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Volume 18, Number 1 Center for Desert Archaeology Winter 2004

One Valley, Many Histories: Tohono O’odham, Hopi, Zuni, and Western Apache History

FTER WORKING in the San Pedro Valley for more than a decade and recording hundreds of archaeo- Alogical sites, the staff of the Center for Desert Archaeology realized that they had amassed a great amount of scientific data but knew relatively little about the traditional history of this area. How descendant communities conceive of their ancestors, the cultural values these communities have for ancestral villages, and the historical narratives embedded in tribal traditions were all recognized as important ele- ments in a humanistic understanding of the past and an equitable management of these sites in the future. This project was developed to address these issues through collaborative research with some of the tribes whose ancestors occupied the San Pedro in ancient and more-recent times. With funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Center initiated a research partnership with the Hopi, San Carlos and White Mountain Apache, Tohono O’odham, and Zuni tribes to investigate tribal ethnohistories relating to the San Pedro Valley. The theme of the project was “One Valley, Many Histories,” to recognize there are many interwoven histories of the San Pedro Valley. Each tribe designated a research assistant and a team Reeve Ruin, on a mesa high above the San Pedro River, was the home of of tribal members to work with Center scholars on the Western Pueblo immigrants between the thirteenth and fourteenth centu- project. At Hopi and Zuni, tribal researchers were drawn ries. Today, it is a place of deep meaning to many Native American groups. from established cultural advisory teams; for the San Carlos search questions developed to elicit tribal histories Apache and Tohono O’odham, knowledgeable tribal mem- through field visits to archaeological sites; museum re- bers were selected to form research teams. search to study collec- The project was designed with a flexible work plan tions of excavated arti- that was adjusted to fit the needs and interests articulated facts at the Amerind Archaeology Southwest is a Quarterly by research participants. We began with a set of basic re- Foundation, in Dragoon, Publication of the Center for Desert Archaeology Arizona, and the Arizona State landscape was used to talk about Museum, in Tucson; and oral tribal history, how sites consti- history interviews with tribal tute monuments, and how arti- members. During the project, the facts are used to recall the past. research design was modified to Our colleagues in the tribal re- accommodate the suggestions search teams explained how all and questions of different tribal these forms of memory create research teams. Numerous meet- vital connections between past ings were held with tribal repre- and present native peoples. sentatives to ensure the research These issues are woven together was conducted in a culturally in this issue of Archaeology appropriate manner and to re- Southwest. Native American view project results. A longer perspectives add an essential technical report on the San component to our knowledge Pedro Ethnohistory Project is of the archaeology and history being prepared and will be avail- of the San Pedro Valley, as well able in 2004. as to our understanding of why During fieldwork, close attention was paid to how the ancient sites are still important today.

A Mosaic of Land, History, and Culture

OW CAN FOUR TRIBES all claim a historical and cultural connection to the San Pedro Valley? The more that archaeologists work in the Southwest, the more we are coming to understand that the inscription of the past on the land Hconstitutes a complex mosaic of history and culture. Traditional concepts of archaeological cultures—revolving around the triad of Hohokam, Anasazi, and Mogollon—are proving too static to capture the dynamic culture history of past peoples. The idea that there were fixed cultures with circumscribed geographical boundaries does not give credence to the reality that past peoples sometimes migrated widely throughout the Southwest, moving across the boundaries of archaeological cultures, and intermingling culturally. The migration of a Western Pueblo population into the San Pedro Valley, seen at Reeve Ruin and the Davis Ranch site, exemplifies this process. We believe tribal traditions and histories provide a key source of information to augment an archaeological understanding of past cultures and social identity. The Hopi, for example, view themselves as a composite of peoples. They talk about the gathering of clans on the Hopi Mesas, with clans coming from different areas, each bringing a cultural contribution. The Hopi believe these Hopi (below) and O’odham (above) advisors ex- ancestors lived in many areas of the Southwest and participated in many different amine the multiple meanings of Reeve Ruin. (Pho- archaeological cultures during their long migration to the Hopi Mesas. The Zuni tographs by T. J. Ferguson.) recognize that, in the past, different peoples sometimes resided in the same villages, and they say this explains why different tribes share songs, religious ceremonies, and shrine areas. The Tohono O’odham acknowledge that there are several groups of O’odham-speaking peoples, some of whom lived in Hohokam great houses and platform-mound communities, and some of whom attacked those settlements. The Tohono O’odham today recognize both of these groups as ancestors. The Apache are known to have intermarried with other tribes, with girls captured during raids sometimes becoming wives. All of these social rela- tions combine in the San Pedro Valley to create a diverse composition of separate but overlapping histories, with many tribes having cultural ties to several of the same places and landscapes. Thus, ancient and recent occupation of the San Pedro Valley forms a mosaic of land, history, and culture.

