Grounded Authority TheAlgonquins ofBarriere Lake against the State

Shiri Pasternak

University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis . London Contents

Abbreviations IX

Note on Terminology Xlll

Preface:An Autobiography of Territory xvli

Introduction: Jurisdiction on Indigenous Land 1

i. Flippingthe Terms ofRecognition: A Methodology 37

2. How Did Colonialism Fail to Dispossess? 55

3. Jurisdictionfrom the GroundUp: A LegalOrder of Care 77 4. Propertyas a Techniqueof Jurisdiction: Traplines and Tenure 99 5. "They'reClear-CuttingOurWayofLife" 126

6. The Trilateral Agreement Is Born 150 7. Coup d'Etat in Fourth-WorldCanada i6i

8. The Government Must Fall 190

9. Security, Critical Infrastructure, andthe Geography 219 of Indigenous Lands

Conclusion. A Land Claim Is 's Claim: 245 AgainstExtinguishment

Acknowledgments 271 Notes 277 Index 355 54 FLIPPINGTHE TERMS OF RECOGNITION but whoparticipated in the early Trilateral land-use andoccupancy stud- ies undertaken for harmonization measures with forestry companies. But in terms of interviews conductedover the course of my research, field site visits, or through regular contact on the territory, mywork pro- How Did Colonialism Fail to Dispossess? ceeded quite separately from these groups. There area number ofreasons for this, but I will go into the central reason here. Over the course of Bar- riere Lake's struggle to see the Trilateral Agreement implemented, divi- In Cole Harris's excellent article "How Did Colonialism Dispossess?" sions arosein the community over the plausibilityof Canadaor he outlines with remarkable brevity key technologies of Indigenous honoring the agreement. Thegovernment's handin sowing these doubts dispossession in British Columbia. In so doing, he introduces critical willbe madeclear in this book. But disagreementsbetween community methodologies for appraising the impacts ofcolonialism on Indigenous members and family groups made access to these aforementioned vil- peoples' territorial belonging to the land. Harris divides his account lage sites difficult. This issue proved asmuch an academic issue asa soli- into earlier techniques of dispossession(involving direct violence, the darityproblem. Politicaldisagreement in the communityalso caused a imperial state, cultural narratives, and settler self-interest) and later rift between solidarity activists andthose community members who re- techniques ofdispossession (constituted bydisciplinary powerthrough sented non-Indigenous involvement by outsiders who adopted demands the use of maps, demographics, and a reserve geography of resettle- on the government (for example, honoring the Trilateral Agreement) ment). Although Harris delineates these strategies temporally, a mix- that they themselves opposed. As a visible member ofthe solidarity net- ture of nearlyall these techniqueshas been deployed at Barriere Lake. work, this conflict of interest restricted my freedom to move aboutthe These techniques contribute to the dynamic offorces that have shaped community as an "objective" participant or observer. It also drew con- jurisdictionalstruggles over the land. siderable contention to me from community members, other solidar- A caveatto Harris'sanalysis, though, is to specifywhat it meansfor ity networks, and individuals from other Indigenous nations who work colonialismto dispossess.The earlyhistory of settler incursions on Bar- politically with these families. These contentions form vibrant internal riere Lake'sland did not result in the removal of the community from activist discussions on the ethics of accountability in doing solidarity their lands because people were not actually displaced. Rather, their work within heterogeneous communities. lands were alienated and reterritorialized through competing use and Thus, the account presented here about the Algonquins of Barriers jurisdictional claims. Impositions ofstate andprivate authority grossly Lake is not meant to represent the views of all Mitchikanibikok Inik. undermine, yet donot necessarily succeed in extinguishing. Indigenous However, what cannot be contested are the actions of the Quebec and governance over their lands through literal expulsion. What dowe call a Canadiangovernments, whichis wheremy attention is largelyfocused process of colonization where the effect of dispossession is not removal in this book. Too much attention in recent years has been focused on but the perpetuation ofa set ofexhaustive administrative regimes that community accountability to colonial governments. Division in com- undermine, erase, and choke out the exercise of Indigenous jurisdic- munities is seen as a sign of malfunction, but only the most virulent tion, rendering Indigenous people peripheral to effective participation racism in our society can account for holding Indigenous communities in land governance? to standards ofunanimity unexpected in white communities, especially This chapter examines the steady accretion of encroachments and given hundreds ofyears of colonial oppression of Indigenous social and restrictions on Barriere Lake's lands that produce a complex space of governance systems and on their economic bases. This book is a story overlapping jurisdiction. The brief history of settler accumulation pre- about illegitimacy, above all, and the ways in which the state sented here foregrounds two meanings of dispossession that canbring attempts to absolve past and ongoing appropriation through the at- perspicuityto the term andtherefore drawinto reliefthe nature of the tempted perfection ofterritorial jurisdiction. landstruggle atBarriers Laketoday. Thefirst meaningof dispossession

55 56 HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 57 defines the term by its relation to practices of social reproduction, in- how the boundaries of the settler state are shaped by such assertions of dicating the possibility of "displacement without moving. " This kind Indigenous jurisdiction. of dispossession constitutes what Rob Nixon calls a slow violence that "entails being simultaneously immobilized and moved out of one s The Most Dangerous Band in Canada: Mitchikanibikok Inik living knowledge as one's place loses its life-sustaining features. If that which was entrusted to Barriere Lake's care is eliminated, this It all began with a footprint, at a point on the shore across from the impacts the terrain of their jurisdiction, and the knowledge that has original Barriere Lake settlement. That footprint belonged to a young been accumulated that is connected to that care is vulnerable to loss, boy. He walked around the island and saw the plants and animals and too. Clear-cut forests, mining, undergrowthpoison, overhunting, and everything that grew there. He saw everything that was in the world development-these encroachments slowlyeradicate thatwhich the Al- and made it ready for the Anishnabe people. He found gifts for them- gonquinsdepend upon to survive,physically and culturally. fire, water,and medicine-everything they would need. The sun would The second, related sense ofdispossession is connected to the specifi- betheir father, and the earth would be their mother. Becausethe young cally sited dynamics of accumulation on Barriere Lake'slands. While boybegan here where hefound the knowledge, this wouldbe the center theirassertions of jurisdiction continued to spatializelaw on the land- of the world. 7 This is where the Onakinakewin came from, the sacred for example, in accordance with their tenure systems, hunting grounds, constitution of the Anishnabepeople. and land-management techniques-the Algonquins increasingly com- From a watershed perspective, the Barriere Lake traditional land- peted againstthe interests of state andprivate authorities. Moreover, usearea really is located in the center ofthe Algonquin world, with two these interests were themselves periodically at cross-purposes. Terri- major forming what almost looks like a heart around the tradi- torial logics of power incentivizingthe state toward the perfection of tional settlement area of the band. At the top of the heart where the settler sovereigntyclashed with open spatial dynamics of capitalistac- two semispheres meet, the northern crosses southwest cumulation, seenwhere the state's denialof Indigenousjurisdiction led across the present Cabonga Reservoir and Coulonge River to meet the to blockadesthat shut downthe forestry sector. To be dispossessedof headwaters of the River, which the Algonquins call Kichi Sipi, governing authority means to besubject to thegoverning logics ofother the great river. The flows westward, then southward. then forces.Algonquins have used the term "alienation"to describehow the southeastward for around 1, 200 kilometers beforejoining the St. Law- community's land and resources have been "planned, managed, used rence River near . andimpacted by non-Nativepeoples andtheir institutions andindus- Where the Anishnabe lived at their original gathering place, the tries, " without signifying physical or legal dispossession. river was ten feet across from one shore to the other. They put rocks Nicholas Brown articulates this dynamic as settler accumulation or across the river creating a stone weir over which they could easily scoop accumulation by possession, shifting the economic emphasis of capital- fish.For this technique, theybecame known as "thepeople ofthe stone ism onto the often silentprocesses of acquisition-the racial and legal weir : Mitchikanibikok Inik. Mitcikinabikong is the "place of the stone frameworks of settler colonialism-thatshape and definethe develop- fence or weir, " and inik is people; the name (pronounced Mi-jibin-ahb- ment ofcapitalism on Indigenous lands. Settler accumulation responds kwi In-ik) marks their presence on the great river. The French trans- "to the specificforms of anti-colonialresistance it encounters," which lated their name literally into "Lac Barriere. " Since time immemorial. are "dialecticallyintertwined. "6 But it is not a matter simply of resis- the Mitchikanibikok Inik have occupied more than forty-four thou- tance to colonialismthat has shapedthe development of capitalism on sandsquare kilometers of forested land in what are now the Outouais. Barriere Lake lands. It is the structure of Indigenous governance and Abitibi-Temiscaming, andLaurentide administrative regions ofQuebec the binding social center of law that creates the barriers to penetration Confirming oral history, the archaeological record shows human habi- by capitalism. The last section of this chapter more closely examines tationof the areaat leastas far back as eight thousand to ten thousand HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 58 HOWDID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 59

