Stalin's Golden Boy?
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War Communism and Bolshevik Ideals" Is Devoted to a Case I N Point: the Dispute Over the Motivation of War Communism (The Name Given T O
TITLE : WAR COMMUNISM AND BOLSHEVIK IDEAL S AUTHOR : LARS T . LIH THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION : ' CONTRACTOR : Wellesley Colleg e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Lars T. Li h COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 807-1 9 DATE : January 25, 199 4 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U.S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f information Act 5 U.S. C. 552, or other applicable law. The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (th e Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983) . The analysis and interpretations contained in th e report are those of the author. NCSEER NOTE This interpretive analysis of War Communism (1918-1921) may be of interest to those wh o anticipate further decline in the Russian economy and contemplate the possible purposes an d policies of a more authoritarian regime . -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984)
1 de 2 SCULPTOR NINA SLOBODINSKAYA (1898-1984). LIFE AND SEARCH OF CREATIVE BOUNDARIES IN THE SOVIET EPOCH Anastasia GNEZDILOVA Dipòsit legal: Gi. 2081-2016 http://hdl.handle.net/10803/334701 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ca Aquesta obra està subjecta a una llicència Creative Commons Reconeixement Esta obra está bajo una licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution licence TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898 -1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 Programa de doctorat: Ciències humanes I de la cultura Dirigida per: Dra. Maria-Josep Balsach i Peig Memòria presentada per optar al títol de doctora per la Universitat de Girona 1 2 Acknowledgments First of all I would like to thank my scientific tutor Maria-Josep Balsach I Peig, who inspired and encouraged me to work on subject which truly interested me, but I did not dare considering to work on it, although it was most actual, despite all seeming difficulties. Her invaluable support and wise and unfailing guiadance throughthout all work periods were crucial as returned hope and belief in proper forces in moments of despair and finally to bring my study to a conclusion. My research would not be realized without constant sacrifices, enormous patience, encouragement and understanding, moral support, good advices, and faith in me of all my family: my husband Daniel, my parents Andrey and Tamara, my ount Liubov, my children Iaroslav and Maria, my parents-in-law Francesc and Maria –Antonia, and my sister-in-law Silvia. -
Stalin's and Mao's Famines
Stalin’s and Mao’s Famines: Similarities and Differences Andrea Graziosi National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes, Rome Abstract: This essay addresses the similarities and differences between the cluster of Soviet famines in 1931-33 and the great Chinese famine of 1958-1962. The similarities include: IdeoloGy; planninG; the dynamics of the famines; the relationship among harvest, state procurements and peasant behaviour; the role of local cadres; life and death in the villaGes; the situation in the cities vis-à-vis the countryside, and the production of an official lie for the outside world. Differences involve the followinG: Dekulakization; peasant resistance and anti-peasant mass violence; communes versus sovkhozes and kolkhozes; common mess halls; small peasant holdings; famine and nationality; mortality peaks; the role of the party and that of Mao versus Stalin’s; the way out of the crises, and the legacies of these two famines; memory; sources and historioGraphy. Keywords: Communism, Famines, Nationality, Despotism, Peasants he value of comparinG the Soviet famines with other famines, first and T foremost the Chinese famine resultinG from the Great Leap Forward (GLF), has been clear to me since the time I started comparinG the Soviet famines at least a decade ago (Graziosi 2009, 1-19). Yet the impulse to approach this comparison systematically came later, and I owe it to Lucien Bianco, who invited me to present my thouGhts on the matter in 2013.1 As I proceeded, the potential of this approach grew beyond my expectations. On the one hand, it enables us to better Grasp the characteristics of the Soviet (1931-33) and Chinese famines and their common features, shedding new light on both and on crucial questions such This essay is the oriGinal nucleus of “Stalin’s and Mao’s Political Famines: Similarities and Differences,” forthcoming in the Journal of Cold War Studies. -
The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993). -
How the Urals Might Answer Russia's 21St-Century
