Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors; Birch Bark Baskets
Faith Decontie
HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
Managing Editor
Dr. Anne Trépanier
Desktop publishing
Shermeen Nizami
Proofreading and final edit
Emma Gooch and Ryan Lux
Editorial Board
Dr. Daniel MacFarlane, Amanda Murphy, Sarah Spear, Ryan Lux, Greer, Jessica Helps, Martha Attridge Bufton, Paula Chinkiwsky, Sarah Baker, Heather Leroux, Victoria Ellis, Stephanie Elliot, Emma Gooch, Cassandra Joyce, Brittany Collier, Tiffany Douglas, Anne Trépanier.
Guest Editor
Dr. Daniel MacFarlane
Special thanks
Patrick Lyons and Andrew Barrett
Copyright Notice
© Faith Decontie, April 2014
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy, or transmission of this publication, or part thereof in excess of one paragraph (other than as a PDF file at the discretion of School of Canadian Studies at Carleton University) may be made without the written permission of the author. To quote this article refer to: ― Faith Decontie, Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors; Birch Bark Baskets, Capstone Seminar Series, (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, number 1, Spring 2014, page number and date of accession to this website: http://capstoneseminarseries.wordpress.com
2 FAITH DECONTIE
Honouring the Memory of our Ancestors; Birch Bark Baskets
Faith Decontie
ABSTRACT
The cultural practice of Algonquin birch bark basket making is a continuing distinct method of connecting to their ancestors. In the Algonquin reserve of Kitigan Zibi, birch bark baskets are a way of both honouring their ancestors and passing down traditional valuable teachings of Anishnabe culture. The once practiced assimilation policies in Section 3 of An Act Further to Amend The Indian Act, 1880, to ban First Nation ceremonial practices within Canada, is one example that demonstrates unsettling historical relationships between Indigenous people and the Canadian Government. As a result of the Canadian Government assimilation policies of banning ceremonial practices, the disconnection between Indigenous people and Canadians are apparent through public spaces such as the Canadian Museum of History in the Canada Hall. The presence of Algonquin birch bark baskets in the Canada Hall would reflect a potential positive relationship between Canadians and the First People of this land.
KEYWORDS Anishnabe Cultural Practices, Unsettling Historical Relationships, Canada Hall
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
3 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS
"May we, the present, renew that pride, strengthen it, and pass it on to our children, the future"
- Ernest McGregor
Figure 1:Photograph courtesy of Kitigan Zibi Culture Center.
In the present, Anishnabe (Algonquin) people of Kitigan Zibi have and continue to practice their cultural traditions in honour of their ancestors. Prior to European influence the Algonquin people maintained a distinct cultural knowledge, life lessons and language through animated objects such as birch bark baskets despite European influence. In contemporary society, the people of Kitigan Zibi continue to make birch bark baskets in honour of their ancestors. The process of creating the baskets is attached with a deeply spiritual significance within Anishnabe culture. Within this paper I intend to explain the diverse values birch bark baskets continue to have in Algonquin culture drawing on both Indigenous academic scholars, and relating individual experiences shared from Kitigan Zibi reserve. First, I will discuss the importance of trees within Indigenous culture, concentrating on how the trees are valued within Algonquin practices. Second, I explore the importance of understanding
4 FAITH DECONTIE the reason Algonquin people today continue to make baskets in honour and memory of their ancestors. Finally, I will explore the reasons why Algonquin birch bark baskets should have a place within the Canada Hall, at the Canadian Museum of History. I demonstrate how a birch bark basket collection has potential to reflect a positive relationship between Indigenous and Canadian culture.
