiates them from

the larger Trinidadian society, so they have really latched on to

the United Nations declaration since it buttresses their own

values.26

In addition to this was the idea of The Ramayana as

presenting "the ideal role model for family life". One East

Indian woman, Sherry M., told me that "Lakshman's devotion to

his brother Rama isn’t something you see, but would like to see

it. . . Indians here know all the Hindu texts - we have kept our

culture, even after 150 years. . . Indian ways have been kept

mainly in carrying on the extended family".

Extended family ties and the role that they play in the

lives of Indians was taken up by Calypsonians. Brynner, in his

song "My Doolahin" (bride) laments the custom of parental

approval of marriage partners among Indians:

26 Freilich, in his PhD dissertation on peasants in Trinidad found that "the magic word for the East Indian around which his whole life is centred is the family" (quoted in Malik, 1971: 30) 160 You got to show that you could make roti (bread)

Curry goat and talkari (vegetables)

Else nothing like you could ever get my baytee (daughter)

Sparrow also regrets the East Indian custom of strong family

bonds in his calypso;

When I see you in your sari and your ohrini (long scarf)

I am captivated by your innovative beauty

If it wasn’t for your nanee (grandmother)

and your bhougee (sister-in-law)

I would marry you and take you in the country.

Another East Indian, a 29 year old man, stated that

"Indians are unique in Trinidad . . . mainly because of family . . .

you don’t see Indians going and having children without getting

properly married first". Children came up in other contexts

also. Parental obligations and responsibilities towards the future of their children was alluded to as being unique to East

Indians. One middle - aged East Indian woman said that Indians are "always looking out for their children - every Indian here 161 puts money aside for their kids - something you don’t see

Africans d o in g " . 27

Stingy / Spendthrift

Afro-Trinidadians often characterize East Indians as stingy and concerned with "watching their money grow in banks" instead of spending it. East Indians view Africans in

Trinidad as frivolous spenders who "don’t even leave any dollars for their children".

Braithwaite (1953: 49) posited that East Indian frugality contributed to their rise in economic status. This view is shared by many Afro-Trinidadians who make references to the state of abject poverty of the original indentured Indian laborers and their subsequent gain in wealth. This has been a perennial theme in calypso - Kelvin "The Kid" Mercedes introduced the East Indian character of Mr. Guptee to illustrate the strides made by East Indians:

27 A variant of this was a recurring them e in all the Hindi movies that played in Trinidad during my stay. Invariably there was the depiction of a mother being preoccupied with feeding her sons and never wanting them to leave the nest. The movies showed mothers languishing without their sons and doing everything they could to prevent their sons from moving away. 162 Guptee was a little boy a-living In the country

When them people passing they teasing little

Guptee

Now he is a big man with business in the city

All they could do but respect bigshot Mr. Guptee

He always use the latrine with gazette and some

w a te r

Now he using rest room with 2-ply toilet paper

He used to take datwan (stick) with salt . . .

Now he using Close-up toothpaste and scrubbing

with a toothbrush

He used to bathe with brown soap with water from

the copper. . . Now he living in style, he bathing

from a shower

One African cement worker named Iva told me that he cannot understand the Indians he works with: "Even when we get paid, they go home after work. Save money, not spend it". To this, his fellow worker Narine (the one that Iva was referring to) replied : "why spend all your money on beer? I have children - 163 one daughter, one son. Who will save money tor them?". We see that the opposition of stingy versus spendthrift ties in to the previous opposition of family versus self. Narine’s statement illustrates what many East Indians in Trinidad practice - saving their money so that their children benefit economically rather than spending it on themselves.

Shy / Forward

This opposition came up most frequently in regard to women - several East Indians characterized Afro-Trinidadian women as "forward, bold, strong". Conversely, Afro-

Trinidadians viewed East Indian women as "too shy and timid".

One East Indian man named Narine told me that he once had "a very close friendship with an African woman", so close that they had started to make wedding plans. But as their preparations were being formalized, "she started to become

Surpanakha". He was referring to the raksh asi (demoness) sister of Ravana in The Ramayana who fell in love with Rama.