historical record kept by colonials because of the shifting terms applied , )^ to the Mitchikanibikok Inik by a range of early explorers confused by the relationships between various societies. In early French records of contact, Barriere Lake Algonquins (as well as other Algonquin-speaking UpperOttawa peoples) were called kichi sipi Anishnabe and the nopiming dajeinini or gens de terres, literally, inland people or men of the woods, reflecting the location of their territory in the boreal forest. Theywere also referred to phrenologically as machakandiby or tetes de boule, which means round heads, but which refers-along with gens de terres- to a backwoods,culturally tenaciouspeople. 13 The Barriers Lake Algonquins are one of ten present-day Algonquin communities in the OttawaRiver watershed that straddles the Quebec- border. As their name and surroundingband names suggest, Algonquin territorial organizationand land managementare basedon these watersheds and waterways that serve as boundaries for family, band,and national territories. TheAlgonquins once traveled extensively OttawaRiver Watershed. First published in the River Report of Ottawa. alongthese wateryhighways, spending their winters in the bush in ex- Riverkeeper, issuei, Ecologyand Impacts, May2006. Courtesy ofOttawa tended families, hunting large game like moose and deer, and trapping Riverkeeper. fur-bearing animals, particularly , which were of critical socio- economic and cultural significance. The community lived relatively well yearsago. The Anishnabe on the territory tell stories of the giant beaver, by hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering plant foods and harvesting which would have been part of the ecosystem at this time." traditional medicines, with occasional subsistence gardening, as en- Community members at Barriere Lake rarely refer to themselves couraged later by . The Barriere Lake Algonquins were also as"Algonquin. " In their ownlanguage, people mostly callthemselves part of an extensive trade network with the Huron and to the Anishnabe people, which generally means "human being, " and more south and southwest of their own territory, from whom they could ob- specificallycarries the meaning of "from whence (Creator) loweredthe tain trade objects, suchas wampum beads, and agricultural andfishing human. "9Barriere Lakepeople canunderstand Ojicree, Cree, andother products in exchangefor furs anddried fish. Algonquian-based languages, buttheirs is the most divergent dialectof Damshave flooded many river waterways in theregion today, though the language in the "Middle Tier" of the Algonquian language elders can still recall the direction of the currents that flow beneath the family. 10Their language is mitcikanapikowmimowin, which is a distinct wide, deep lakes and reservoirs. Families maintain their summer and local subdialect ofAlgonquin and ofanishnabemowin more generally. winter cabins, sugarbushes, medicinalharvesting sites, and traplines. While language andlocal dialect convey a distinct social group, the Community members still build their homes andhunt without provin- category of 'Algonquin" people is an imprecise ethnic category that cial permits on their territory. But most families now divide their time designated to describe between the bush and the Rapid Lake Reserve. Norman Matchewan, emerged as a French application ("Algommquin") bands and sub-bandsYn the region of central and eastern Canadawho son of longtime former customary chief Jean Maurice Matchewan, re- spokesimilar languages. " Later,the term was applied to a smaller sub- members his grandmother returning to the reserve, headbloodied from groupof Indigenous peoples living in the , of whom Bar- blows inflictedby gamewardens. 15 Shehad been accostedfor hunting nere^Lakewas included. " Butit canbe difficult attimes to interpret the and resisted their attempts to confiscate her moose. Game warden 6o HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 6i

~ --... 1-'^ 1 ...>«%. .a \ / '\r! (AlgonqulnNatlop'Secmtarlat-Adapted -'-. from Mlrihell, 1977 i '°I'~;AU. A. ^. ' "j ,J y '"^^rcffb eizwn"' . -^ ^ French in the first decade of the i6oos, along with the Montagnais, r Odawa, and Huron. 19 The elders at Barriere Lake contend that when the French approached them to become military allies, they made an -1^ e2, ^^^. -/ QUEBEC , I . Mn. cb.-nK&S agreement that the Anishnabe nation would always "be in front" when ^J^I^ it came to the land because the Algonquins had their own laws to follow.

. te. i But the government "hasnot remembered this agreement, " according to ^/\ \. ^^j,^ lJI»*»r. take^J / \y TobyDecoursay, and instead has gone about destroyingthe land.20 ^ ^^ ' v^' // Barriere Lake's alliance with the French was eventually overturned w ^ < by the fall of Quebec in 1760, marking a new era of diplomacy between the British and formerly French-allied nations. Known as the Seven Nations, or Seven Council Fires, these former French allies included Christianized Hurons, , Abenakis, Algonquins, and Nippisings, and their allies and dependents, " which included non-Christianized bands such as Barriere Lake.21 Barriere Lakehas created a copy of the seven-diamond wampum belt symbolizing this alliance. The Algonquin ^ Flft3T NATIONSIN & AROUNDTHE^TT/^VA VALLEY nation, as part of the Seven Council Fires, signed a series of treaties with S(7 . ^ -- ^ the British Crown. The Treaty of Swegatchy (1760) (now Ogdensburg, FirstNations in andaround the OttawaValley. AlgonquinNation Secretariat, ) ensured that the Seven Nations would remain neutral and 2007. the parties agreed to the principles of peace, protection of land rights, andfreedom of religion. The KahnewakeTreaty (1760) promisedpeace, repressionis not nearlyso bad today with the recognition of Aboriginal alliance, mutual support, free and open trade, antitrespass, protection huntingand fishing rights, 16though Norman explained to methat sev- of land rights, freedom of religion, and economic assistance. 22 These eralyears ago when he was out hunting,a gamewarden blocked him in treaties fully incorporated the Seven Nations and allies into the long- withhis jeep andupon Matchewan'sreturn from the bush, thewarden standing Covenant Chain Treaty Alliance between the British and the informed him that he could not hunt without a permit. Norman in turn Iroquois, and would have applied to Anishnabe of the Upper Ottawa Val- informed him, "This is my land, I can hunt when I want. " The warden ley, includingthe Algonquins ofBarriere Lake,whether or not members checkedNorman's gun for bullets andlet him go becausethe gunwas wereat the 1760treaty councils. not loaded, but he told Norman he would have to keep his gun in the The Algonquins were also included when the Covenant Chain was trunk. Norman refused: "Whatif I see an animal and need to shoot it? polished in 1764 at the Treaty of Niagara, which ensured that no In- Buthe was not particularlyangry about the stop andsearch. I just ex- dianlands could be sold before first being ceded to theCrown. 24Implicit plained to him that this was my land, so that he could understand. "17 in these assurances was that Indians owned their lands and that their Nothingthe government had ever saidor done had persuadedhim to British allies would protect them from exploitation. The Royal Procla- the contrary. mation of 1763, issuedby King George III, ensured these provisions of In the early history of contact, the governedrelations be- cession and surrender a year earlier and remain enshrined in section tween the Algonquins, the French, and other settlers. The Algonquins 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982, and in section 25 of the Charter of ofthe Ottawa Valley were trading with the French as early as the second Rights and Freedoms. However, two central differences between the half of the 15003 through Montagnais middlemen along the Saguenay Treaty of Niagara and the Royal Proclamation speak to the importance River. 18 The Algonquin nation formally entered into alliance with the ofthe Niagaratreaty as a foundingconstitutional moment ofthe settler 62 HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOWDID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 63 colony. While the Royal Proclamation unilaterally stated these provi- that wassupposed to be negotiatedupon, that theywould have to sionsof land transfer, the Niagara treaty was a mutualagreement, made negotiatewith the Indianpeople, regardingjurisdictions andhow between more than two thousand chiefs from twenty-four nations and to dealwith eachother, respectingequality of eachnation. That the British Crown, that followed the legal protocols ofIndigenous diplo- the Indian people will always be the leaders of this continent. And macy on these lands. 25The wampum at Niagara represents the mutually upon finishingthis agreementa representative from the Vatican, affirmedrelationship ofpeace, friendship, and noninterference set out thepriest, was there to blessthis agreement,this historicalagree- in the two-rowwampum presented there. ment that had taken place at this time. And he pointed toward TheAlgonquins never ceded their lands under the provisions of the heaven when he blessed it, this agreement. 29 Treaty of Niagara, their lands continue to be governed under the Mit- chikanibikokAnishnabeOnakinakewin. Although Barriere Lake signed The belt depicts an understanding, under the sign of the cross, but treaties, none were land treaties. What Barriere Lake does have, how- throughan Indigenous protocol of diplomacy, that no interferencewould ever, is a wampum belt datingback to the 17603 that provides evidence bemade into thelocal Anishnabe ways of life. Woveninto hairpinsand of an agreement between the band and the French and British Crowns stamped onto their letterhead, the three-figure wampum has endured ensuring the Anishnabe control over their lands. Advisers to the com- to this day as a symbol of the pact between nations. The belt would also munity believe that the wampum wasexchanged concurrently with the providethe interpretive framework for the Trilateral Agreement. Articles of Capitulation-in particular Article 40, which affirmed the

autonomy ofIndians andIndian lands-because the content ofthe belt 'N- makessense of the transitionfrom Frenchto Britishrule. Thebelt was originally constructed from wampum shells, which are beads manufac- tared from the lining of conch and quahog clamshells, and provides a mnemonic device to record alliances.28 It depicts three figures in white against a purple background: the Anishnabe in the middle, with French and British representatives on either side, anda white Christiancross to the left ofthe figures. Nomere forgotten relic, ChiefSolomon Match- ewan read the belt at the 1982 First Ministers Conference to remind the governments of the sacred covenant that had been recorded through customary law. MauriceWawatie simultaneously translated thereading:

What our Chief has mentioned is this historic agreement be- tweenthe French-speakingnations, and the English-speaking nations and all the Indian nations. According to the reading of thiswampum belt we have seen to today,is thatthere had been a negotiation dealingwith this land. Thatthe representative ofthe Frenchspeaking nation on one side and the representative of the English-speakingnation on the otherside, and on the centreis the Indiannations. And it wasagreed at this time that the Indian Thethree-figure wampum embroidered into ElderToby Decoursay's jacket below nations would always be leaders in their homelands. And anything thewords Mitchikanibikok Inik. Photograph by author. 64 HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 65