Page 2 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 Archaeology of the San Pedro River Valley Patrick D. Lyons, Center for Desert Archaeology

EARLY 13,000 YEARS of ing corn, beans, squash, cotton, and occupation are reflected in tobacco. The construction of the Nthe archaeology of the San Pedro region’s first permanent, year-round Valley. Many important and well- settlements, formal cemeteries, and ir- dated Paleoindian sites (11,000– rigation canals occurred at this time, 8500 B.C.) are found in this valley, and people began to make plain ware including Murray Springs, Lehner, pottery. The transition from the atlatl Naco, and Escapule. The Paleoin- (throwing board) and dart to the bow dian period was characterized by a and arrow may have occurred during cooler, wetter climate, and the fauna this span. The San Pedro phase (1500/ included now-extinct animals such 1000 to 500 B.C.) of the Early Agri- as mammoth, horse, sloth, and cultural period is named for sites in camel. Paleoindian groups lived in the San Pedro Valley near Fairbank. small, mobile bands, following Between A.D. 50 and 1200— herds of animals and gathering known as the pre-Classic period— wild plant foods. groups became increasingly depen- As the climate became warmer dent upon agriculture and built large and drier, and the giant mammals villages and extensive irrigation net- died off, people hunted deer and works. Painted pottery was produced, smaller game, and wild plant foods and the exchange of pottery and shell became increasingly important. jewelry intensified. North of Benson, This lifestyle—which archaeolo- sites of this period contain artifacts and gists call the Archaic period—flour- architecture associated with the Ho- ished until approximately 1700 hokam archaeological culture of the B.C. During this period, ground Phoenix, Tucson, and Tonto basins. stone tools for crushing and grind- These groups lived in pithouses, ing seeds and nuts, and roasting manufactured red-on-buff or red-on- pits for cooking plant foods, became brown painted pottery, and built com- common. People began to move munity structures called ballcourts. seasonally between the uplands and During the late pre-Classic and the lowlands to take advantage of different kinds of wild the early Classic periods, immigrants from the Mogollon resources. Highlands moved into the valley and began to make cor- The Early Agricultural period (1700 B.C.–A.D. 50) is rugated pottery. During the Classic period (A.D. 1200 to marked by the appearance of domesticated crops, includ- 1450), they constructed walled villages with aboveground

11,000 B.C. 10,000 B.C. 9000 B.C. 8000 B.C. 2000 B.C. 1500 B.C. 1000 B.C. 500 B.C. A.D. / B.C. A.D. 500 A.D. 1000 A.D. 1500 A.D. 2000

Paleoindian Period Archaic Period Early Agricultural Period Pre-Classic Period Hohokam Classic Period Western Pueblo Immigration Archaeological Timeline for the Sobaipuri Apache San Pedro Valley Euro-American Ranching and Farming