Sacred Trees Birch bark trees are fundamentally important within traditional and modern Algonquin cultural practices. In Kitigan Zibi, baskets made from trees have many different purposes such as: food storage, trading, and methods of retaining cultural knowledge.1 The baskets are created to continue on Anishnabe (Algonquin) legacy and adapted for commodity purposes as a means of living. In the area of Kitigan Zibi, there are two types of birch bark trees; the first is the wigwas (white birch) and winsik (yellow birch).2My kokom (grandmother), Pauline Decontie, once shared a story with me explaining how the yellow birch tree is a medicinal remedy for an upset stomach. The elders today who still use the yellow birch as a medicinal remedy express in comical ways how it tastes slightly similar to Pepto-Bismol. My kokom also explained how wigwas, the white birch bark tree, has multiple purposes. The outside layer is used to make various items such as: baskets, canoes, and sap. The various medicinal and creative cultural products previously stated are some examples of why the birch bark tree has continued to have great significance within the Algonquin culture. Trees continue to be symbolically and physically important within different Indigenous spiritual cultural practices in North America. Dr. A.C Ross's book, Mitakuye Oyasin, discusses the sacred character of trees among other international
1Decontie, Pauline. Personal Interview. 14 Feb. 2014. 2McGregor, Ernest, and Quebeć Maniwaki.Algonquin Lexicon. Third Edition ed. Maniwaki, Quebec:́ The Authority, 1984.Pg 29 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
5 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS
Indigenous cultures. For instance, he explains how they symbolically and physically bring healing to the people. Ross further elaborates on the flowering tree in Black Elk's vision (a Lakota medicine man) that symbolized Wakan Tanka in the English language means the equivalent to God.3Ross explains how Lakota, Dakota and Nakota cultures all collectively practice Sun Dance ceremonies. The Sun Dances continue to be a very important spiritual ceremony that is still practiced amongst Dakota, Lakota and Nakota people. Ross describes, "the sacred tree in the center of the Sun Dance is a symbol of God, and the Sun Dance circle represents the universe".4 Ross’ interpretation of Black Elk's vision of the flowering tree is important because it explains the role that trees have within Dakota, Lakota and Nakota culture. In Algonquin culture, birch bark trees are sacred and are internalized as animated spirits that are viewed as equal to animals and human beings. Through an Algonquin lens, birch bark trees symbolically represent a reflection of the people. Simply, how one takes care of the environment is a reflection of how you take care of yourself.
Methodology In Algonquin culture, symbolism remains vital. Rebecca and Philip Stein note how “[s]ymbols can stand for emotions and complex philosophical concepts that exist only in our minds.”5Ross mentions how in "Dakota/Lakota philosophy, it is believed that Wakan Tanka is the center of the universe, symbolized by the sacred tree in the middle of the Sun Dance circle".6 Mrs. Meness, an elder from Kitigan Zibi, once shared a story with me about how at every meal during her childhood, her father would spill the first sip of soup, or give the first bite of his meal to the trees outside their shack. The first spoon of soup or bite of a meal was given back into the earth to
3Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 107. 4Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 107. 5Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57. 6Ross, A. C.Mitakuye Oyasin = We Are All Related. Centennial ed. Ft. Yates, N.D.: Bear, 1989. Pg 123.
6 FAITH DECONTIE the roots of the trees. That intentional interaction of sharing with the spirit world and other spiritual organisms represents the equal respect shared amongst one another. The notion of equality amongst living organisms and human beings are reflected back in understanding the importance of trees. Elder Meness explained that her father giving the first bite or sip of his food was a daily spiritual practice, one that was learned and passed down generations before him. Her story reveals the value that trees have in connecting Algonquin people to their ancestors. Birch bark trees are viewed as sacred because they are spiritual animated organisms that cleanse the air, assist in healing, and supply material for medicine and food. Birch bark trees remain a crucial part of Algonquin identity because their presence keeps their spirits connected to the spirits world. Symbolic images have always been instrumental in continuing on stories, teachings, moral lessons, and cultural legacies. Stein explains how symbols are complex and more than just simple objects7 they are also artistic representations, signifiers, and a respective religious systems.8 In Algonquin culture, the images on birch bark baskets have become a method of continuing shared cultural knowledge. Some of these symbols include wave figures and half circles which represent the moon and water. In Algonquin and Midewiwin (Anishnabe spiritual society) beliefs, women are the keepers of the water. Women are responsible for cleansing the water each spring to prepare for new life to come. The wave figures and half circles are drawn on baskets represent different meanings, depending on the context in which it was created. Within a Midewiwin context, females who make birch bark baskets draw the waves and half circles as an artistic representation of their experience during the
7Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57. 8Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein.The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011.Pg 57-62. CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
7 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS berry fast. The artwork becomes an expression of their experience and a story is shared during their coming out ceremony. Anishnabe Cultural Practices In Kim Anderson’s Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine, Anderson shares her interpretation of Anishnabe life cycle teachings. She explains how the health and well-being of the individual is dependent on how she or he fulfills his or her life stage roles and responsibilities.9Anderson elaborates on the Midewiwin view and how in seven stages, they define roles and responsibilities. The seven stages are: infancy "the spirit life"; childhood "the good life"; youth "fast life"; young adulthood "doing life"; middle adulthood "planning life"; mature adulthood "doing life"; and elder years "elder life".10 Depending on the knowledge keeper, the teachings of the life stages are shared from the elders who are responsible for holding the teachings they have learned from both passed down stories and life experience. Anderson explains the framework of the roles and responsibilities within the seven stages of Midewiwin culture to explain how memories, teachings and medicine stories are passed down through the different cycles. She elaborates on how the transition to each stage of life was followed by specific protocols and guidelines. As an example, through the Midewiwin lens, a young girl transitioning from the good life to the fast life would fast for a year. Fasting does not always mean not eating for long periods of time, but rather disciplining oneself from certain things in for specific reasons. In Kitigan Zibi, for the families who continue Midewiwin spiritual practices, the berry fast is one of the most sacred ceremonies that honours women as the life giving force within their culture. The berry fast is a ceremony for young girls, who after experiencing their first moon cycle (menstrual cycle), choose to fast for berries
9Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine.Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 4. 10Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine.Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 9.
