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Descargar Como Leña, Metralletas Y Fusiles Del Interior Del Avión brasil en bolivia: lecciones de un golpe ramiro Sánchez cuadernos brasileños ediciones letras (c) Librería y Ediciones Letras, Agustinas 814, local 33, Galería El Mayorazgo, Santiago de Chile. Este libro está realizado con la colaboración del Frente Brasileño de Informaciones en Santiago de Chile. Inscripción N9 40.175. Impresores: Editorial Prensa La- tinoamericana S. A., Root 537, Santiago de Chile. I introducción El golpe militar fascista que derribó al Gobierno Popular de Juan José Torres en Bolivia, además de ser el producto de la lucha interna de las clases por el poder, significó la entrada a escena en América latina, de una nueva fuerza al servicio del gran capital inter- nacional y del imperialismo, representada en los mi- litares brasileños que intervinieron en forma directa a través de entrenamiento, propaganda y suministro de armas a los fascistas bolivianos. En este trabajo de denuncia y alerta a los pueblos de América Latina que luchan por los cambios sociales, por el desarrollo de las fuerzas productivas detenidas en el cauce de la dependencia y la explotación de cla- ses, buscamos demostrar a través de hechos documen- tados, la intromisión de los fascistas brasileños en la lucha de clases en Bolivia. Pese a -que entendemos que los hechos políticos no deben ser reducidos a solo uno de sus elementos y fundamentalmente, a que los factores externos son un elemento más de análisis, tomamos como línea la pre- sencia brasileña detrás del complot fascista que tuvo su inauguración en agosto de 1971, y omitimos anali- zar los hechos internos, producto de la encarnizada lu- cha de clases que se traba en el país del Altiplano. El golpe de Bolivia sirve de lección a todos los pueblos de nuestro continente. No se trata de un gol- pe más en un país que tiene la triste "cultura" del cuartelazo. Se demostró esta vez que la burguesía se une, suma fuerzas y parte a la ofensiva, en el momen- to en que se ve amenazada de perder las riendas del poder, ante el avance del movimiento de masas. Así se dio en Bolivia, con la alianza del MNR (Partido que realizó la Reforma Agraria en el gobierno de Paz Es- tenssoro) con la Falange Socialista, partido de orienta- ción nazi (que representa los intereses del latifundio), y además se buscó una alianza externa con los vecinos latinoamericanos: Brasil, Argentina y Paraguay. Dijimos que en Bolivia no se dio un golpe más. Pri- mero, porque la clase obrera avanzaba definitivamen- 7 te por la senda de la toma del poder y, segundo, por- que el avance de la conciencia proletaria de las ma- sas bolivianas, amenazaba en promover en forma de- finitiva el desequilibrio de la correlación de fuerzas del imperialismo en América Latina. La presencia brasileña en Bolivia no es un hecho aislado. El Boletín, "Frente Brasileño de Informacio- nes", órgano del Comité de Denuncia de la Represión en Brasil, desde su aparición, a principios de 1970, vie- ne denunciando la "Diplomacia Blindada" de los mili- tares brasileños aplicada en América Latina. Primero fue en Uruguay donde se ¡montó un verdadero cerco de fronteras, con destacamento de tropas y envío de efec- tivos policiales a Montevideo para "entrenar" a los po- licías uruguayos en la "caza" de los Tupamaros. Luego surgieron las histriónicas declaraciones de los minis- tros militares en contra del Gobierno de la Unidad Po- pular en Chile y enseguida la intervención directa en Bolivia. La visita de Garrastazú a Nixon en diciembre de 1970, dejó clara la nueva estrategia de dominación del imperialismo sobre América Latina. En el momento en que se anuncia una crisis del capitalismo a escala mundial, con Estados Unidos como su centro hegemó- nico, perdiendo varios de sus frentes de sustentación en Asia, Oriente Medio, Africa y América Latina, nada me- jor que delegar "responsabilidades compartidas" para asegurar la hegemonía sobre el área. Nixon reconoció a Brasil como líder del Cono Sur y le ofreció una división de tareas: las "responsabili- dades compartidas". Por lo tanto, es hora de redoblar la vigilancia so- bre los pasos de la dictadura fascista brasileña que, en el plano interno, superexplota a la clase obrera, a los campesinos, a los estudiantes, tortura y asesina a los opositores al régimen y en el plano externo promueve la escalada del fascismo en el continente. 