After Rama spumed her, she pursued Rama’s brother Lakshman, but he too rejected her. Surpanakha then attacked Sita, but

Lakshman came to the rescue and cut off Surpanakha’s nose and 164 ears. Narine made parallels between the audacity of

Surpanakha and the "bold nature" of his ex-fiancee. 28

Rama - Sita -Lakshman / Havana

Many East Indians view Rama, Sita and Lakshman as

ideals of "what to strive for". These protagonists of The

Ramayana represent familial devotion, duty and obligation to

the Trinidadian East Indians. In Indian mythology Ramachandra

or Rama was Vishnu's seventh avatar who came to earth to kill

the demon king Havana, that is, to relieve the world of evil

forces. The multi-volumed epic The Ramavana tells the tale of

Rama’s exile accompanied by his devoted wife Sita and his

brother Lakshman (refer to page 10). Some themes in this text

are a son’s devotion to the wishes of his father, the loyal and

dutiful wife and the devotion and love between brothers.

28|nter-marriages between Africans and East Indians occur with enough frequency to warrant a term for the children of such unions. A person of mixed African and East Indian parentage is referred to as a "dougla". A woman with an African father and an East Indian mother told me that the word "dougla" comes from the Hindi word for two, referring to the "biracial roots" of such individuals. Actually, the word "dougla", in colloquial Hindi, translates as "bastard", and is commonly used as an insult. 165 At the m an d ir in Saint James, during a regular Sunday

puja, the p a n d it opened the day by telling us that one of the

women attending had lost her brother due to complications

from diabetes. In honor of his memory, she had requested a

sp ecial k a th a . T he p a n d it obliged by reciting the story of

Lakshman and his devotion to his brother Rama.

As Rama was an avatar of Vishnu, his wife Sita was an

incarnation of Lakshmi. In each incarnation as Vishnu's

consort, Lakshmi appears as a dutiful wife, but her fidelity is

at its apex in her role as Sita at which time her devotion and

faith are unmatched.

The opposite of Rama, Sita and Lakshman stands Ravana-

a rakshas (demon) who ruled Lanka and was infamous for

ravishing the wives of other men. As was seen earlier, some

East Indians in Trinidad make parallels between Ravana and

Africans (refer to chapter 7).

Ayodhya / Lanka

Ayodhya which translates as "that which cannot be

conquered in war", was the kingdom of Rama, whereas Lanka was the abode of Ravana. In the yagna described in chapter 7, 166 the pandit made an analogy between the situation in Trinidad and Tobago and Lanka. In The Ramayana the monkey god

Hanuman flies to Sri Lanka in the Indian ocean, a golden paradise which is unfortunately inhabited by r a k s h a s a s

(demons), to deliver a message from Rama to Sita and to scope out the land. During the y a g n a the p a n d it stated that:

"Hanuman looks into a paradise in the sun, in the Caribbean sea". Later, he said that "Trinidad and Tobago have become

Lanka - we have abandoned Dharma " and that he did not "wish to exist in Lanka society, but in Rama Raj society". Parallels were made between Lanka and Trinidad - both are beautiful islands but on both there are (were) those who bullied others and engaged in criminal activities.

No Pork / "Unclean" Meats

The "Indian diet" was frequently brought up as consisting of not eating red meat and pork. A couple of East Indians told me that it was best to be a vegetarian - "this was pure", but if one had to eat meat, it was best to avoid the "unclean meats that Africans eat". After some questioning I was able to

167 decipher that a hierarchy existed based on diet which might be illustrated as such:

P u re s t Vegetarian -"Hindu diet"

less pure fowl, fish

lower still mutton

Even lower red meat

Polluted pork and “bush meat”-

iguana, tatoo (arm a­

dillo), quenk (boar), and

oppossum

One East Indian woman who described herself as "a devout

Hindu" told me that she has recently given up eating meat due to the "Hindu view of ahim sa or non-violence". Mrs. E. said that

168 even "Manu smriti^^, the Indian law system says not to eat

meat for killing anything should be avoided because everything

has atm a (soul)". Mrs. E.’s daughter was not a vegetarian but she eschewed "bush meats" since "these were things that

Africans and Creoles eat. We never eat anything like that".