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 3 rooms—known as compound architecture—and flat- depopulated. topped artificial hills—called platform mounds—like Sometime after 1450, but before the 1690s, Sobaipuri those of the Phoenix, Tucson, and Tonto basins. Platform and Apache occupation is indicated by evidence found in mounds were probably used for the performance of reli- both the archaeological record and in Spanish documents. gious ceremonies by local leaders. There are 11 platform The Sobaipuri spoke a Piman dialect related to those spo- mound villages in the San Pedro Valley, clustered in groups ken by the Tohono O’odham and the Akimel O’odham. that may represent irrigation communities. By A.D. 1300, As conflict among the Sobaipuri, the Apache, and the Span- groups of immigrants from northern Arizona moved into iards increased during the 1700s, the Sobaipuri relocated, parts of the valley, bringing distinctive Puebloan pottery joining the O’odham of the Tucson Basin and the Gila and architectural traits. Two sites in particular—Reeve River Valley. Apache use of the area has continued to the Ruin and the Davis Ranch site—provide compelling evi- present day. The San Pedro Valley is currently occupied dence of ancient migration. By A.D. 1450, the valley was primarily by non-Indian ranchers and farmers.

“Our Cousins to the East”: O’odham Traditions in the San Pedro Valley Bernard Siquieros

OZENS OF FADING VILLAGES with few material remains lie scattered along Dthe San Pedro River. These are the homes of the Sobaipuri—the name recorded by the Spaniards to describe the O’odham-speaking peoples who lived on the empire’s northern frontier during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Today, few O’odham recognize this dated term, but many still speak about their ancestors who lived in the San Pedro, their “cousins to the east.” When Father Eusebio Kino and his compa- triots first visited the San Pedro Valley in 1692, they found thriving communities of farmers. At villages like Gaybanipitea and Quiburi, Kino saw networks of canals feeding lush fields bearing crops of beans, corn, squash, and cotton. The Sobaipuri lived mainly in brush houses, the remains of which are Tohono O’odham advisors discuss traditional games and races at the Soza Ruin today marked only by the rings of rocks once used ballcourt. to anchor a framework of bent poles. O’odham people rec- them cattle to herd and encouraging them to build small ognize these as temporary brush houses, used primarily adobe buildings to lodge itinerant priests. The European for sleeping and shelter from colonists were greatly interested in the rain and the blistering sun. Ac- San Pedro Valley, because it served as cording to the O’odham advi- a buffer between militant Apache sors, these villages were prob- groups to the northeast and the Span- ably comprised of several fami- T. J. Ferguson ish settlements in Sonora. Several lies who planted crops and also O’odham elders suggested that when traveled in different seasons the Spaniards arrived, the Indians over a wide area to collect wild were forced to decide between resis- plants and to hunt animals. tance and accommodation—between The Spaniards sought to Tohono O’odham elder José Enriquez explains assimilate the Sobaipuri into that painted bowls may be used for serving food the colonial system, giving in ceremonies.