A Steady Accretion of Restrictions to Self-Determination Barriere Lake hadbeen active in the fur trade, they followed a pattern established in the north, with most of their contact with newcomers If Barriere Lake never signed land treaties and never ceded their ter- happening between handfuls of individuals at established trader forts ritory according to the constitutional provisions, then on what legal throughout the territory. In the i86os, as the fur trade in Barriere Lake's andmoral grounds were Barriere Lakers deniedthe authority to govern their lands?30Colonialism in Canadaseems to presenta continuumbe- regionwaned and a periodof war came to a close, loggingmoved to the tween the uncontested exercise of Indigenousjurisdiction, the steady upper reaches ofthe OttawaRiver, alongwith permanent European set- accretion of restrictions and regulations that control the use and ac- tlement. Logging replaced the fur trade as the main economic activity cess of Indigenous peoples to their lands, and the perfection of state inthe territory, andwith logging came incursions by white settlers who sovereignty in the form of absolute dispossession and obliteration of hunted and trapped indiscriminately, decimating wildlife populations, and ushering in waves of epidemics of smallpox, diphtheria, measles, Indigenous law. Advisersto theBarriere Lake Algonquins have used the term aliena- whoopingcough, and influenza. 32By the 18703,the government of Que- tion" to describe the ways in whichthe community's land andresources beehad leased out much of Barriere Lake's traditional territory to tim- have been "planned, managed, used andimpacted bynon-Native peoples ber companies-611timber limits werelicensed in the regionnorth of and their institutions and industries," without signifying physical or the Ottawacovering an areaof 15,794 square feet of cut timber.33 From legal dispossession. 31"Alienation" is also legal term applied to define the 1870 to 1913, an incredible 59 percent of Quebec's timber revenue came process by whichIndigenous peoples cantransfer their suigeneris title from the two regions that make up the Algonquins of Barriere Lake's to the land to the Crown. But formal sale or surrender was not required traditional territory. 34The province's fortunes werebuilt on thepillage to introduce the severe constraints endured by Indigenous peoples ofAlgonquin lands. on theirlands bya staggering number ofCrown and private authorities. A log flotation was constructed at the outlet of Cabonga Lake Alienation can also advance through extralegal processes that remove in 1871,backing water up to Barriere Lakesettlements and disrupting the responsibility for the land from Indigenous governments and redis- thenatural currents, andtherefore the transportation routes and habi- tribute authority to a wide range of agents and institutions. tats for the people, fish, andanimals. Demandfor squaredtimber was A complete history ofalienation at Barriere Lakeis beyond the scope alreadyon the decline, but was soon replaced by the sawn lumber indus- of this work, but a survey of human-madeimpacts on Barriere Lake s try, and then the infinitely more destructive pulpwood industry, a forest land over the past century is key to contextualize Barriere Lake's de- devourer that ushered in an era of mills and larger at the turn of mand for a resource comanagement agreement on the territory. The the twentieth century. 35 Short-term gains had devastating effects on Trilateral Agreement was designed to mitigate the destructive effects the long-term occupants of the territory; in Barriere Lake, the people ofcommercial lumber extraction, hydro generation, and other physical began to starve and die. The Department of Indian Affairs reports from incursionsthat were facilitated by a denseweb of federal and provincial 1875to 1878show a rise in relief costs across northern Quebec owingto regulatory regimes. Although Barriere Lakers continue to hunt, fish, scarcityof game. 36The adverse effects from logging were exacerbated by trap, travel, settle, and gather medicines on their land, infringements health epidemics brought on by increased contact with the northward on their jurisdiction have taken place through a proliferation of incur- migration of settlers. Meanwhile, Quebec plundered the forests for a sionsand other microprocesses fueled by new bodies of authority popu- song, exporting mostly raw materials to the United States and Britain, latingtheir lands. and engaging in only minor primary processing domestically. 37 The in- Settlement on Barriere Lake lands occurred relatively late, unfold- dustry was badly mismanaged owing to meager attempts at reforesta- ing simultaneously to some of the first years of contact between the tion, extensiveforeign ownership, and volatile commodityprices. 38For British and Salish nations on the western coast of Canada. Although theAlgonquins, this ambivalence meant the disappearance ofa natural 66 HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 67 pharmacy, losses ofhome andwildlife habitat, anddiminishing heritage construction through tourism, but the unspoken assumption was that, and social peace. if sighted, the Algonquins might scare away the whites. The racist While the federal government did attempt to intervene on Barriere scheme failed regardless, as the Algonquins refused to avoid the corri- Lake'sbehalf, Quebecrefused to even acknowledgethe presence of the dor, and enforcement, proving futile, was abandoned. in the region. In 1929, no one bothered to inform the The highway also ran directly through the Grand Lac Victoria (GLV) community that the Gatineau PaperCompany, a subsidiary ofthe Cana- Beaver Preserve, a conservation area created following a joint federal- dian International Paper Company (CIP), was constructing dams to provincial conference on Wildlife and Fisheries, where the concept of form a reservoir one hundred square miles wide on their territory with Indian-only preserves was raised. Two game preserves were created as a a holdingcapacity of 43 billion cubic feet. 39The community was forced to result: the Grand LacVictoria Beaver Preserve (6,300 square miles) and relocate their settlement, leaving behind two cemeteries that were badly theAbitibi Beaver Preserve (4, 000 square miles), whichwere established damagedand twenty-three destroyed homes. 40Compensation of thirty in 1928 by a Quebec Order-in-Council and covered much of the hunting dollars was offered to the heads of each affected family for this massive and trapping territory in the Algonquin communities of Grand Lac, Lac relocation and cultural damage.41A fewyears later and further to the Simon, some lands from Winneway and Wolf Lake, and some lands of south, CIP constructed more dams to provide power to their mills, this Barriere Lake. The beaver preserves were conceived as the solution to time floodingan additional 150 square miles ofland in the heartof the the extreme exploitationby settlers that hadled the province to simply Algonquins' traditional territory to create the . 42 "close" beaver season to everyone, including Indigenous peoples, who Earlyrecords showthat theAlgonquins didwhat they couldto stop first suffered the privations of settler incursions and then the state's the flooding of their territory. One incredible record describes Hugh punitivemeasures against settler greed. At the insistenceof fur supervi- Ray's encounter with the Algonquins of Barriere Lake-or the gens de sor Hugh Conn, traditional Algonquin adaptive management strategies terre, as he called them-as he traveled up the Ottawa River in 1932 to regulatedthe preserves. Connidentified two majorAlgonquin conserva- take chargeof the KakabongaHudson's BayCompany post. Hedescribes tion methods for beaver-rotation of trapping areas and managed cull- a point in the rapids where whitefish andtrout tried to come up from Lac ing of in their houses-and also cautioned about the placement Barriere DuNord to spawn,and "the Indians placed stones at the head of the reserve on Algonquin lands, because every square mile in the of the rapids to turn the fish into the bay above the rapids when they forested portion of Eastern Canada, was owned and occupied buy [sz'c] couldscoop them out with scoop nets. "43To Ray'sastonishment, the In- tribes, bands, families of Indians even as we divide into provinces, coun- dians had cut halfthe dam away, likely with their bare hands or wooden ties, townships and lots."47 Conn also pointed out to state authorities instruments, in orderto releasethe waters from the foot ofLac Barriere that the boundariesof the preserve were disruptive. But even givenhis Du Sud. The Mitchikanibikok Inik were resolute in the persistence of sensitivity to Algonquin laws and their tenure system, the community their traditional harvesting techniques despite the invasive infrastruc- remained skeptical. The imposed management regime angered them, tare on their lands. especially the arbitrary boundaries drawn onto the territory that dis- Even bigger changes were to come in 1938 with construction for the rupted their decentralized kinship landholding system. While the Mont-Laurier-Senneterrehighway (now Highway117), which opened other Algonquin bands gradually eased their suspicions of Conn's ef- the region for tourism and sport hunting. Fiercely independent, the forts, Barriere Lake remained intransigent. Then, in the 19205 and Barriere LakeAlgonquins pusheddeeper into the forest to escape the 1940s, the province set up trapline systems to regulate access to small intrusion. Authorities did their part to encourage their disappearance: fur-bearing animals outside the preserves, which further broke up the Quebec banned the community from hunting and trapping along the traditional land base and undermined the authority of the customary ten-mile corridor created on either side of the highway for tourist rec- government. Landswere lost, despiteanother well-intentioned, though reation.44 The logic of prohibitionwas to recoup the costs of highway ultimately ineffective, conservation effort. 68 HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 69 In 1950, the ten-mile hunting corridor along the highwaywas ex- andmeaning, accordingto some-that theAlgonquins sawthemselves panded to become the La Verendrye Wildlife Reserve. It created new asplanted there by the government, and did not intend to stay there jurisdictionalconflicts betweenthe Algonquins andprovincial authori- permanently. ties. As an Algonquin sense of embattlement grew, so did their resis- That Barriere Lake did not get a reserve until 1961 meant that the tance to the loss of their lands. Throughout the late 19408 and for the community hadnot hadreliable accessto schools, medicalprovisions, next couple of decades, the Algonquins refused to abideby restrictive housing, or other assistance until after this point. But it also meant a lawsmandating permits forhunting and trapping. They further refused transition to a crowded life ofyear-round habitation as opposed to the to be searchedfor "illegal"beaver pelts by police authorities after trap- traditional, decentralized form of socialization to which the commu- ping had been banned; as a result, they were blackballed and refused nity was accustomed. As a result, the reserve was mostly deserted for trapping licenses. They further resisted drawing maps oftheir hunting thefirst couple ofdecades after its creation. Thegeneration born in the territory or to provide demographic information for government col- early1980S suchas Norman Matchewan, still spentmost of their early lection. In a constant state ofadaptation, the Algonquins cameto rely daysin the bush. Although Barriere Lakers supported the idea of having in this period on a mixed economy to supplement their traditional live- landsset aside exclusively fortheir use, the shock ofa measly fifty-nine lihood, engaging in waged labor employment that included trapping, acres must have been great. To get the reserve, the federal government seasonal work at fur farms in the United States, cutting trees for CIP, (eagerto resolve thepersistent petitioning, but unable to grant provin- and guiding moose hunters. ciallands), the Hudson's BayCompany, anda Catholic order of Oblates Ten years after a substantial swathof their territory was turned into petitioned on Barriers Lake's behalf, at first requesting four hundred a park, Quebec finally transferred some land to the federal government acres,then by1946, for six hundred and fifty acres to be set aside. They to establish a reserve for the Barriere Lake Algonquins. The community wererebuffed by Quebec because the Land and Forests Act does not pro- had been petitioning for land since 1876 and the reserve was finally cre- vide for the transfer ofland to the federal government, except in the atedin i<)6i.53 But the reserve introduceda newslate ofproblems. They caseof long-term leases, meaningthat the Indianband would not get " weregiven a measlyfifty-nine-acre plot oferoded and sandy land totally title to the land as requested. Finally, in May 1961, the deputy minister insufficient for a few hundred people. In addition, no core infrastructure of Lands and Forests approved the lease of fifty-nine acres and a few wasbuilt andno community developmentplan wasestablished. 54There monthslater a QuebecOrder-in-Council was passed. 58The community wasa lackof firewood nearby; dwellingswere not numerous enough;no wassplit over the decision to "plant" at this tiny Rapid Lake site-many groceries were sold on-site; hunting was restricted nearby because of people remainedat the traditional Barriere Lakesettlement andothers the overuse of strychnine by provincial authorities to kill wolves, and remained permanently settled in village sites around the traditional ter- the poison was also fatal to beavers and small game; and mechanized ritory, excluded even from the minimal resources offered on the reserve. forestry decimated the landscape.55 The government believed that the Barriere Lakewas considered a priority for being allocated a reserve reserve land at Rapid Lake would silence complaints and satisfy the Al- bythe federal government becausetheir land was so adversely affected gonquin band's land claims: it was an accommodation of needs, rather bytimber development. Butconditions inthe forest did not improve. In thana recognitionof rights. However,the Algonquins ofBarriere Lake the1970s a meeting washeld with government officials atRapid Lake. never considered the reserve to be a settlement of their land claims, but PaulMatchewan complained about the continuing impacts ofsettlers simply as lands set aside from settler incursion. The reserve was sited onthe Barriere Lake people: "The moose, the birds'andthe fish, things on land called Kitiganik,which translated roughly to mean "placeto be bywhich his people lived, were being slaughter [s;c] by licensed hunt- planted" or "plantation. " The land was once literally a plantation, culti- ersfrom outside. The government derives the benefit. "59Continuing ef- vated as a tree farm ofokik (jack pines) after a naturalforest fire spread fortswere made to gain back control overresources ontheir territory. across the lake and burned through the bush. But it came to have a sec- SeveralAlgonquin bandspassed a joint resolution in 1979,including 70 HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOWDID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 71 the Algonquin leadership of , Lac Simon, Grand Lac Victo- A number ofevents transpired toshift the political windsat Barriere ria, Abitibiwinni, and Barriere Lake, "[rjesolving that the area known Lake. A quasi-religious movement-fervently anti-Christian, -based~"in as Grand Lake Victoria Indian Hunting Preserve, situated within the thetown ofManiwaki-convinced community members to takedow'n boundariesof La Verendrye Wildlife Reserve, be henceforth reserved for the. -cro,s.s/[om thechurch and the cemetery. 62Elders in the community hunting, fishing and trapping exclusively by the Algonquin people."60 were also beginning to stir on their own accord. Decoursay7sg'ran'd- Their resolution was ignored. father,Paul Matchewan, stood up for his rights because he saw'thaFthe The toll of residential schooling also wore on the community. Toby children didnot haveenough food to eat,-andhe sawthat the'white Decoursayexplains that people hadbecome afraid of what God might menin the territory hadoverhunted the marten, the lynx, and, 'fo7a do to them and individuals were also dealingwith deep internal scars long?rme'. thebeaver-63Then' around lhe 19805, Decoursay took up his of sexual and physical abuse, as well as from being separated from their grandfathers causeand started talking to the people, telling them'that parents who had trustingly sent them away. The children attended the Catholicismand Christianity were not for them. When his grandfather FrenchRoman Catholic boarding school-Pensionat Indien de St. Marc- passedaway, he inherited a drum. Andin a sense, hebega^tobeTt'k, de-Figuery-north of the reserve in Amos, Q.uebec, and the English- andthings began to change. speaking Spanish Boys' and Girls' School in Spanish, Ontario. Most of the childrenwere sent to Amos, wherethe Oblatesran the school. When the children tried to tell their parents what was done to them, their Dispossession and the Boundaries of the State families thought that they were making up stories in order to stay home. This chapter surveyed some effects of state power on Barriere Lake's They simply could not believe the stories might be true. Other parents lands^and has afforded us an early opportunity to reflect onthemee^ resisted the pressure to send their children to be educated in the white Ing.ofsettler-state lawin '-elation to IndigenousJurisdiction. "The"p7o- man s world and kept them in the bush hidden away from the mission- cessesof dispossession that unfolded at Barriere Lake-whatI'identi- aries. Jean Maurice Matchewan, Maggie Wawatie, Rose Nottaway, and fiedas (i) theslow violence oflosing the capacity to exercise'care'and others lived with their grandparents in village sites and cabinsdeep in (2)alienation-were crucialconditions forthe constitution ofthe set- the forest wherethey couldnot be found. tierstate. These techniques drew the boundaries of the state at the limit The sway of the church affected the communitys incentive to fight ofits capacity to exploit Algonquin lands for its natural resources^ Each back. The priests persuaded the people of a punitive cosmology that timethe Algonquins refusedand fought back, the state attempte'dto frightened the community from protecting the land and their children. redrawits lines ofauthority andpower. Decoursay explained: "That's why the people got so weak, you know. Timothy Mitchell argues that theboundary ofthe state "nevermarks You don't hurt nobody, you don't fight, love each other, even the white ^rea/^tenor" becausethe borders between state and society'arenot man . . .' So when the people first saw the white man cutting the trees intrinsic entities. 64 Social and political order is maintained rather there, they didn't do anything. [Thepriests said]:'Let the Goddo some- f an internal network of institutional mechanisms. To , thing, they're goingto take care of it sooner or later.' So no Indianwas e, Mitch- going to fight back, because he was afraid of their God, of making a mis- i a numberof diagnostics, includingaddressing the state as "an take, he has to be good all the way,just to go to heaven, or somewhere. : ?_dejaile?processes ofspatial organization, temporal arrange That's what the people are beingtold. So every night before they go to ment, functional specification, andsupervision andsurveillance, whTch bed, they saythanks, even in the morningbecause you didn't die there e aPpearance °f a world th6 fundamentally divided into state and .crcate. in the night." Thatis the reason,he explained, that people didnot fight isoc!e?Cstate authorityis Produ"d and reproduced by drawing th'is for their rights for a longtime. . ofdifference around its shifting spheres of influence. In thisTigh^ 72 HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 73