8 FAITH DECONTIE for four seasons with the encouragement and teachings from their grandmothers. In most First Nations cultures, there are different variations of fasting; Anderson explains that fasting is the most common practice among the people.11 The berry fast duration is a full year (four seasons). A young girl lives a strict disciplined lifestyle to role model herself after Mother Earth, to prepare to be like her when she is a woman giving life in the future. There are a number of things they cannot do with the understanding that they are contributing to strengthening future life creation such as: eat any type of berries (even artificial flavouring) to give up the indulgence of the sweetness of the life blood of the earth to strengthen future life creation; hold newborns to strengthen the unborn yet to come (babies who haven't had their walking out ceremony); and consume recreational substances such as drugs or alcohol or any other substances that may be damaging to the body. What they can practice within the year, as Anderson phrased, was to "focus on industry, self-reliance, self- restraint, and connection to the spirit".12 The berry fast is not viewed as a list of things one cannot participate in, but as an honourable spiritual calling, a life stage journey. It is an honourable stage of life to enter because it signifies preparation to strengthen all of life creations and the ability to prepare the body for the gift of giving life. It is also a time for young girls to begin learning important lessons such as giving and receiving, and the different spiritual meanings of life, including passed down oral teachings of their ancestors. The choice the young girls make in giving up the berries for all of life creations and future generations remains important in continuing on Anishnabe culture. The personal experiences and teachings they have learned throughout the year are reflected within the baskets as shown below.
11Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 85. 12Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87. CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
9 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS
Figure 2: Photo courtesy from Edmund Decontie. An example of Anishnabe Midewiwin basket design.
Anderson explains that after a girl experiences her first menstrual cycle, they spend the year in seclusion sewing, handiwork, preparing hides and chopping wood.13 In Kitigan Zibi, one of the activities practiced was for the grandmothers to assist in helping guide the young girl during her berry fast. The grandmothers would take the girl out on the land during the winter/spring season to gather birch bark from the wigwas (white birch) tree while it still had the tanned winter coat. The reason the girl would take the winter coat off the birch bark tree was to make designs on the tanned birch bark when she makes her baskets. The photograph shown below is an example of what the process looks like while stripping a layer off of the birch bark tree.
13Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87.
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Figure 3: Photograph courtesy of Kitigan Zibi Culture Center. Peeling the birch bark tree.
When a young girl is on her moon cycle, she has a powerful energy. Anderson mentions how the girls’ presence was considered strong enough to kill the spiritual energy of living organisms.14 This notion is the reason for why birch bark picking is only done before or after a young women’s moon cycle. The point Anderson argues concerning the moon cycle might be misinterpreted as threatening or aggressive to some. I argue that during a young women’s time, they have to be careful with their energy because they are givers of life and keepers of water - both gifts that are vital to the continuation of life. In the present, the berry fast ceremony continues to be considered a time for learning, experiencing spiritual enlightenment, building commitment and learning how to discipline one self.15 One of the main responsibilities for a young girl is to gather berries to feed the people at the end of the coming out ceremony. Within Kitigan Zibi, the birch bark baskets were created in the spring and shaped to form to the different types of berries collected during the season. The baskets created within the
14Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 86. 15Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 87 CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
11 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS spring were carefully created to form the size and shape of the strawberries, raspberries, blackberries and blueberries. In the Algonquin language, the berries are roughly translated to conform to the English language. For example, in the Algonquin culture, there is no such word for strawberry because the word never existed. A rough translation for strawberry in the Algonquin language is described as something that is sweet and looks like a heart, in short, odemin. Back in the day, the baskets were created depending on the amount of berries the young girl wanted to collect for her coming out feast. While she is picking the berries, the young girl is not allowed to taste one or save a portion for herself. The berries that are handed out after the coming out ceremony represent the sacrifice the young girl made for the people. In Anderson's literature, she notes that fasting remains "important because it [is] a reminder of the tenuous nature of everyone's survival and the necessity of establishing good relationships with animals and the food they provided".16
Figure1.2: Photograph courtesy of Faith Decontie Anishnabe berry picking basket made by Daniel Smith.