8 II el esquema de nn golpe El 6 de octubre de 1970 se produce el golpe que logra la renuncia de Ovando. Ante esta situación, el pueblo responde con una huelga general política que paraliza a todo el país. En ese momento surgen en el ejército ele- mentos que resisten el golpe: la fuerza aérea y el regi- miento Colorados. No hay enfrentamiento armado. La huelga general decide el fin del triunvirato militar, pro- ducto del golpe. Torres aprovecha hábilmente la posibi- lidad de un enfrentamiento dentro del ejército para to- mar el poder con el apoyo popular. El pueblo a través de la COB (Central Obrera Boli- viana) y los partidos políticos de izquierda (PRIN, PC Boliviano y PC Marxista-Leninista), los cuatro POR, (*) la DCR, Espartaco, el sector laboral del MNR, forman el Comando Político del pueblo que plantea una indepen- dencia política frente al Gobierno de Torres y exige la formación de la Asamblea del Pueblo como germen de poder obrero. Esta dirección política ayuda a la radicalización del pueblo y logra presionar para el logro de importantes medidas económicas y sociales que conducen poco a poco al Gobierno de Torres hacia posiciones más a la iz- quierda. Meses después de haberse constituido la Asamblea del Pueblo, se produce el golpe de derecha que está vi- viendo el país. Mientras tanto, la burguesía comercial y una parte de la burguesía industrial (construcción y fabril), reali- za durante esos nueve meses un repliegue hacia la zona oriental de Bolivia, eligiendo la ciudad de Santa Cruz como centro de operaciones. La derecha actúa muy hábilmente, logrando movi- lizar a sectores importantes del pueblo cruceño por rei- vindicaciones localistas. El robo de joyas a una Virgen es usado por la Iglesia reaccionaria para hacer una (*) Partido Obrero Revolucionarlo, designación de las organiza- ciones trotsklstas. 11 procesión que logra reunir a más de 50 mil personas con- tra el "comunismo". Se fermentan los movimientos se- paratistas. Se pretendía crear una república indepen- diente. Se utilizan los contactos con los elementos de derecha en las fuerzas armadas. Se preparan grupos ci- viles que se entrenan militarmente en Argentina y Brasil. Por último, durante estos dos últimos meses, realizan una guerra psicológica anunciando golpes sucesivos. Se anuncian, más o menos, veinte golpes, se producen vein- te movilizaciones realizadas por la Asamblea del Pueblo. Esto logra bajar la guardia del pueblo. Se realizan algunos intentos de golpes que son co- nocidos por el Gobierno, pero que éste no puede con- trolar. Se agudizan las contradicciones en el ejército que se encuentra completamente dividido. ELEMENTOS QUE DESENCADENARON EL PROCESO El 15 de agosto de 1971 llega a Bolivia una misión comercial brasileña con el fin de obtener la concesión para explotar el yacimiento de hierro de Mutún —la maytor reserva probada del hierro de América Latina y la tercera reserva mundial sin explotar. Torres se decide a aceptar los convenios comerciales y finan- cieros colaterales que proponían los brasileños, pero rechaza la concesión de la explotación del Mutún. Al día siguiente se produce un pronunciamiento del regimiento Challapala, con asiento en Oruro, que se subleva y es sofocado. Dos días después, Torres anuncia al país la obtención de un crédito de 200 millones de dólares concedido por la URSS para el levantamiento de una planta siderúrgica en la zona del Mutún. Este gesto, junto con el pronunciamiento que realizaron, un grupo de suboficiales y clases, lla- mando a conformar el Ejército Popular, son los deto- nantes que sirven para movilizar a todos los aparatos subversivos. La lucha acelera la preparación del golpe militar definitivo que se realiza dos días después. El pretexto que usaron las fuerzas reaccionarias fue el hecho de que hablan sido apresados, en uno de los muchos intentos de golpa descubiertos en Santa Cruz, los principales cabecillas del movimiento, entre ellos el coronel Banzer, actual dictador de Bolivia. Diviles falangistas tratan de rescatarlos y logran libe- rar a la mitad de los prisioneros, pero son repelidos por efectivos policiales y universitarios partidarios de Torres. Para controlar la situación, éste ordena la in- tervención del Regimiento Rangers bajo la dirección del coronel Andrés Selich. Esta unidad toma la ciudad, pe- ro luego se pronuncia en contra de Torres. Inmediata- mente Brasil ordena la movilización de sus. tropas hacia la frontera boliviana, donde tiene una escuadrilla de aviones de caza pintados con la bandera boliviana. Lue- go, sincronizadamente, se producen pronunciamientos 12 similares en las unidades de Tarija, Beni, Pando y Ca- miri, centro petrolero. (1) El 17 de agosto, dos días después del rechazo de Torres a la participación brasileña en el Mutún, y dos días antes del golpe, llegan a Santa Cruz, cuna del mo- vimiento golpista, dos aviones de la Fuerza Aérea Bra- sileña (FAB) que descargan cajones, presumiblemente conteniendo armas. Un hecho que puede comprobar el contenido de tales cajones, es el tipo de armamentos que esté! siendo utilizado por las "milicias" fascistas en esta provincia de la frontera. Según atestiguan exilados bolivianos en Chile, hasta niños y niñas hijos de lati- fundistas de la región cruceña, hacen allanamientos a casas de militantes de izquierda, portando metralletas de fabricación brasileña, marca INA, de uso exclusivo de las fuerzas armadas brasileñas. "Dios, Patria y Honor", fue la consigna utilizada por loa militares cruceños para movilizar a los fascistas de la provincia.
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