settler-state logic is not a hegemoniclogic "out there"but a specificand forexport. " International trade, aswell as foreign direct investment in active construction of authority through the limit-makingpractices of the natural resource sector, influences state regulation, and is likewise jurisdiction we can observe being exercised on Barriere Lake lands. affectedby Indigenous assertions ofjurisdiction againstthe state regu- The boundaries of the state are set by the limits of Indigenous juris- lation of their lands. 73 diction, but international processes of accumulation also define them, Kellogg readily concedes the centrality ofsettler colonialism in mak- and in turn bear significant agency in processes of Indigenous dispos- ingsense of the Canadianeconomy. As he states in an interview: "The session. A key frame through which the international dynamic of state [Truth and Reconciliation Commission] report highlights the way in formation hasbeen examined in Canadais through staple theory. Can- which the acquisition of land and the establishment of capitalist sov- adais what some economists refer to asa "staplestate" because of a bias ereignty were accomplished through racism and violence. "74 But Kel- toward its natural resource economy. 66The "staple theory" of Canadian loggstill refers to the acquisition ofIndigenous lands in the past tense. development is a model designedto account for the unique economic Whenhe describes theneed to gobeyond a classanalysis to understand development of a peripheral state within the global system. Staples the pockets of poverty and uneven development in Canada, he indexes are minimally processed resources and they set the pace for economic the reserve ofAkwesasne asa reminder in his youth ofthe violent dy- growthbecause their underdevelopment candeprive regions ofinvest- namicsof dispossession that underpinnedindustrialization in Canada. ment in complementary industrialand commercial businesses and em- againsituating dispossession as a prior stage of nationaleconomic de- ployment. Accordingto Harold Innis, growthis continuallyfrustrated velopment. 75These admissions are important, asthey mark a paradig- in Canadabecause the staples economyis alwaysensnared in a staples maticapproach to Canadianpolitical economy that tends to sidelinethe trap: diversificationthrough domestic processing is blockedby produc- question of land, even while centering its commodification in the re- ers, often foreign-owned multinational corporations, which do not in- source sector. 76This point isone that I will develop throughout thebook, vest invalue-added domestic processes prior to export, thus stifling eco- especially in chapters 5 and 9, but I want to signal its significance here nomic expansion. 67This theorization ofthe state presents a local model I also want to mark two further issues regarding the boundaries of economic dynamics. Innis, the author of the staple state theory, did of the settler state in light of Indigenous assertions of jurisdiction, not present a crude core-periphery model, but rather theorized both particularly as they pertain to the resource sector. The first regards the specific forms of internal differentiation and international cycles ofac- generalabsence of Indigenous jurisdiction asa keyfeature in theories of cumulationas crucial to understandingthe domesticeconomy. 68 the Canadian political economy. The second, building on the first, con- Staples theory has a long history of interpretation within chang- siders how we can interpret Marx's theory ofprimitive accumulation as ing currents of intellectual thought in Canada.69 Paul Kellogg's Escape an important analyticfor reincorporatingIndigenous lands into theo- from the Staple State convincingly debunks the status of Canadaas a ries of the settler-colonial state, therefore developing a deeper sense of staple state, arguing that as an advanced capitalist state-signaled themeaning of "dispossession" in Canada. by the organic composition of capital and other key indicators, such Thegeneral absence ofIndigenous land, sovereignty, andjurisdiction as membership in the G8-it is hardly a dependent, underdeveloped in theories of Canadian political economy is surprising, given the chal- hinterland. 70Although Canada may no longer qualify as a staple state, lengeto Canada's underlying title to the land through Indigenous oppo- it is still a land-based economy. As Michael Hewlett, M. Ramesh, and sition to development, pipelines, mines, clear-cut logging, and oifand AnthonyPer! write: "Muchof Canada'smanufacturing base consists of gasproduction. 77One of the obstacles to addressing Indigenousjuris- processing resource-based commodities such aslumber, pulp andpaper, dictionwithin the field of political economy is that Indigenous peoples' and various mineral and oil-based products ... In all, resource and resistance to colonization has been almost completely written out of resource-basedactivities generate as much as fifty cents out of every Canadian economic historiography. For example, eminent scholars dollarproduced in this country."71Much of this productionis destined such asHarold Innis andStanley Ryerson offered a view ofIndigenous r 74 HOW DID COLONIALISMFAIL TO DISPOSSESS? HOWDID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS? 75 peoples with diminishing returns: as beaver were depleted, Indigenous societies were destroyed and the sun set on native life. paidwork to survive. 83This violent process ofdispossession, then. is Frances Abele and Daiva Stasiulis document the "white settler col- a primary, necessaryfeature of capitalism. 84The site-specificmeanin rfpnmltiiv!_ac<:umulation ina settlercolony Implicates k7plac7a7^ ony thesis that predominates in Canadian historiography and figures historical stage of capitalism, where Marx into the new political economy studies of Canadian capitalist develop- locates it temporaUy"it a7s^ ment, where scholars continued to mostly ignore Indigenous land in- comphcates primitive accumulations creation ofa "righdess"prole^ru terests and economies.79 An example of such exclusion that Abele and ;a^?Sp^esAe_classconflktat theheart °fthoe"capzta^s-- Stasiulis provide is Marxist scholar Leo Panitch's exclusion of the entire tern"Marx himself saw that primitive accumulation does~not"ushe7in animmediate transformation from serfto wage laborer, ~but'raAerm" treaty process and Metis uprisings in his account of capitalist develop- v?l^?radua\tTsfer offormsofentltlement fromow"^ ment in Canadathroughout the nineteenth century. Although Panitch onlabor to ownership based on capital. 86But as Glen Coulthar'd'noTeT foregrounds a crucial link between the staple economy and industriali- when related back to the primitive accumulation thesis'itappearFt h'at zation, he never explicitly mentions Indigenousland. The irony is that the and history experience of dispossession, not proletarianTzSro n. h^ he describes the importance oftransportation infrastructure in linking been the dominant background structure these economic forms but fails to notice the political processes that were shaping the-chara7te7o7t haea opening this land for development. He writes that the railway created histo^rclationshipbetween Indigen°^ People s and'the^Can. dia^ a class ofpetit-bourgeoisfarmers on the westernend ofthe line andan state. "0'Further, thekind of dispossession that'aims to dismantleTn" and social industrial proletariat on the other, in southern Ontario. 80 The condi- dlgTusforms_ofgovernance rePr^ctioni7ongo^d tions that suppliedthe landfor small farmers to becomepetty capital- . in thehistory of capitalism.