In present society, Algonquin culture continues to be practiced with many different types of ceremonies conducted for the different stages of life, genders and
16Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Pg 85.
12 FAITH DECONTIE healing practices. The birch bark baskets are created and customized for specific ceremonies such as, vision quest, death, and giving life. Birch bark baskets were not only created just for ceremonies; the baskets also held other purposes within the daily lives of the Algonquin people.
Unsettling Historical Relationships In her book Colonialism/Postcolonialism, Ania Loomba discusses the relationship between colonialism and knowledge, especially the reshaping of the existing structures of human knowledge.17Loomba explains how colonial discourse analysis “allows us to see how power works through language, literature, culture and the institutions which regulate our daily lives”.18 It is important to acknowledge that, for a significant amount of time, during the late 1800’s, the Canadian Government banned any type of First Nation cultural practices.19 The Government policies and legislation within the Indian Act banned ceremonial practices within Canada. Anyone caught breaking the law by practicing their ancestral traditional ceremonies were severely punished. In Eva Mackey’s House of Difference, she explains that during the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries the Canadian Government "attempted to ban the making of Totem poles, potlatch, dancing and other ceremonies."20Adding to this, Moss and Gardner-O’Toole review Section 3 of An Act Further to Amend The Indian Act, 1880, it clearly stated “[e]very Indian or other person who engages in or assists in celebrating the Indian festival known as the "Potlatch" or in the Indian dance known as the "Tamanawas" is
17Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. Pg. 53. 18Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. P.g. 45. 19Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws." Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws. Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law and Government Division, n.d. Web.6 Mar. 2014.
13 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS guilty of a misdemeanour and shall be liable to imprisonment…”21These types of Canadian Government legislations and policies demonstrate the complicated historical relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people within Canada.22 During the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, there began to be an interest among the British and US societies to attract tourist to the Rocky Mountains to view the "wild Indians."23 This conflicting notion of banning ceremonies, and advertising the Indians as a commodity for economic gain, reflects the historical relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. Mackey, Moss and Gardner-O’Toole each discuss important connotations and legislations concerning ceremonial practices of the Indigenous nations within Canada. Their written work also engages in an underlying discussion of authority, ownership and entitlement concerning cultural practices. The political and legal struggle over authority, ownership and entitlement over cultural practices and products continues to be a heated debate within anthropology. Anthropologists John and Jean Comaroff’s book Ethnicity Inc, discusses the increasing trend for international Indigenous Nations to improve their image to move up on the economical brand index by acting as commercial enterprises.24 The commodification of human ethnic identity, in other words, encompassed the increasing trend of people marketing their ethnic identity.25 They argue how a growing phenomenon of people are selling their culture in diverse ways, every product created
21Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws." Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws. Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law and Government Division, n.d. Web.6 Mar. 2014.
14 FAITH DECONTIE is becoming protected underneath Federal laws.26 In forms of tourism, this notion of “Ethnicity Inc” has become apparent within the international tourist industry. The Comaroffs argued in some instances how the phenomenon of cultural revitalization, re-identification, and commodity of cultural products challenges notions of static authentic identity that has been imposed by others.27 The notions of static unchanging cultures are challenged within an economical beneficial context. They discuss double sided story of the ups and downs of the complexities concerning a sub national notion of authentic identity.28 John and Jean Comaroff’s discussion on the growing phenomenon with Indigenous cultural products competing within the consumer market establishes questions concerning authority and representation.29 The debate concerning commodification of cultural products remains crucial in understanding how anthropologists and non-Indigenous people articulate current Indigenous transactions. The Comaroffs concluded the concept of Ethnicity Inc in how it identity economy feeds and exiles the "authentic."30They essentially discuss the significance of “Ethnicity Inc” in how it symbolically represents a pan-Indigenous cultural identity. “Ethnicity Inc” is about Indigenous people adapting their culture into the consumer economy for a means of survival.31In relation to Algonquin birch bark baskets, Daniel Smith, an elder from Kitigan Zibi, has stated in a birch bark making basket workshop conducted at Carleton University that "baskets were made to
26Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.Pg 61. 27Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. Pg 63. 28BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 17 Mar. 2014.