Structure / Anti-Structure

Victor Turner used the terms "structure and anti­ structure" to differentiate between a system that "is rooted in the past and extending into the future "(1974a: 272) with one that is elastic and everchanging. According to Moore and

Myerhoff (1977: 3) Turner “sees the two as existing in perpetual dialectical relationship over time”. Turner wrote that (1966: 177):

All human societies implicitly or explicitly refer to two contrasting social models . One . . . is of society as a structure of jural, political and economic positions, offices, statuses and roles, in which the individual is only ambiguously grasped behind in social persona. The other is of society as communitas of concrete, idiosyncratic individuals who, though in physical and mental endowment, are

29 This refers to the "Laws of Manu"- a compendium and codification of customs and traditions which are felt to be eternal ethics providing a code of conduct for humankind. 169 nevertheless regarded as equal In terms of shared hum anity.

Turner referred to the second social model as communitas, but admits that it is very hard to define. He draws from literary sources such as William Blake to make the idea of com m unitas accessible. During communitas society is "an undifferentiated, homogeneous whole, in which individuals confront one another integrally, and not as segmentalized' into statuses and roles" ( Turner 1966: 177). Turner identifies structure with Homo tiierarchicus, whereas anti-structure is most visible during "rituals of rebellion" (Gluckman 1954).

Gluckman defined "rituals of rebellion" as "an instituted protest demanded by sacred tradition which is seemingly against the established order, yet which aims to bless that order to achieve prosperity"(1954: 114). A striking feature of

"rituals of rebellion" is "the way in which they openly express social tensions" (Gluckman 1954: 112). Gluckman demonstrated that these rebellious rituals take place where there is "dispute about particular distributions of power, and not about the structure of the system itself. This allows for

170 instituted protest, and in complex ways renews the unity of the system" (ibid.).

We have already seen that to the East Indians in Trinidad,

Carnival epitomizes what Turner refers to as “anti-structure" and is a very good example of a "ritual of rebellion". Carnival is a “fete" in which "anything goes"- regular social rules are temporarily suspended. The normally staid Trinidadians take pleasure in openly flaunting their sexuality. East Indians often brought up their unwillingness to participate in Carnival as one aspect that separates them from their African counterparts. It is interesting that Turner makes the connection between structure and Homo hierarchicus - even though the Trinidadian

East Indians can no longer be characterized as hierarchical in the sense that Louis Dumont (1970) used the term to describe the South Asian caste system, there is some value in equating them with Turner’s concept of structure.

Outsider / Insider

Throughout this work, it has been seen that East Indians in Trinidad take great pride in "carrying on the traditions of

India". Every Indian that I spoke to identified themselves as 171 "Indian" and not as "Indo-Trlnldadian" nor as "Trinidadian".

They were constantly asserting the perpetuation and

replication of cultural traits from India “even after 150 years"

in order to retain their separate identity. Their definition of

themselves as “Indian" and not as “Trinidadian" has caused

many problems, many of which become apparent during sporting

events. For instance, Trinidadian Indians are eager to attend

cricket and soccer matches in which teams from India are

participating. Interestingly, they always cheer on the Indian team, sometimes even against the Trinidadian team! A

neighbor of mine used the term "cricket syndrome" to refer to this phenomenon that he said occurs in Britain also.

Those Indians who do cross the boundary into what is

seen as the domain of Africans are heavily criticized by the

Indian community. This happened to Drupatee Ramgoonai, a

Calypsonian from Penal in southem Trinidad, an area populated

mainly by East Indians. In 1987 Drupatee entered the world of calypso with her song "Chutney Soca" which ushered in a new musical style - one which mixed the Indian musical form of

"khimti", known as "chutney" in Trinidad with soca, which draws from soul, calypso and Indian sources. Drupatee was 1 72 voted the "Top female Recording Artiste of the Year 1988" and was widely popular in the calypso tents. But within the Indian community of Trinidad she was seen as "a thorn among East

Indian women" and was described as "immoral and disgusting".

A letter written to The Express on February 7, 1988 stated that "no Indian woman has any right to sing calypso". Another appeared in the Sandesh Paper on February 19, 1988 along similar lines:

For an Indian girl to throw her high upbringing and culture to mix with vulgar music, sex and alcohol in Carnival tents tells me that something is radically wrong with her psyche. Drupatee Ramgoonai has chosen to worship the Gods of sex, wine and easy money.