No. 69 l July 2021 KENNAN CABLE President Vladimir Putin addresses the opening of the INNOPROM-2017 industrial trade fair in Ekaterinburg, Russia. (Source: en.kremlin.ru / Attribution: CC BY 4.0) How the Urals Might Answer Russia’s 21st-Century Economic Crisis: A Pivot to the East? By Michael J. Corsi In the early history of Russia, the Ural Mountains were breakdown of relations between Russia and former the New World of the empire. At about the same time Soviet republics, such as Ukraine, as well as increasing Columbus “discovered” the North American continent, contention between Russia and NATO over the future Russian explorers stumbled upon this magnificent of states like Belarus—mainly the result of Russian mountain range. In the 18th century, Vasily Tatishchev, military mobilization there and Putin’s attempts to on-and-off head of the Urals mining industry, declared exploit Lukashenko’s political vulnerability in lieu of the region a continental boundary, a place where one fraudulent election results—has limited the country’s could stand with one foot in Europe and the other in western trading partners. Asia. Almost 300 years later, Tatishchev’s observation Furthermore, in response to continued Russian continues to ring true. The Russian Federation is poised cyberattacks and international aggression, the to embark on a great economic reorientation. The Urals, United States is committed to pursuing punitive timeless as ever, lie right in the middle of this shift. sanctions against Russian exports to Europe, while Russia’s geopolitical position in the West has become simultaneously hindering the construction of new increasingly precarious over the past 30 years. -
Discerning the Global 1989 Through the Lens of 1989 As World-Historical
www.ssoar.info Discerning the global in the European revolutions of 1989 Armbruster, Chris Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Arbeitspapier / working paper Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Armbruster, C. (2008). Discerning the global in the European revolutions of 1989. (Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989, 12). Berlin. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-27092 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Working Paper Series of the Research Network 1989 Working Paper 12/2008 ISSN 1867-2833 Discerning the Global in the European Revolutions of 1989 Chris Armbruster Executive Director, Research Network 1989 www.cee-socialscience.net/1989 Research Associate, Max Planck Digital Library, Max Planck Society www.mpdl.mpg.d Abstract With the benefit of hindsight it becomes easier to appraise the historical significance and impact of the European revolutions of 1989. By a privileging a global point of view, it becomes possible to leave behind the prevalent perspective of 1989 as a regional transition of Central Europe only. This essay does not substitute the stultifying regional perspective for a globalist -
The Great Impact of Lenin's Return to Russia in April 1917
Research Article A Revolution without Lenin? The Great Impact of Lenin’s Return to Russia in April 1917 Will Chamberlain University of Essex Abstract Much has been written on the significance of Lenin as a party leader, revolutionary, and later statesman, with much of this research primarily focusing on his words, actions, and impact. Little work, in comparison, has considered what may have happened if Lenin did not, or was not able to, return to Russia in April 1917. The consideration of what may have happened without Lenin not only further develops an analysis of his importance, but also allows an examination of other key figures who may have stepped forward in his absence, as well as the significance of events that would likely have occurred regardless of his presence. This work makes use of a variety of studies that have focused on Lenin himself, the Bolshevik party, and the revolution as a whole, as well as Sean McMeekin’s alternative study of a revolution without Lenin. Through these works an analysis of Lenin’s considerable impact in 1917 is offered, as well as an examination of the likelihood of a democratic soviet government led by the Socialist Revolutionary party and a plausible separate peace had Lenin not returned to Russia. Keywords: Lenin, Revolution, Russia, 1900s 1 This article is CC BY Will Chamberlain Essex Student Journal, 2017, Vol 9. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5526/esj22 A Revolution without Lenin? The Great Impact of Lenin’s Return to Russia in April 1917 Article Lenin, along with a number of other political dissidents, was residing in Switzerland when news broke of the fall of the Tsar. -
On Stalin's Team
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION When Stalin wanted to temporize in dealing with foreigners, he sometimes indicated that the problem would be getting it past his Polit- buro. This was taken as a fiction, since the diplomats assumed, correctly, that the final decision was his. But that doesn’t mean that there wasn’t a Polit buro that he consulted or a team of colleagues he worked with. That team—about a dozen persons at any given time, all men—came into ex- istence in the 1920s, fought the Opposition teams headed by Lev Trotsky and Grigory Zinoviev after Lenin’s death, and stayed together, remark- ably, for three decades, showing a phoenixlike capacity to survive team- threatening situations like the Great Purges, the paranoia of Stalin’s last years, and the perils of the post- Stalin transition. Thirty years is a long time to stay together in politics, even in a less lethal political climate than that of the Soviet Union under Stalin. The team finally disbanded in 1957, when one member (Nikita Khrushchev) made himself the new top boss and got rid of the rest of them. I’ve used the term “team” (in Russian, komanda) for the leadership group around Stalin. At least one other scholar has also used this term, but alternatives are available. You could call it a “gang” (shaika) if you wanted to claim that its activities—ruling the country—had an illegiti- mate quality that made them essentially criminal rather than govern- mental. -