ists would be the numbered treaties, one through seven, which dragged . ROb.ertNicholssuggests that disaSgreg^mg the concept of primitive accumulation into parts'can a shovel through the west, across the provinces. Between 1871and 1877, its^constitutive bring clanty to'the"col nc these treaties were negotiated to secure a valuable circuit for industrial ceptof dispossession. 88Although the persistence rf colonialLmto production, ensuring access to the fertile southern lands of the prairies ":aronvlncing Premisethat Primitive accumulation is not simply'a the and paving the way for the railroad. 81 Despite the eulogies, Indigenous ^stoncal.sta_ge_ofcapitallsm- given ongoi"g violent attempts"aptTnd digenous dispossession, the peoples have participatedand continue to play a critical role in the na- structure of primitive accumura t^isas;m that th^ ^"in is tions political economypost-fur trade and military alliance, and their lque.Ton:Nlchols SUSgests. too great on primitive tion to account for lands form the literal bedrockto the nation's fortunes.82 ^cumula. allcaPit^i^ expansionln dreproduc'tion': Theories of primitive accumulation, on the other hand, suffer from a S ^ltalismhas beenestablished in Ae^colonie^h; s^es;^ succession of problem of overexposure in relation to colonization. Rather than leav- ;hlfTWLis"a. qualitatively unique spaZ-Tempo^; ingIndigenous peoples out ofthe picture, the issue here is that coloniza- waves,simultaneously linkingcore-periphery. "89Although these'c^ks not technically of tion has been so tightly intertwined with capitalism-historically and o^growthare P'-°"sses primitiv76ac^muclatZK Aey nonetheless establish a structurally-that it becomes difficult to disentangleparticular forms spatially specificmovement 7haltTpZ" pnates future forms of social ofsettler-state dispossessionfrom the totality ofcapitalism's ostensible reproduction, much as wehaveduefi"ne"d reach. To take a step back, the process wherebynoncapitalist societies are ..TheJe^tla!dynamics, ofaccumulationhave also Prov°ked specific and drawn into the market economy is what Marx called "primitive accumu- ^ategils of,resistTce can helPus to see the limit-makingprTctice's lation," wherehe identified(and politicized) the processthat separates ^£plt t^kr-colonialstatethroughlndlgen^s^^ workers from their means of production as also what enslaves them ^^tion. WhileMarx painstakingly outlines thesocialproce^; ^f to wage labor: dispossession from land invokes people's need to seek his^Tv"ccumulation inthe context of England, for example, t attention to the New English Poor Law°s''Ci834TthaatIlc^edT r

76 HOW DID COLONIALISM FAIL TO DISPOSSESS?

dispossessed in workhouses, the colonies were simply taken by the force of this necessaryviolence. 90 What are the specifics of this force? What does it matter? It matters because Indigenous resistance to the colonial state emerges not in the space between subsistence and prole- Jurisdiction from the Ground Up tarianization,but from the socialand legal orders maintainedthrough A LegalOrder of Care Indigenouspeoples' connection to the landand to theircultures. Indige- nous assertions of jurisdiction over their lands and bodies have been foundational in anticolonial struggles, which compromise the capacity The authority of the province of Quebec to govern Barriere Lake lands of governments to sell resources on lands that were never ceded or sur- hasbeen largely driven bylogics ofaccumulation andtransaction. Inthe rendered. It matters, becausethe natural resource economyis pivotal to contextofBarriere Lake's lands, permanent settlement neverengulfed the national economy of Canada, and it is time this fact was given more the territory because the creation of LaVerendrye Wildlife Reserve serious notice. covered most oftheir lands. Incursions have been largely restricted to In theAlgonquin world, ecologicalintegrity is inextricablefrom eco- short-term, highly exploitative, profit-driven property relations that nomic principles. George Manuel, the Secwepmecleader, summarizes are specific to resource-extraction-based economies. With almost no the principles central to all Indigenous economies: "Our economy car- private ownership on theirlands, save for scattered outfitter establish- riedon because it wasbeing held together by a substancemuch stronger ments thatpredated thetransition ofthe region into a provincial park, than the simple list of raw materials with which we worked. The roots theprimary property relation is the leasehold. The owner of this right and berries, fish and meat, bark and moss, are a list of ingredients that hasaccess to fish hunt,log, camp, or mine within the regulatory^n-' cannot by themselves make a whole cloth. There is only organizing when straints. Theleasehold to mine orlog is governed under thejurisdiction those raw materials are brought together on the loom of social values ofthe province, wherethe Ministry ofNatural Resources hasoperated^ toward which people choose to work. "91What does a political economy SS MauriceMatchewansblunt terms, in theservice of "raping a looklike that isbased on Indigenouslaw? How does the Algonquin loom !!ildlife^eser/e""In thenext^chaPter> I describethe legal and regulatory of social values weave the limits of the national economy? These are system that drives provincial relations of jurisdiction as managed to en- questions we need to ask to see where and how Indigenousjurisdiction suresupply. Inthis chapter, in contrast, I drawfrom a number ofsources confronts settler law and accumulation. toshow that a keyfeature of the legal order of the Mitchikanibikok'Ini'k isto ensurea relation ofcare over their lands andpeople. Thischapter is not an ethnography ofAlgonqum law. An elder. Eddy Nottaway, once bristled when I asked him"about a story I had'heard aboutthe Onakinakewin. "Stories, " hesaid, "sound like fairytales or children'sbooks. It is history that we are teaching you. " So, perhapsit is mostaccurate to describe thischapter as tributaries ofhistory thatwere sharedwith me and with other trusted researchers. These narratives and concepts provide thin butrobust streams through thousands ofyears ofexperience in a cherished country. Toby Decoursay explained, "We k^nowthis land-we havea languagefor everything thathappens here. That'swhat the Trilateral isabout-that iswhy Barriers Lake'hasthis andno other nation"1 The Trilateral Agreement'is anexpressio'no'fwhat itmeans to be Mitchikanibikok Inik. It reflects the extensive knowledge