Drupatee was seen as an "outsider" to the African male dominated world of calypso. She counteracted their criticisms in the song "Throw me down":

Plenty Kaisonian have the same plan

Ah hear them whisper

When they together

They say kaiso ent have no nice Indian woman

They arm with fig skin

173 To flip this doolahin

They want to throw me down

They want to throw me down

But I doh fall down so easy at all

Drupatee’s songs tried to bridge the rift between Indians as

"outsiders" and Africans as "insiders" to Trinidad. A song popularized by her was "Hotter than a chula (skillet)", which had the following words:

The music of the steel drum of Laventille

Cannot help but mix with rhythms from Caroni

For it is a symbol of how much we come of age

It’s a brand new stage

Drupatee is alluding to Laventille as an area inhabited exclusively by Africans, whereas Caroni is a region with a strong Indian base. Another song entitled "Soca Chutney" by

Delamo used similar metaphors in referring to East Indians and

Africans: "Mix a bassman from Laventille, With a Dhantal from

Caroni". 174 D.L.P. / P.N.M.

Political separation between East Indians and Africans in

Trinidad has already been dealt with in chapter 3 where it was seen that historically the two groups have been antagonistic towards one another. According to Selwyn Ryan (1972: 21) this was true right from the beginning:

Relations between Negroes and Indians on and around the plantations were never cordial. The arrival of the Indians generated a conflict situation. The Africans, influenced by abolitionists and opponents of the plantation system, were quite hostile to the new-comers, whom they regarded as "pagan" and "heathen". They felt themselves more "native" and more civilized than the Hindus, who now constituted a distinct threat to their newly won freedom. This hostile attitude was reciprocated by the Indians, who found the Africans "award, vulgar in manners and savage".

This hostility continues till this day with each group fearing a

"take over" by the other. As was seen in chapter 3 political parties in Trinidad and Tobago are often based along ethnic lines. The "African party" P.N.M. has consistently won in

Trinidad with the exception of the 1958 Federal Elections when it was defeated. This defeat generated hysteria of an "Indian 17 5 take over". The calypsonian Killer expressed this fear in his song “Indian politicians" :

We going to all have the privilege

Trinidadians, to speak the Indian language

Population are growing so rapidly

Election time they win already

And as soon as they vote an Indian governor

Well the flag of India will be flying here

Tensions between East Indians and Africans were at an all time high during the General Elections of 1961. The "Indian party", the D.L.P. felt that East Indians were being harassed. Ryan

1972: 267) wrote that the D.L.P. felt that:

its "people" had become the principal targets of Negro vandalism. Items on the catalogue of woes related by the D.L.P. press included the stoning of mosques and temples, the looting of Indian homes and retail establishments, the beating of Indian vendors, the slashing of tires on the cars of Europeans, the pulling down of D.L.P. streamers, the breaking-up of D.L.P. election meetings, police brutality and the use of insulting expressions, for example "We don’t want no roti government" and "coolie must feed nigger". 176 Dr. Rudranath Capildeo was the head of the D.L.P. at this time.

During the 1961 elections Capildeo made a speech at Queens

Park Savannah (a centrally located park) in Port of Spain. In this fiery allocution he portrayed the D.L.P. in a state of war with the P.N.M.: "Arm yourself with weapons in order to take over this country . . . get ready to march on Whitehall, get ready now. Get ready to march on Government House". (Capildeo

O ctober 15, 1961 quoted in The Guardian ). He further incited the East Indians with these words: "Wherever P.N.M. holds a meeting, break it up . . . Wherever Dr. Williams goes, run him out of town. . . I am asking you to arm yourself with a weapon in order to take over this country". Despite Capildeo’s words, there was no violence during the elections and Eric Williams’s

Peoples’ National Movement won.

After the elections, tensions between the two groups were somewhat suspended as both East Indians and Africans became united to prepare for the independence of Trinidad and

Tobago. Several calypsonians celebrated the alleged unity of the two "races". Nat Hepburn’s "Discipline, Tolerance,

Production" is representative of other songs of the period: 1 7 7 Let us sing, let us dance and let us pray

To celebrate Trinidad and Tobago Independence Day

So regardless of your race

Your colour and class

Let us love one another and drink up playing we

m a s ’

Williams and Capildeo will go down in history

Let’s forget who is P.N.M.

Let’s forget who is D.L.P.

Let’s live in harmony, in racial solidarity

This is your place

Let’s forget this nonsense ‘bout race.

In this chapter, a structural dichotomy was established for

Africans and East Indians. It was found that East Indians liked to specify inherent differences between themselves and

A frican s.