Page 4 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 warfare and incorporation into the Spanish The Village of Gaybanipitea system of government. These O’odham describe how, prior to the arrival of the conquis- N 1950 AND 1951, tadors, the Apache and O’odham were on Charles C. Di Peso, of good terms. This fits nicely with early Span- Ithe Amerind Founda- ish documents, which suggest alliances be- tion, led the excavation tween Sobaipuri and Apache communities, of a village site revealing our understanding of Spanish “divide and 21 houses; a roasting pit; rule” political tactics, and Apache clan tradi- Indian and Spanish tions that may include O’odham ancestry. tools; and a large, When the O’odham allied themselves burned adobe structure. with the Spaniards, they were soon ensnared Although not all agree in a cycle of violence against Apache groups with his interpretation that continued unabated until the late nine- today, Di Peso thought teenth century. In the 1760s, Spanish offi- this was the Sobaipuri cials convinced the Sobaipuri in the San village of Gaybanipitea, Pedro Valley to emigrate to the frontier vil- an important place that lages of their Tohono O’odham (Papago) and links O’odham history Akimel O’odham (Pima) relatives, where with the Apache and they could bolster the population and aug- Hopi. Father Kino re- ment the defense of the Spanish colony. As ported that on March 30, the years passed, the Sobaipuri from the San 1698, a coalition of 600 Pedro Valley remained on the Santa Cruz and Apache, Jocome, Suma, Gila rivers, adopting the customs of their new and Manso men and home. women attacked Gayba- A complex of richly detailed O’odham nipitea at dawn. When oral traditions symbolically and historically O’odham warriors from Bernard Siquieros and T. J. Ferguson talk about farm- connects their ancestors to the San Pedro Val- Quiburi arrived to coun- ing and water at Gaybanipitea. (Photograph by Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh.) ley even further back in time. According to terattack, the Apache O’odham traditional stories, eons ago, a mas- leader challenged the O’odham to a duel, 10 warriors on each side. When sive flood drowned the Indian people of the the fight began, the Sobaipuri so skillfully dodged the arrows that soon all world. With the earth empty, the culture hero 10 Apache were defeated. The elated O’odham then chased the Apache I’itoi (Elder Brother) created the Huhugkam for miles, killing some 50 more women and men. (Those Who Are Gone), who built and lived Nearly two decades later, Kino’s successor Father Luís Velarde wrote, in the great adobe houses, such as Casa “as the old Pimas tell, the Sobaipuris have had a mutual communication Grande. However, the Huhugkam were un- with the Moquinos [Hopis] . . . that they held fairs together.” Velarde happy with I’itoi and persuaded Buzzard to reports that on one occasion, while the Hopi were visiting in the San kill him. I’itoi magically resurrected himself Pedro at “Taibamipita” (possibly Gaybanipitea), they fought for some and went to the Underworld, where he re- unknown reason. Although the Pima wished to resume trading, after the cruited the Wu:skam (Those Who Emerged) disagreement, Apache groups moved into the territory through which to seek vengeance on his assassins. The army the trail passed, making such travel impossible. soon returned to the earth and vanquished the Huhugkam. From different versions of this tale, some people be- reminded us, “With the Hohokam, they’re gone yet we’re lieve that the O’odham were the conquerors, while others still here.” suggest they were the conquered. However, several Although the Sobaipuri left their villages on the San O’odham elders say that both groups were ancestors, be- Pedro in the 1760s, they still considered the valley a place cause, as Bernard Siquieros explained, “we were all cre- of spiritual and material importance. As Bernard Fontana ated by the Creator, I’itoi. We all came from the same place, observed in his book, Of Earth and Little Rain, “it is clear and we went out with different languages . . . we were all that ‘abandoned’ is a relative concept in the world of created on this land, this earth. The respect we feel for the Papago culture.” Over the years, O’odham women and O’odham is extended to all people.” Thus, Mr. Siquieros children returned to the San Pedro as Apache captives,