77 290 NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 291 application.This office then erroneously assigned a PhysicalSciences, Engineering, 25. James (Sakej) Youngblood Henderson, "Interpreting SuiGeneris Treaties," andInformation Technology Division person to mycase because my co-supervisor Alberta Law Review 36:1 (1997): 50. ScottPrudham co-teachesin the Departmentof Environmental Studies. 26. MichaelAsch, On Being Here to Stay(Toronto: University ofToronto Press, io. See also Renee Pualani Louis, "Can You Hear Us Now? Voices from the 2014), 75. ' ------, Margin:Using Indigenous Methodologies in GeographicResearch/ GeograpfticRe- 27. Ibid. Fora wonderfulmeditation on thesequestions, seealso the excel- search 45:2 (June 2007): 130-39; and Jay Johnson, Garth Cant, Richard Howitt, knt workofAma^Bhatia^'WeAreAU Hereto Stay?Indigeneity, Migration~,"and " andEvelyn Peters, "Guest Editorial: Creating Anti-Colonial Geographies: Embrac- pe colonizing^the Right to Be Here, Wnrfsor VB Access J3i'(20i3):'39-^, and'"Tlie ingIndigenous Peoples' Knowledges andRights, " GeographicalResearch 45:2 (June South of the North, " 131. 2007):117-20. 28 In a mediation judgment that dates back to 1997, Quebec Superior Court ii. ShawnWilson, "What Is an Indigenous Methodology?" Canadian Journal of JudgeRejean Paul concluded that the Trilateral Agreement would likely be consid-' NativeEducation 25:2 (aooi): 177. eredto beof treaty status if chaUengedin thecourts. 12. Deborah McGregor, WalterBayha, and Deborah Simmons, " 'OurResponsi- 29. RusseUDiabo, "Canada's War on , " presentationat Indie bility to Keepthe LandAlive': Voicesof Northern Indigenous Researchers, " Pima- SovereigntyWeek, Ottawa, Ontario, October 2009. tisiwin:A Journalof Aboriginal and Indigenous Community Health 8:1 (2010): ill. 30.^FrantzFanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. RichardPhUcox (New York: 13. Onthese colonial grounds of recognition, see Glen S. Coulthard, Subjects GrovePress, 2008), 72, where he approvingly cites Francis Jeanson. ofEmpire: Indigenous Peoples and the 'Politics of Recognition' in Canada, Contem- 31. Fora lengthydiscussion on this point, seeVie Satzewich and Terry Woth- porary PoliticalTheory 6 (2007):437-6o- erspoon,First Nations: Race, Class, Gender Relations (Scarborough, Ontario:'Nelson 14. Albert Memmi, TheColonizer and the Colonized, 2ded., trans. HowardGreen- Canada, 1993). field (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), 38. 32. Smithwrites: "Thisway, our alliances wouldnot besolely based on shared al'ecomplidt in the victimization of 15. LeanneSimpson, "Oshkimaadiziig, the New People, " m Lightingthe Eighth r-c-t-iTzati-on; bvt ^here we, others. These ap- Fire:'The Liberation', Resurgence, and Protection of Indigenous Nations, ed. Leanne ip!!!c^es"li?hthelp, ust? devel°P rcsistance strategies that do not inadvertentty Simpson(Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Press, 2008), 14. keepthe system inplace for aU of us, and keep aU of us accountable. InaU of these 16. Ibid. cases,we would check our aspirations against the aspirations of other communities 17. Seealso Derek Gregory, "(Post)Colonialism andthe Production ofNature," to ensure that our model of liberation does not become the model of oppression in SocialNature: Theory, Practice and Politics, ed. Noel Castree and Bruce Braun for others" (AndreaSmith, "Heteropatriarchyand the ThreePiUars of White Su- (Maiden, Mass. : Blackwell Publishers, 2001), 1814-25. For a more contemporary premacy: Rethinking Women ofColor Organizing, " in Colorof Violence: The INCITE! critique ofthe nature-society binaryin the context ofstate-Indigenous relations Anthology, INCITE!Women of Color Against Violence [Boston: South End Press. in Canada, seeAnna Stanley, "WastedLife: Labour, Liveliness, andthe Production 20o6], 69). ~ ~ ----.-, of Value, " Anripode 47:3 (2015): 792-811. 33. Memmi, The Colonizerand the Colonized. i8. JuanitaSundberg and Jessica Dempsey, "Culture/Natures, " infaternarioTia; Encyclopediaof Human Geography, vol. 2,ed. R. Kitchin and N. Thrift (Oxford:Else- 2. HowDid Colonialism Failto Dispossess? vier, 2009), 458-63. OW Did colonlalism 19. JayTJohnson and Brian Murton, "Re/placmg Native Science: Indigenous ', Dispossess? Comments from an Edge of . :1.'- c, -eH?''l'ls "H. Voicesin Contemporary Constructions ofNature, " GeographicalResearch 45:2 (June Empire, " Annals ofthe Association ofAmerican Geographers 94:1(2004): 165-82. a. Rob Nixon, S/oiv Violence and the Environmentalism 2007): 127. ^ _ ^ " of the Poor CCamhriflCTp- 20. Juanita Sundberg, "Decolonizing Posthumanist Geographies, Cultural Ge- Harvard University Press, 2011), 19. ographies 21:1(2014): 35 (internal endnotes excluded). 3. Ibid. 21. Zoe Todd, "An Indigenous Feminist's Take on the Ontological Turn: "On- 4. tiarvey. TheNew Imperialism, 33. tology' Is JustAnother Wordfor Colonialism, " Journalof Historical Sociology 29:1 5- Aird, "Alienationof Traditional Landsthrough Conflicting Uses, " i. (March 2016): 4-22. 6. NicholasA. Brown, "TheLogic of Settler Accumulation in a Landscapeof 22. Glen Coulthard, Vincent Dias, J. KehaulaniKauanui, and RobertWarrior, PerpetualVanishing, " SettlerColonial Studies 4:1 (2014): y. "Settler Colonialism andthe Q.uestion ofIndigenous Studies:A Position Paperand 7. Thisis the teachingof the Onakinakewinas Three Responses, " American StudiesAssociation, conference, Toronto, October8, on multiple occasions. 2015. 8. Morrison,"Algonquin History in theOttawa River Watershed. " 20. 23. Louis, "Can You Hear Us Now?" 134. 9. Benton-Banai, The Mishomis Book, 3. 24. SharonH. Venne, "Treaties Made in Good Faith, " inNatives and Settlers, Now 10. Ojibwe, Ottawa, and Salteaux belong to the Middle Tier, which is defined andThen: Historical Issues and Current Perspectives onTreaties and Land Claims in Can- asa singlelanguage with mutuaUy understandable dialects. See Carl F. ada, ed. PaulW. DePasquale (Edmonton: University ofAlberta Press, 2007), 5. VoegeUnand Florence M.Voegelin "Linguistic Considerations ofNortheastem North 292 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 293