178 CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION

East Indian definitions of identity have been examined

within the wider Trinidadian cultural milieu. Several

anthropologists who have looked at "overseas Indians" have

seen them as "relics" of the cultural traditions of India, n

was found that such perceptions are limited in their scope.

East Indians in Trinidad are far more dynamic and have created

aspects of their traditions in response to the situation in the

Caribbean. In other words, their practices are not washed down

versions of those in their "mother country" but are creative

and viable alternatives. Rituals, festivals and symbols

have played a key role in definitions of East Indian identity.

Even though these have been "invented"(Hobsbawm and Ranger

1983) they are seen by East Indians as being "authentic"

representations and replications of the practices in India. At

30 Clarke 1967; Klass 1961, 1991; Malik 1971; Singh 1974 179 every turn the East Indians faced challenges and antagonisms, forcing them to think of themselves as apart from the rest of

Trinidadian society. They tried to faithfully re-create the traditions of village India after their arrival In Trinidad, but were not really successful In doing so. This pattern has parallels to the rural Javanese Immigrants moving to an urban location. Geertz (1957; 33) describes that the villagers tried to practice their traditional rituals In the cities but were not

In the least bit successful, for life In the urban location relied on socio-political divisions,whereas In the rural areas from which they came. It was based on their experiences due to shared residence.

The situation among Trinidadian East Indians Is along the lines of what Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983: 2) refer to as

"Invented traditions" - they are portrayed and viewed as continuous since "time Immemorial", but are actually

"responses to novel situations which take the form of reference to old situations". Hobsbawm and Ranger( 1983:4) posit that the Invention of tradition arises "more frequently when a rapid transformation of society weakens or destroys

180 the social patterns for which 'old' traditions had been

designed".

Moving to another part of the world, not being allowed to

practice one's religion and being part of an ever-changing

society and economy certainly would create a situation under

which Hobsbawm and Ranger's invention of tradition would

flo u rish .

The Trinidadian East Indians cite their practice of ritual

and festivals as "proof" of their continuity with their

"motherland". But as was seen earlier, even though a festival

such a s phagw a in Trinidad is very far removed from the way that it is celebrated in India, it is not viewed as such by the

Trinidadian East Indians. Changing the manner in which phagwa

is celebrated has had socio-political implications in that it has

served to differentiate East Indians from Africans.

This monograph will conclude with implications for further research. Religious aspects of Trinidadian East Indians

in terms of their identity have been discussed. An additional

area to be covered could include the topic of political power

relations, specifically, the changes resulting from Indians gaining more political control. Another direction suggested by 181 this work is whether or not separatist movements will emerge in Trinidad based on ethnicity. A defining characteristic of

Trinidad is its heterogeneity (Malik 1971; 4) and an area of research could examine the other ethnic groups to see whether or not they exhibit structural dichotomies along the lines of those that have been described for East Indians. Finally, it would be worthwhile to research other parts of the world in which East Indians have settled, for example in Fiji and

Mauritius, to see the applicability of the ideas and conclusions presented in this m onograph.

182 APPENDIX A

CHRONOUOGY

1498 Columbus lands in Trinidad

1592 The first Spanish colony is established at San Jose de O runa

1595 Sir Walter Raleigh discovers Pitch Lake and uses its asphalt to caulk his ships

1797 Sir Ralph Abercrombie captures Trinidad for B rita in

1802 Trinidad is ceded to Britain under the Treaty of A m ien s

1833 British Parliament passes the Emancipation Act

1 8 45 Fatel Rozack brings East Indians to Trinidad

1846 Portuguese, Chinese, Irish, Scots and Germans emigrate to Trinidad

1889 Tobago becomes part of the colonial unit of Trinidad

1910 Oil is discovered on Trinidad

1917 Importation of East Indian indentured workers ends

1958 Establishment of the Federation of the West Indies made up of former British colonies in the Caribbean 183 1962 Trinidad and Tobago gain independence from Britain

1976 Trinidad and Tobago become a Republic within the Commonwealth

184 APPENDIX B

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO: STATISTICS

A rea: 1,980 square miles

Capital : Port of Spain

Population : 1 ,2 7 1 ,0 0 0

Ethnic Makeup : 43 % African: 40 % East Indian; 14 % mixed; 1 % white; 1 % Chinese; 1 % other

Major Language : English

Religions : 32 % Roman Catholic; 24 % Hindu; 14 % Anglican; 14 % Protestant; 6 % Muslim; 10 % other