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 5 and O’odham men traveled through the valley to raid landscapes. Because these places are so important for en- Apache camps. Additionally, for generations, O’odham gendering O’odham identity and knowledge, elders are continued to revisit the San Pedro to harvest nature’s concerned about the way in which people care for artifacts bounty. Akimel O’odham occasionally hunted on the San and sites. They expressed anger and sadness at the wide- Pedro, but more regularly, Tohono O’odham gathered spread destruction of ancestral sites in the San Pedro Val- acorns, saguaro fruit, and mescal around Babath ta’oag ley by vandalism and development. O’odham elders also (Frog Mountain), the Santa Catalina Mountains north of conveyed a deep concern for the power entwined in arti- Tucson. facts like crystals and “lightning stones” that can bring Driving along the northern edge of Babath ta’oag, fortune if given respect, but great sickness if mishandled. Tohono O’odham tribal members Ida Ortega, Mary Flores, For some O’odham elders, the San Pedro Valley—with and Felicia Nuñez all recalled their families gathering running water, towering cottonwoods and saguaro, and beargrass and yucca for making baskets around the town abundant wildlife—is comparable with other rivers of the of Oracle. Although in generations past families would O’odham homeland such as the Santa Cruz. Today, how- linger for several days, Mary Flores recalled that, in her ever, the Santa Cruz is a dry wash struggling for survival. lifetime, her family could not stay overnight because they Looking at pictures of the San Pedro River, Anita Antone would be run off the land, so they left when early evening remarked nostalgically, “the Santa Cruz, it used to look came. like that, with willows and cottonwoods—where we used Not having access to land means not being able to to rest under the shade.” Bernard Siquieros said that when collect materials that foster traditional activities and sus- he used to climb to the top of the Santa Catalina Moun- tain communities. When O’odham youth do not travel to tains and look eastward, he would think, “This is where traditional lands, they tend not to learn histories, explana- my ancestors’ relatives used to live.” But when he actually tions that order the world. Joseph and José Enriquez thus visited Sobaipuri and Hohokam sites, experiencing the emphasized their hope that the younger generation has valley firsthand, it was then that being in the San Pedro the chance of visiting—“actually seeing”—their traditional “felt like home, like being at home.”

The Lost Others: Zuni Ancestors Who Journeyed South FTER VISITING archaeological sites along the San are primarily retained and transmitted in the sacred chants Pedro River, Zuni cultural advisors affirmed their of priests and religious societies, although storytellers also Aaffiliation with the occupants of the Hohokam and the relate secular versions in Zuni homes. There are numer- Puebloan villages in the valley. This historical connection ous levels of meaning inherent in the different versions of is expressed in the unique the Zuni origin talk, many traditional history of Zuni of which are entrusted only and affinities of material to initiates of religious so- culture and language. The cieties as they demonstrate T. J. Ferguson Zuni language is unre- that they are ready to be en- lated to any other spoken trusted with esoteric language in the South- knowledge. All of the ori- west. Today, the Zuni gin accounts describe how people reside in the the Zuni people emerged Middle Place at Zuni at Chimik’yana’ka deya, a Pueblo, but the saga of deep canyon along the their ancestors recounts Colorado River. From here, how they arrived there the people began a long only after a long and ardu- journey to the Middle ous period of migration. Place. The people traveled Zuni traditions of the Advisors compare an ancient agricultural field at Alder Wash with tradi- together for much of this Atlashinawke (ancestors) tional Zuni farming techniques. passage, sending out