America, " in Manin Northeastern NorthAmerica, Papers ofthe Robert S.Peabody Foun- Barriers Lake, March2003, 6. On the point of epidemics, Di Gangifocuses on the dationfor 3, ed. Frederick Johnson (Andover: Mass. 1946): 178-94. i88os, citing the following archival sources: NA RGio Vol. 2119 File 22, 639 Reel ii. Theoriginsof the term might derivefrom the Maliseetterm elakomwik, C-ii-ManiwakiReserve-Outbreak of Smallpox(1880-85): Logue to DSGLAAu- meaning "they~are our relatives (or aUies)" (Morrison, "Algonquin History in the gust 10, i88o (RN 7966); NA RGio Vol. 2402 File 83, 709 Reel C-ii, 215-Maniwaki Ottawa~River Watershed, " 24, www.thealgonquinway. ca/pdf/algonquin-history Agency. Correspondence regarding Dr. Joseph Comeau, Physician to the River Des- ert Band (1888-90): Martin to SGIA, February 25, i888 (RN 8311); Canada, "Annual . pdf; accessed July 12, aoio). 12. Ibid., 2. Report of the Dept of Indian Affairs for the Year ended 3ist December 1889" (Ot- 13. Ibid., 24.Thanks arealso duehere to SueRoark-Calnek for interpreting for tawa: Brown Chamberlin, Queens Printer, 1890), Part i, 34-35: James Martin to me the connotations of these Frenchdesignations. SGIA, August 15, 1889 (RN 4837). NA RGio Vol. 2511, File 105, 670, Reel 0-11, 232- 14. Ibid. River Desert Agency-Request of the Chiefs of the River Desert Band for a grant 15. MichelThusky, in telephone discussion with author, May28, 2012. or loan of $500 to pay debts incurred through sickness anddeath causedby various 16. SeeR. v Marshall(1999) 3 S.C. R. 456. diseases during the past year (1890); Petition from Maniwaki Chiefs to Indian Af- 17. NormanMatchewan, in discussion with the author, July 13, 2010, Barriere fairs, April 29, 1890 (RN 7979). Lake. 33- Elias, Socio-Economic Profile of the Algonqums ofBarriere Lake, 18. i8. PeterDouglas Elias, Socio-Economk Profile oftheAlgonqums ofBamere Lake, 34- PeterDi Gangiinvestigated contributions of the OttawaVaUey to the pro- January1996 (revised August 2002), prepared for the Algonquin Nation Secretariat. vincial treasury during this period. He examined Quebec's first statistical hand- 19. Ibid., 10. book, published in 1913,which, hereports, "split the province into fourteen regions 20. TobyDecoursay, in discussion with author, July 13, 2010, Barriere Lake. for the purposes of managing the timber harvest. Two of those regions were the 21. Morrison,"Algonquin History in the Ottawa River Watershed, "28. 'UpperOttawa andthe 'LowerOttawa. ' Between1870 and 1913, the UpperOttawa 22. JamesMorrison, "Reporton Treaties of 1760 to 1764," preparedfor the Al- generated $16,762, 745. 00 in provincial government revenues-48. 5% of the total. In gonquin Nation Secretariat, March 2006. the same period timber harvesting on the Lower Ottawa contributed $3, 624, 026. 00 23. Ibid. to provincial coffers-10. 5% of the total. Together, then, these two regions gener- 24. John Borrows, "Wampum at Niagara: The Royal Proclamation, Canadian ated59% of Quebec's revenues from timber for the period 1870-1913" ("Algonquins LegalHistory, andSelf-Government, " inAboriginal andTreaty Rightsin Canada. Es- ofBarriere Lake, " 4). Accordingto WiUiamRyan, wood products were in thirdplace sayson Law, Equality, andRespect for Difference, ed. MichaelAsch (Vancouver: Uni- among Quebec manufacturing industries between 1870 to 1900, foregrounding versity of British Columbia Press, 1997)- howdefinitively Barriere Lakelands underwrote a significant segment of Quebec's 25. Ibid, 163. industrialdevelopment. SeeWilliam Ryan, The Clergy andEconomic Growth in Que- 26. Ibid, 163-65. bee (1896-1914) (Quebec City: Presses de 1'Universite Laval, 1966). 27. RusseU Diabo,in discussion with author, November u, 2011. His point ex- 35- Paul-Andre Linteau, Rene Durocher, and Jean-Claude Robert, Quebec: A tends from the terms ofArticle 40 ofthe Articles of Capitulation, whichread as fol- History, 1867-1929 (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1983), ill. lows:"The savages of Indian allies of his most Christian Majesty, shall be maintained 36. Di Gangi, Algonquins of Barriere Lake, 5. inthe lands they inhabit, ifthey chuseto remain there; they shaU not be molested on 37- Linteau, Durocher, and Robert, Quebec, 114. anypretence whatsoever, for havingcarried arms, andserved his most Christian 38. Ibid., ii5. Majesty; they shall have, aswell as the French, liberty of religion, and shaU keep 39. Leigh Ogston, "Algonquins of Barriere Lake Historical Report, " prepared theirmissionaries. The actual Vicars, General, and the Bishop,when the Episcopal for theAlgonquins of Barriere Lake, November 1987.At page 167she cites Anastase See shaU be filled, shall have leave to send to them new missionaries when they Roi,Maniwake et la vallee dela Gatineau (Ottawa: Presses du "droit," 1933), 65. shall judge it necessary" (emphasis added). 40. Ibid., 171. 28. Dickason, Canada's First Nations, 78. 41. DIA District Manager to Secretary, "Flooding at Barriere, " letter, File 29. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), Transcript of wampum pre- 373/30-22-0,Vol. i, Hudson'sBay Company, North Bay, Ontario,August 22, 1929. sentation to First Ministers Conference, television coverage of presentation of 42. Di Gangi, Algonquinsof Barriere Lake," 19. He citesJohn A. Dales,Hydro- wampumbelts to First Ministers Conferenceby Algonquin delegation March1987. electricity and Industrial Development in Quebec, 1890-1940 (Cambridge: Harvard Transcribedby Nadine Guadaur, January 26, 2004,at Timiskaming First Nation, University Press, 1957), 147-48. Quebec. Edits by Peter Di Gangi, Ottawa, January 26, 2004. 43- Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, Peterborough, LandFiles, Report, 30. This statement is not meant to infer that treaties actuaUymean land sur- File 89405, "Diversionof Waters from the OttawaRiver Watershed to the Gatineau renders andcessions, onlythat this is how governments cameto narrowly interpret RiverWatershed, County of Pontiac," Quebec, 1932, i. them. 44- In December 1940, Quebec set aside this corridor through an Order-in- 31. Aird, "Alienation ofTraditional Landsthrough Conflicting Uses, " i. Council, designating the ten-mile strip as a "tourist reserve. " This move led to bit- 32. Peter Di Gangi, "Algonquins of Barriere Lake: Man-Made Impacts on the ter complaints, not only by Barriere Lake but by the Algonquins of Lac Simon and Community and Fish and Wildlife, 1870-1979, " prepared for the Algonquins of Grand Lac.See National Archives Canada,RGio Vol. 6751, File 420-ioXPt. 3, Reel 294 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 295 C-8io6:Quebec Game Laws-Correspondence & reports re:Abitibi & GrandLake (section67, chapter 93, R. S.Q.1941) gives authority to the Lieutenant-Governor in IndianHunting Preserves, 1938-1940,Reel 0-8106-8207: Chief Nicholas Papatie, Council to 'reserve andset apart, for the benefit ofthe various Indiantribes ofthe Grand Lac, to IndianAffairs, August 21, 1940 (RN 1842). Provinceof Quebec,the usufructof public lands described, surveyed and classi- 45. Chief Makakos was sent word that the community was forbidden from fiedfor such purpose by the Minister of Lands and Forests. ' Saidusufruct maybe huntingor fishing within ten miles of the new highway owing to its designationas 'transferredgratuitously... tothe Government ofCanada to be administered by'it a tourist showcase and to help recoup costs of the highway (Di Gangi, Algonquins in trust for the said Indian tribes. '" of Barriere Lake"). Makokos also complained that the settlers were establishing 58. Chamber of the Executive Council, Quebec, Order-in-Council No. 1895, campgrounds without consultation andwithout anyconsideration ofhis members' September7, 1961. prior use of those sites. 59_ DIANDQRO File 373/3-7-22, Vol. i-Band Management, General, Barriere 46. Departmentof Indian Afifairs, Public Archives Canada, Hugh Conn, Grand LakeBand, Montreal District (June 1964-March 1977): report on a meeting with LakeVictoria Indian Hunting System, 1942Annual Report, RGio Vol. 6751, File Indian Affairs at Rapid Lake, October 20, 1970, prepared by Kermot Moore (RN 420-iox 5. 799°). 47. National Archives Canada (NAG), RGio Vol. 6752, File 420-10-1, Reel 60. DIANDFile E543o-3i/o, Vol. i: Joint Band CouncU Resolution No. i ib re: C-Sioy:Report on Fur Conservation Projects in the Provinceof Quebec & mapsby huntingrights in Grand Lac Preserve, April 11, 1979(RN 3340). HughConn, circa1943 (RN 3790). 61. TobyDecoursay, in discussion withauthor, July23, 2009, Barriere Lake. 48. NAC, Report on Fur Conservation Projects in the Province of Q.uebec & 62. RussellDiabo, in discussionwith author, November2011. maps by Hugh Conn, circa 1943. In chapter 4 I go into greater detail about this 63. TobyDecoursay, in discussion with author, July23, 2009, Barriers Lake. managementregime and Hugh Conn's role in designingand implementing it. 6^. TimothyMitcheU, "TheLimits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and 49. NAG, RGio Vol. 6752, File420-10-1-3, Reel -8107:Third Annual Report on Their Critics, " American Political Science Review 85:1(March 1991): 90; emphasis in Grand LacVictoria Indian Hunting Reserve, 1943 (RN 3789)- original. 50. DiGangi cites at lengthfrom ReneLevesque's patrol diaryfrom 1947("Al- 65. Ibid., 95. gonquinsof Barriere Lake," 24). 66 Hwoldlnms TheFurTradeinCanada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 51. DiGangi reports that "Aslate as1949 they were told byIndian Agent Bakerof 1956).See also Mel Watkins, "Comment: Staples Redux; Studies in Political Economy Maniwaki that if they didnot 'make their maps' they would be 'considered aspoach- 79 (spring 2007): 213-26. ersand if they did not actlike the others they would soon be punished for trapping 6y. Innis, The Fur Tradein Canada. illegally. '" Later that year, departmental officials reported that in 1949 the Barriere 68. SeeTrevor J. Barnes, Logics of Dislocation: Models, Metaphors, and Meanings Indians"rejoined the others and seems satisfied with their results" (ibid., 26, 29). ofEconomic Space (New York: Guilford Press, 1996). 52. SeeDIAND QRO File 373-23-4, Vol. 2-Report & returns, Superintendent's 69. Two mainschools ofpolitical economy havedominated thefield in Canada SemiannualReports, ManiwakiIndian Agency (11/57-12/67): Semiannual report and both owe some debt to the staples theory: the dependency tradition, often from Lorenzo Leclair, Superintendent, Maniwaki Indian Agency, November 30, called the NewPolitical Economy (NPE) ofleft-wing nationalism in the 19605 and 1957(RN 10288); Report of June 5, 1961 (RN 10722); Semiannual report, March 28, 1970s,and the anti-imperial, or Marxist, tradition that emerged a bitlater. Foran 1967 (RN 10722). overviewof these schools of interpretation, seeGlen Williams, "Canada in the In- 53. Father Renaud, director general of the Commission des CEuvres Indiennes ternational Economy, " in TheNew Canadian PoliticalEconomy, ed. Wallace Clement et Esquimaudes (COIE) des Peres Oblats wasinvolved onbehalf of the ablates to get andGlen WiUiams (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University, 1989);the autumn 1981 landset asidefor the Barriere LakeReserve. LeighOgston interviewed him on the specialissue of StuA'es in Political Economy 6; and Jerome Klassen, Joining Empire: process:"No one thought about consulting the Indiansthere in thosedays. It was ThePolitical Economy of the New Canadian Foreign Policy (Toronto: University ofTo- just a matterbetween the differentgovernments. The Chiefsjust wantedhouses ronto Press, 2012). andcouldn't understand why they weren't getting them. They did not understand 70. Paul KeUogg, Escape from the Staple State: Canadian Political Economy after thecomplicated politics going on between the federal and provincial governments LeftNationalism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015). ("Algonquinsof Barriere Lake Historical Report, " unpaginateddocument). 71.^lichael Howlett, M. Ramesh andAnthony Peri, Studying Public Policy (To- 54. QRO File 373-3-8-22, Vol. i-Complaints & Petitions, Barriere Lake, ronto: Oxford University Press, 2003), x. According to more recent statistics, this CaughnawagaDistrict (3/70-4/71): memo to file from C.T., Blouin, IndianAffairs, estimate might be high, though it matters how this figure is calculated. Natural March 1970 (RN 10295). ResourcesCanada puts the figure of Canada's natural resource economy at one-fifth 55. Ibid. oftotal gross domestic product (GDP) (July2015). 56. Hugh Shewell, "Enough to Keep Them Alive": Indian Welfare in Canada, 72. In terms of trade, in 2014 natural resources accounted for more than 1873-1965(Toronto: University ofToronto Press, 2004), 26-27. halfof Canada's merchandise exports (Natural Resources Canada, KeyFacts and 57. DIAND File 373/30-22-0, Vol. i., J. Edouard Guay to Department of Mines Figures of the Natural Resource Sector, http://www. nrcan. gc. ca/publications/ and Resources. Indian Affairs Branch, October 26, 1945: "The Lands and Forests Act ^-facts/i6oi3). 296 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 NOTESTO CHAPTER 3 297 7 3. Foreign direct investment in Canada'snatural resource sectors represents 37 percent of total foreign direct investment (Natural Resources Canada,Key Facts andFigures of the Natural Resource Sector, http://www. nrcan. gc. ca/publications/ key-facts/i6oi3). Fora generaloverview of corporatepower in Canada,see Klas- 5S^§ii^SSE5 sen, Joining Empire. ^e^ansior-fproductionrelieson"o":c^^^^ 74. "Canada, Left-Nationalism, and Alternatives: Paul Kellogg interviewed piul^esLasls ourceof,, ^upplyforits-means"ofSc ^nd^^^^^ by Robin Chang on Escape from the Staples Trap," The Bullet, Socialist Project, E-Bulletin no. 1256, May 13, 2016. 75. Kellogg, Escapefrom the StapleTrap. 76. For a thorough discussion of the more general sidelining of land within critical fields of political economy, see Brett Christophers, "For Real: Landas Capi- tal and Commodity, " Transactions 41:2 (April 2016): 134-48- S^^S<;£Sprocesses ofprimitive-=^a^:^3S; 77. Those who tend to consistently raise the alarm about the role of Indige- J.LG^C!ukh, ard;^sfc"'^'teM^S-^^^^^^^ nous peoples in the naturalresource economy are often reactionaryor politically ^^(MmneTlis:universityofMinnesotapress^Mi4)ri TF^thuerttch^^^^^^^^ conservative commentators whose ideological commitments to assimilation and ^^"m^^coloMaIeconomic?:^:ZV Sid SSH^S marketization at least force them to acknowledgeand analyze the real economic ^OVMltr^ coleA"hoff:andBe/:°s^^^ powerof First Nations in Canada.See, for example, Bill Gallagher, Resource Rulers: ^^^^^ES^t^in^^^ ^ss;d^ Fortune and Folly on Canada's Roadto Resources, self-published, 2012. S^^S^a^i^tIonmnthecfewloPmertofca^aii s^^el3^ 78. Although Innisbelieved that native people werepart ofhighly organized ^SSG?^z^; wo^wri"fas^^ societies of "primitive communism" and capable of defendingtheir interests, in 200S^^^A^3e £S^ts n Snrs ^K:auforniapress- hiscontemporary period he ignored their presence entirely (. Problemsof Staple Pro- ^po^sslo ;::nd^;n^rl^'s^e duction in Canada [Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1933])- See also Stanley Ryerson, The ^l^^^^^^^m Revisited>" studiesin Foundingof Canada: Beginnings to 1815(Toronto: ProgressBooks, 1975). ^tS: 4faSg c^aratw^^^'D^^ 79. Frances Abele and Daiva Stasiulis, "Canada as a 'White Settler Colony': What about Natives and Immigrants?" In The New Canadian Political Economy, ed. ^.^r^2:f£r^. lmit"ACC--M'"'pu'"»- W. Clement and G. WiUiams (Kingston, Montreal, and London: McGm-Q.ueen's 89. Ibid., 21-22.