Khrushchev Era Politics and the Investigation of the Kirov Murder, 1956-1957
Title Khrushchev Era Politics and the Investigation of the Kirov Murder, 1956-1957 Author(s) Lenoe, Matthew Citation Acta Slavica Iaponica, 24, 47-73 Issue Date 2007 Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/39515 Type bulletin (article) File Information ASI24_003.pdf Instructions for use Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 24, pp. 47-73 Khrushchev Era Politics and the Investigation of the Kirov Murder, 1956-1957 Matthew Lenoe The assassination of Sergei Kirov, Leningrad party chief, on December 1, 1934, was a political sensation inside and outside the USSR. Although the kill- er, a disgruntled Communist named Leonid Nikolaev, insisted in early interro- gations that he had acted alone, Soviet police could not accept this. In a Soviet culture where even rotten vegetables on store shelves could signal counter- revolutionary sabotage, investigators interpreted the murder as a conspiracy by hostile capitalist powers, internal “class enemies,” or both. Under Stalin’s direction, senior officers of the security police (NKVD/UGB) pinned the blame for the assassination on Stalin’s former rivals in the Communist Party leader- ship, the so-called “Left” and “Right” oppositionists. Within four weeks of the killing, a Soviet military tribunal sentenced to death Nikolaev and thirteen alleged co-conspirators, almost all of them former members of the so-called “Zinovievite Opposition” in Leningrad. Then in January 1935 Soviet courts convicted Grigorii Zinoviev and one-time ally Lev Kamenev of “moral com- plicity” in Kirov’s murder, supposedly because they had fostered oppositionist moods within the party. These trials, of the so-called “Leningrad Center” and “Moscow Center” respectively, began a brutal purge of the party leadership.1 In the four years that followed, Stalin and his security men used torture, blackmail, and threats to develop “evidence” against nearly all of Stalin’s past opponents among the party leaders. -
The Origins of Oligarchy: the Evolution of Communism and the System of Pressure Groups in the USSR
CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION 1000 YEARS OF POLISH–GERMAN–RUSSIAN RELATIONS T h e J o u r n a l o f K o l e g i u m J a g i e l l o n s K i e T o r u n s K a s z K o l a W y z s z a V o l . i : 3 9 – 4 4 DOI: 10.2478/conc-2014-0006 Jaryna Boreńko The origins of oligarchy: the evolution of communism and the system of pressure groups in the USSR Key words: nomenklatura, Soviet Union, Ukraine, Russia 1. Introduction more than antidemocratic. Such structures, referred to as oligarchies, are not a novelty in the history of the The phenomenon of oligarchy in post-Soviet countries, development of group system in Soviet society. They mainly in Russia and Ukraine, has recently become result from the evolution of the communist system, the label for the functioning of the political system to especially specific activities of pressure groups. When distinguish the real participants of political processes. we pay more attention to the characteristics of political They, in fact, due to their un-established legal status activity and behaviour, and less to the institutional replace the formal structures of a state, such as political conditioning of the system, the evolution of the group parties or local authorities, in the process of decision system in Russian policy perceived as the phenomenon making. The characteristics of the oligarchs` activities, of the influence of informal subjects on decision their high position on the lists of the wealthiest people making, enables the comprehension of the character of of the world, as well as their participation in opposition the modern day oligarchy. -
What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II
A Thesis entitled “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Masters of Liberal Studies ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Michael Jakobson ______________________________ College of Graduate Studies University of Toledo May 2009 1 2 An Abstract of “Uncle Joe”: What Americans Thought of Joseph Stalin Before and After World War II by Kimberly Hupp A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of The Master of Liberal Studies University of Toledo May 2009 A thesis presented on the American public opinion of Josef Stalin before and after World War II beginning with how Russia and Stalin was portrayed in the media before the war began, covering how opinions shifted with major events such as the famine, collectivization, the Great Terror, wartime conferences, the Cold War and McCarthyism. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ................................................................................................................ii Table of Contents................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements .............................................................................................v List of Figures……………………………………………………………….vii List of Abbreviations……………………………………………………… .viii Introduction.........................................................................................................