Page 6 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 scouts to search the land as the Atlashinawke sought the egg continued to move east toward the Zuni Valley. Al- center of the universe. though another group subsequently split off and trekked A full recital of Zuni origin and migration would take north and east to the Rio Grande Valley, they eventually 12 hours or more to narrate. What is significant for under- turned back toward the west and rejoined their relatives at standing the San Pedro Valley, however, is one event that is Halona Itiwana, the Middle Place. The Zuni referred to the history of the Lost Others while they stood atop the mesa Vandalism in the San Pedro Valley where Reeve Ruin is located, looking across the San Pedro River to the nearby Davis Ranch HE MOST EMOTIONALLY WRENCHING moments in working site. The Zuni advisors said that the Reeve with native peoples in the San Pedro Valley were hearing the grief and Davis sites are unquestionably pueblos, Tthey expressed about the vandalism of archaeological sites by pothunters. with stacked masonry and contiguous blocks “For me, it hurts,” said of rooms, kivas, and Puebloan-style ceramics. Hopi advisor Floyd They were somewhat surprised to find pueb- Lomakuyvaya at Flieger los in southern Arizona, and in thinking about Ruin. “The people bur- their history, they suggested the Lost Others ied here are our ances- occupied these sites on their journey to the tors. So we should talk south. After a stop in the San Pedro Valley, the about it here, so they can Zuni suggested these people continued trav- hear us and know we eling south to a location somewhere in care about them.” His Mexico—perhaps the country of the fellow Hopi, Harold Tarahumara, or still farther south. Even Polingyumptewa, told though they lost contact with them, the Zuni us, “Yes, to see people O’odham elders express dismay about illicit damage count these Lost Others among their ances- making money from us done to Flieger Ruin. (Photograph by T. J. Ferguson.) tors. is bad.” Similarly, Joseph At the same time, the Zuni explained that Enriquez, a Tohono O’odham elder, described how such damage “gives after the migration culminated at the Middle us a sad feeling.” When his brother José Enriquez was asked what he Place, their ancestors used to go to southern would tell the miscreants who illegally dig into sites, he said, “I’d ask Arizona to trade for macaws and other items them why they did it . . . It makes me mad.” Zuni advisor Leland Kaamasee available in the Sonoran Desert. They think explained that, “These are important sites. They are who we are and no that this travel is somehow related to the oc- one else. We want them saved and not excavated or destroyed. We’d like to cupation of Hohokam sites in the San Pedro go about and walk around them.” Octavius Seowtewa, another Zuni, Valley, which the Zuni advisors said they call added, “We don’t have books; this is all we have left saying we were down Pimawavionana, or Pima country. This reso- there. And if it’s destroyed, then it’s destroying our history.” Octavius said nates with the ideas of historical linguists such that he knows a lot of archaeologists say these ruins have been “aban- as Jane Hill and David Shaul, who report that doned,” but, he explained, “they’re not because we still have the same the Piman loan words in the Zuni language spiritual ties to those places as our ancestors did . . . [They are] a shrine, indicate Zuni ancestors were once part of a even if it’s not been recently used, we still leave something that renews our multiethnic Hohokam interaction sphere. ties to the place . . . So we keep ties—they’re still mentioned in songs and For example, shiwanni, the Zuni word for stories. So we want them protected for that.” priest, has a historical association with the Piman T. J. Ferguson said to have occurred at Kumanch an A’l Akkwe’a (Diablo word siwañ, which Canyon), in the Little Colorado River Valley. Here, the means chief, and is of- people were given a choice of eggs. One group chose a ten associated with the bright, multicolored egg, from which hatched a raven. people who resided Another group chose a dull, plain egg, from which hatch- atop Hohokam plat- ed a beautiful parrot. This second group was told, form mounds. “a’lahoankwin ta’hna ton a’wanuwa”—“To the south direction you shall go,” and they left to travel south, never to A jar from the Davis Ranch return. Today, this group is referred to as the “Lost Oth- site made with immigrant technological style. ers.” The main body of Zuni who had chosen the colorful

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 7 ancient sites at Zuni. We’ve heard these things Adriel Heisey