University, 1989), 240-77. of " o90' M»a"^!ta?'Je <:tion.5:MitcheI1; "on^e Stage Modernity, 10. 8o. LeoPanitch, "Dependency andClass in Canadian Political Economy, " Special ^°sn^ Issue: Rethinking Canadian Political Economy. Studies in Political Economy 6 (autumn ^»^s^-ss^lSW 1981): i6. 81. BrianTitley, A NarrowVision: Duncan Campbell Scott and the Administration ofthe IndianAct (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986). 3.Jurisdiction from the Ground Up 82. There is a small but strong literature on the subject of Indigenous peoples' 1- TobyDecoursay, m discussionwith author, July 22, 2009. participationin the market economythat is interestingbut not directlyrelevant 2. TobyDecoursay, in discussion with author; July 23, ' 200^.' to the argument I am making concerning the macroeconomics of Indigenous jurisdiction. .a4ch2ey^nT^ltc T;onomAauAorandother^trans1^^^^^ 83. Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. i (NewYork: Penguin, 1990), chapters 26-28. ^ald SWT^^yl. 8-2009;see. ^oHei^rai^mepin^^^^^^^^ 84. Roughly speaking, two schools of thought have developed regarding the > e,:^shn,aabeArticulations O^Natio"hoodin Treaty MAing^th^e historical role ofprimitive accumulation. Massimo deAngelis calls one the histori- unitedsTTS.andclnada>"AmOTCT"J"rf;a"^^^^^ calprimitive accumulation" or"Lenin camp" that theorizes primitive accumulation 1' ^obyDecoursay-indiscussion with author, Se'ptemberTs^o^. as prior to the emergenceof capitalism, andthe other, the "inherent-continuous !^mecustomaryrode persists as an oral tradition despite'the'fact that i primitive accumulation"or "Luxemburgcamp, " describedin note 86 ofthis chap- ter (Massimode Angelis, "Marx's Theory of Primitive Accumulation: A Suggested ^^^:^^E^S^^^;Z^^^ w.6^ /p^°.fthe restoration Processfollowing th7reign'o7the1ncteZ" the lnterim Band Reinterpretation," Universityof London, March 1999, http://http://homepages. uel CounalOBC) facilitated b^Superior c7urTj^ge%ie^eP^or . ac.uVM.DeAngelis/PRIMACCA.htm;accessed July 11, 2012).The genealogy of the I' TEddyNottawa^indis<:ussion with author, September 30,: latter scholarshipis more germane to myproject of settler colonialism. on for inlIr, tr e^gMTZLtha! care_isnrtneutralo"P<'l^ndd"epTnudys context 85. Marx, Capital, 876. 86. Michael Perleman emphasizes this gradual nature of primitive accumula- '^s^\s^mct''"~t°~'^^::l:a^^^^ tion aswell, andstresses that somedegree of self-provisioningis alwaysnecessary 9. SueRoark-Calnek, "Algonquins ofBarriere LakeBackground Reports,