Government: Parliamentary democracy Patrick Manning as Prime Minister Noor Hassanali as President

Economy: Per capita income: $ 3, 800 Natural Resources: oil, petroleum Agriculture: sugarcane, cocoa, coffee, bananas Industry: petroleum, cement, food processing Exports: $ 1.9 billion Imports: $ 996 million

185 GLOSSARY aarti - offerings of lighted deyas and chants to deities in between two ritual phases, or at the end of the ritual. abir / abeer - powdered dye used during phagwa celebrations ashta snaan- The 24 hours of a day are divided into units of three hours each, referred to as yam a . Ashta snaan refers to a ritual in which the devotee takes a bath after each yam a. bastra- attire, dress or cover bhajans- religious songs bhojan- meal; feast b h ou jee - sister-in-law bhakti- devotion. The Bhakti movement refers to a religious movement started in 14th century India by Caitanya Maha Prabhu

Brahma puja- Brahma is viewed as the force or manifestation of "the Almighty" which is responsible for creation. Brahma is worshipped and called upon as "witness" and "helper" during some ceremonies. brahmcharya sankalpa- The vow taken to lead a pure spiritual life, usually including celibacy. chowtal - This is usually a song sung in sixteen beats, divided into four units with four beats in each unit. It also refers to the devotional music sung at the center of villages (where the four corners of the village meet) during evening prayers. chula - skillet 186 dan da - stick or staff

datwan- a twig that is used as a toothbrush in parts of India

deshi- of the same country

deyas - clay lamps filled with oil and cotton wicks

dholak -small hand drum

dharam vani- translates as "the voice of duty or religion"- it refers to vocal preaching of spiritual duties

dhoti- traditional Indian clothing for men

divija- this translates as "the source of enlightenment", hence enlightened or learned individuals are called divija.

diwali- a festival associated with Lakshmi, the goddess of prosperity and fortune

duiohin - bride

Durga- She represents the fierce form of Mahadevi ( Great Goddess) and is depicted as a beautiful woman with yellow skin. She was created to kill demons, especially the buffalo demon Mahisha.

Ganesh- A very popular Hindu deity who is seen as the remover of obstacles, so he is propitiated before undertaking anything of importance. Ganesh is renowned for his learning of the scriptures and his wisdom. It is said that it was Ganesh who wrote The Mahabharata at the dictation of Vyasa, the great sage.

Gayatri mantra- A specific mantra of great importance. It literally translates to “that which saves the soul by singing or repeating”.

Gita- refers to the Bhaoavada Gita

187 grahas- literally translates as "to catch, hold or put in place". It alludes to the positions of planets and constellations at particular times and the supposed effect of such formations in the life of a person, or to events relating to the world. grahasti- householder ghee- clarified butter. Considered to be a “pure substance". granta- A book specifically relating to religion guna- this refers loosely to temperament or force. There are said to be three gunas- satva refers to the sustaining force; Raja to the creative force; and Tama to the destructive or degenerative force. Creation is said to depend on these forces and actions. People are also categorized by the pre-dominance of one or the other of these forces. gyaan- wisdom

Hanuman- Hanuman is the monkey deity whose mother was Anjana, the monkey queen. He is renowned for his learning and for faithfully serving Rama. In The Ramayana. Hanuman is described as flying to Lanka with his army of monkeys in order to deliver a message to Sita and to scope out Havana's land. holi / phagwa- A springtime festival occurring at the time of the vernal equinox.

Indra- Indra is the king of the celestials and the god of storms who uses his bow to hurl lightening and thunderbolts on the earth. Indra lives in swarga (heaven) on Mount Mem. janew - This refers to the three or five threads that are worn by brahmins around their necks. The three threads represent the three forces of nature- satya, referring to the good and bright qualities that sustain spiritual progress and peace of mind; raya, referring to the worldly desires and actions that lead to pleasures, pain, success and frustration; and tama, which refers to lethargy, inaction and the subsequent darkness of mind "that leads to degeneration". Thus the three threads are reminders of these three forces which govern all creation. 188 When five threads are used, they are reminders of the five senses of perception, which lead a person to good or bad deeds and hence have to be properly harnessed towards spirituality. jai- Great, as in "Jai Rama" being "Rama the Great". jee- an honorific suffix