15 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS storage food, the designs on the baskets were also created to sell when the settlers came to this land".32Smith's notion of how the birch bark baskets were created for storage and consumer products suggests underlying notions of how Algonquin culture began to adapt to the changes within society. In terms of reflecting on the historical relationship between Indigenous and Canadian settlers, the adaptation of the changing times has forced Indigenous people to compete with modernity as a means of survival. The observations that the Comaroffs discuss explains how Indigenous people on an international scale have economically benefited by sharing a part of their authenticity. The Comaroff’s observation of “Ethnicity Inc” reflects shared commonality Indigenous people are participating on an international scale. Although it is not explicitly discussed within Canada, Indigenous people have participated within this growing phenomenon. Locally, Algonquin birch bark baskets are created both as a commodity and as a method practiced to honour the memory of their ancestors. Questions concerning when the participation of Indigenous people began creating cultural products as a prime means of survival are still left unanswered. The debate the Comaroffs presented is that the concept of “Ethnicity Inc, is a historical process in the making, [and that] it manifests itself across a very broad spectrum.”33 In relation to the Comaroffs’ discussion regarding the phenomenon of “Ethnicity Inc,” cultural practices and products were not always well received by the Canadian Government. Mackey expresses that during the two World Wars, assimilation policies were created to disconnect Indigenous people from their cultural practices. The collecting and “salvaging” of Indigenous artefacts, including the romanticized notions of the “Indian”, reached its peak.34 The artefacts were then sent
32Smith, Daniel. "Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop."Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop.Carleton University. Aboriginal Lounge , Ottawa. 8 Mar. 2014. Speech. 33Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff.Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. Pg 149. 34Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London: Routledge, 1999.pg 36.
16 FAITH DECONTIE to museums both within Canada and internationally. Reflecting on Mackey's discussion on assimilation and appropriation with the displacement of Indigenous artefacts, the Canadian Museum of History space reinforces notions of misinterpretations in representing particular cultures. Specifically, in referring to Indigenous cultures within the Canada Hall, the limited presence of cultural products and animated objects symbolically represent missed opportunities that can further enrich Canadian identity. In discussing the notion of filling in missing narratives within the Canada Hall, stressing the idea of limited presence of Indigenous cultures within the Canadian exhibit. The limited presence of Indigenous animated artefacts within the Canada Hall is an unfriendly reminder of dark history and on-going inequality amongst the two social groups; a dark history that is filled with unsettling memories of daily encounters between White European settlers and Indigenous people. Daniel Francis expresses an observation of how non-Indigenous people have culturally appropriated Indigenous characteristics by combining a perception of Indigenous essence and acting out their (non-Indigenous) own fantasy.35 Francis argues that by appropriating elements of Indigenous culture, non-Indigenous people have attempted to build a relationship with the imagined country that "pre-dates their arrival and validates their occupation of the land."36 Perhaps the reason for little exposure of Indigenous culture within the Canada Hall is to prove how, in contemporary society, the successful transition of urban spaces and modern industrialization happened because of the hard labour contributed by white European pioneers and settlers. This notion remains debateable because it is
35Francis, Daniel. The Imaginary Indian: the Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture. Vancouver, B.C.: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992.Pg 202-203. 36Francis, Daniel. The Imaginary Indian: the Image of the Indian in Canadian Culture. Vancouver, B.C.: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1992. Pg 203. CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
17 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS a representation of historical narratives that have been implemented by white settler pioneers and Government authority.37 The presence of Algonquin birch bark baskets within the Canada Hall has the potential to represent a mending space between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. The reason being is that Algonquin people’s lineage extends centuries prior European contact, when they used to nomadically roam and occupy the area where the Canadian Museum of History has been established. The space the museum currently occupies was once filled with families and people who practiced spiritual ceremonies and birch bark basket making.38 In a theoretical sense, Algonquin birch bark baskets placed within the Canada Hall will signify the past and continuation of on-going Anishnabe cultural practices.