Kabir Panths- This sect of Hinduism was started by the followers of the Hindu saint Kabirdas who was a cloth weaver and a writer of folk songs. His songs were popularized by folk singers, thereby spreading his teachings of universal brotherhood and the essential divinity of atm a (soul). katha- a story taken from the Pu ran as kartik snan- In the month of kartika, some take a vow to bathe in a holy river every morning. This is supposed to propitiate Lord Krishna and his consort Radha. There are several scriptural references to this practice. Some devotees bathe on the full moon of this month in the belief that it will atone for all the sins they committed in the prior year. This is also referred to as Kaushiki Snaan- Kaushiki is supposed to be an incamation of Parvati, the consort of Shiva. She is said to take the form of a river of the same name.

Lakshmi- the consort of Vishnu is also known as Sri and is represented as a beautiful golden woman. She is the goddess of fortune and prosperity and is often worshipped during Diwali. m andir- tem ple

M anu- a rishi (sage) who, according to Hindu beliefs "begot the human race". His laws are a compendium and codification of ancient traditions and ethics and offer the varna system as a way to classify society. mantra- a specific word, or combination of words to be chanted for enlightenment. m aseehah- wailing dirges

189 muhurram- The first month of the Muslim calender

mundun- ritual shaving of the head as part of an Initiation ritual. The first such shaving usually takes place when the child is three years old. murti- a representation or statue of a deity navratri- this literally stands for a ritual function that lasts for nine days and nights. There are two of them - one at the beginning of spring and the other at the beginning of autumn, the latter being more popular. It Is said that Rama performed this ritual to seek the grace of the goddess (Shaktl) In order to vanquish Havana. Some sects introduced the sacrifice of animals on the seventh, eighth, and the ninth days of the rituals. The tenth day is designed as Vijaya (victory day) to allude to the belief that the goddess is always victorious over the demons. nawab - governor pandit - a learned person. patra - An almanac focusing on the astrological significance of planetary configurations and positions.

Puranas - Historical and mythological stories making the teachings of the Smritis more accessible. pranam- formal show of respect. Usually takes the form of bowing one's head or touching the feet of one's elders. prasad - offerings of sweets, fruits, nuts and flowers during pujas which are shared by believers at the end of the ceremonies. puja- w orship purohit- a pandit performing the puja reet- tra d itio n

190 s am aj- society sam skara- the qualities acquired through training, heredity or due to tradition

Saraswati- She is the goddess of poetry, music, and learning. She is said to have invented the Sanskrit language.

Shakti- refers to the goddess in Hinduism. Also translates as pow er.

Shastras- the scriptures

Shiva Narayana sect- This is a branch of Hinduism which is an amalgam of Shivaite and Vaishnava sects. They preach that Shiva and Vishnu are names of the same Supreme Being - when he indulges in the dissolution of creation, he is Shiva, and when he chooses to preserve creation, he is called Vishnu.

Shivratri- the night of Shiva. This night is devoted to Shiva who is worshipped to bestow longevity, health and a pleasant after-life. On this night the worshippers are supposed to be on vigil and stay awake all night. Some say that this is the night when Shiva and his consort Parvati were married, but this reference is not found in Hindu scriptures. siksha- teaching or preaching

Sm ritis- interpretations of the Hindu scriptures passed on to disciples by their gurus and remembered by the former to be traditionally taught in an on-going process.

Sunderkaand- This is the canto of the epic Ramayana which describes the traversing of the sea-pass by Hanuman to reach Lanka to discover Sita imprisoned by Havana. Later in the canto, Hanuman delivers the message of Rama to Sita; cunningly sets Lanka on fire; and returns back to India to tell Rama of Sita's situation. Episodes of great diplomacy and intrigue follow and finally Rama prepares to cross the sea to Lanka to emancipate Sita.

191 swabhav- the natural traits, likes and dislikes, that individualize any being. tadjahs / ta’ziyeh- replicas of the tombs of the martyred brothers Hassan and Hussein tassa - a small drum with clay heads varna- a system of classifying people outlined by the sage Manu. The word varna literally means "color"

Vedas- this Sanskrit word for "knowledge" refers to the oldest sacred texts of Hinduism. These include incantations, hymns, psalms and so on in four major writings- the Rig Veda . the Yajur Veda, the Sama Veda and the Atharva Veda. yagna / yagyna- refers to Vedic rituals zamindar- a landholder

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