* In conclusion, the spiritual teachings and moral perspectives regarding Algonquin birch bark baskets, trees and the creative process of the cultural products can positively contribute in representing a reflection of historical relationships between Indigenous and Canadian settlers. This notion is not disregarding the actual encounters of colonialism, assimilation and genocide between the colonizers and colonized, but rather intentionally challenging the present limited representations of Indigenous presence within Canadian public spaces that apparently reflects ideas of a diverse national identity. The presences of Algonquin birch bark baskets have potential to signify the historical and continual presence of diverse Indigenous identities within Canadian society. The Algonquin birch bark baskets symbolize a connection individually and collectively that binds the individual to their ancestors.
37Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London: Routledge, 1999. 38McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg. Maniwaki, Quebec: KitiganZibi Education Council, 2004. pg 27-28.
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Algonquin birch bark baskets also represent the continual presence of their distinct cultural practices. Throughout this paper the discussion of understanding the importance of Indigenous perspectives regarding respecting the sacredness of trees, cultural products created from trees and the life stages in connection to the creative process of the animated objects is crucial in realizing the important value Indigenous and Algonquin people contribute to Canadian society. Although it is questionable if the representation of Indigenous cultures has been accurately established within Canadian spaces such as the Canada Hall, it can be stated that Indigenous cultures such as Algonquin birch bark baskets fill in a missing narrative within the museum space. The important question remains, will the limited indigenous presence continue in the Canada Hall or are we ready to challenge the current notions of historical relationships often misrepresented within public spaces, such as the Canada hall that reflects Canadian narratives of a diverse national identity. As previously stated, the current representation of a joined relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people is currently a missing narrative within the museum. This notion is supported by the lack of Indigenous artefacts represented win the Canada Hall. There are a few artefacts mentioned within the Prairies, during the Louise Riel era, however, it would benefit the Museum of History if they had installed a permanent or temporary display of Algonquin birch bark baskets. The reason being is that the Museum of History permanently resides on the location of where Algonquin people have occupied the land since time immemorial.39The space for Algonquin artefacts would not only represent a reclaiming on a singular cultural identity within the Museum space, but also a stronger
39McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the KitiganZibiAnishinabeg. Maniwaki, Quebec: KitiganZibi Education Council, 2004. CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
19 HONOURING THE MEMORY OF OUR ANCESTORS; BIRCH BARK BASKETS representation of a new possible relationship between Indigenous and Canadians within Canada. My kokom frequently explains “it is important to take care of the land like we take care of our elders”40 because the land will always hold memories of our ancestors.
Work cited
Primary Sources:
Decontie, Pauline. Personal interview. 14 Feb. 2014.
Smith, Daniel. "Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop." Algonquin Birch Bark Basket Workshop. Carleton University. Aboriginal Lounge , Ottawa. 8 Mar. 2014. Speech.
Academic Sources:
Algonquin Lexicon Anderson, Kim. Life Stages and Native Women Memory, Teachings, and Story Medicine. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2011. Print.
BBC UK. "Thinking Allowed." BBC News. BBC, 2 Mar. 2010. Web. 18 Mar. 2014.
Chappell, Rosalie. Social Welfare in Canadian Society. 4th ed. Toronto: Nelson Education. 2010. Print.
Comaroff, John L., and Jean Comaroff. Ethnicity, Inc.. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009. Print.
Densmore, Frances. Chippewa Customs. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1929. Print.
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2005. Print.
40Decontie, Pauline .Personal interview. 14 Feb. 2014.
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Mackey, Eva. The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London: Routledge, 1999. Print.
McGregor, Stephen. Since Time Immemorial: "Our Story": The Story of the Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg. Maniwaki, Quebec: Kitigan Zibi Education Council, 2004. Print.
Moss, Wendy , and Elaine Gardner-O'Toole. "Aboriginal People: History Of Discriminatory Laws." Wendy Moss, Elaine Gardner-O'Toole, Law and Government Division, n.d. Web. 6 Mar. 2014.
Stein, Rebecca L., and Philip L. Stein. The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and Witchcraft. 3rd ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2011. Print.
CAPSTONE SEMINAR SERIES (Re)Negotiating Artifacts of Canadian Narratives of Identity, Volume 4, Number 1, Spring 2014.
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