© from our grandfathers.” He added, “We know about the migration and the people who went down south. This is the first opportunity to see these things. Now we can understand because we see these places and things. This project solidifies the knowledge that we got from our elders. Our elders never had the chance to be here, but they knew people were in the south, they just didn’t know where exactly. It really helps us, because now we can say which routes they took and to where.” Although they were visiting the San Pedro Valley for the first time, the Zuni advisors were able to recall their traditions and associate them with a geographical location. In so doing, they engaged the landscape in an The ecological diversity important to the ancient inhabitants of the San Pedro Valley is interpretive and historical exposition. As evident at Second Canyon, a site on the knoll in the foreground, situated with access to Seowtewa observed, “There’s information the river bottom, foothills, and mountains. about these sites but we’ve never visited them Further evidence of a historical relationship between and it allows us to make the spiritual and cultural connec- southern Arizona and Zuni is found in the numerous cre- tion between Zuni and here . . . The stories told to us by mations that occur at the Zuni site of Hawikku, visited by our ancestors weren’t just myths because we’ve now seen Francisco Vasquez de Coronado during the Spanish these sites. Now we know our ancestors were here.” The entrada of 1540. Cremations are common in the Hoho- Zuni clearly felt an affinity with the ancient occupants of kam area, and most archaeologists think that migrants from the Reeve and Davis sites, and they left religious offerings the south introduced this burial practice at Hawikku. In to them at both sites. “It makes us feel like the spirits are addition, the chronicles of Coronado’s expedition tell of a still here,” Leland Kaamasee said. Zuni man residing in southern Arizona, After he returned and how Pimans who had been to Zuni home, Kaamasee in- to help with agricultural harvests had re- formed us, “I told my ceived gifts of turquoise from their hosts. family about it; they There is still much to learn about the his- T. J. Ferguson knew about the migra- torical relationships among the Zuni, tions, but not exactly. Hohokam, and Pima peoples, and the They were interested archaeology of the San Pedro Valley will that pueblo people were play a key role in that research. down there. They were Experiencing the landscape and see- interested and became ing religious items excavated from San worried about the dispo- Pedro sites in museum collections cre- sition of the sites. They ated new bonds between the Zuni advi- were impressed there sors and their southern ancestors. Perry were so many sites.” The Tsadiasi referred to metates and other ar- San Pedro Valley is a tifacts found at archaeological sites as place the Zuni recog- “memory pieces” left behind so that nize as a home of people would know that they had been their ancestors there. He explained how this experience and, because they provided a connection with the “people still have connec- of before.” Octavius Seowtewa said that tions with these it is good for the Zuni advisors to visit Perry Tsadiasi points to people, it is a land these sites because, “we’ve heard of places “memory pieces” at Gayban- they also now call like this; now we see them. They are like ipitea. home.

Page 8 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 Landscapes of a Living Past: Places of Western Apache History

OUR SACRED PEAKS bound the area where the firm hold on the San Pedro Valley that was not broken Western Apache people emerged on this earth. These until the arrival of the U.S. Army in 1860. Fpeaks are situated in what is now New Mexico (east), the Spanish chronicles frequently depict Apache people Sierra Ancha, in Arizona (west), northern Mexico (south), as savage, almost inhuman. But Apache people are keen to and the San Francisco note that the Spanish explorers and mis- Peaks, in Arizona sionaries were the invaders, intent on eradi- (north). The San Pedro cating a “peril” that was created, in part, by Valley is thus a vital European colonialism. Raiding became space, a thread inter-wo- more profitable as the Spaniards concen- ven into the larger trated people into villages and introduced Apache cultural land- cattle, new weaponry, and horses. Military scape. Although many Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh expeditions promoted violence, rather than bands, including those suppressing it, because the Apache could to the far north, traveled not adequately farm or hunt while they through and used the were constantly assailed. Apache warfare— San Pedro, it was the revenge for unjust killings—became in- Tcéjìné (Aravaipa) and creasingly necessary as the Spaniards more ’Tìs’évàn (Pinal) bands San Carlos Apache elders Larry Mallow, Sr., and Jeanette regularly conducted ruthless military cam- Cassa explain the Apache tradition of grinding ancient who lived there for gen- ceramics into temper. paigns, murdering entire families and burn- erations. The San Pedro ing villages and fields. Apache elders to- was the beginning point for several clans, including the day do not view their ancestors as aggressors but as the Dáhàgòtsùdn (Yellow Extending Upward People), whose defenders of a revered homeland. origin is linked to the grassy southern plains of the river Although raiding was an integral part of their economy, valley. the Western Apache also cultivated crops, hunted animals, Eusebio Kino’s 1696 map, Teatro de los Trabajos and collected wild plants. Dozens of Apache place names Apostólicos, one of the first detailed charts of the Pimería in the San Pedro focus on sources of water and the flora Alta, distinctly portrays Apacheria, a region east of the San and fauna found on the fertile mountain slopes, under- Pedro populated by the Jocome, Jano, and Suma. Many scoring the importance of these life-sustaining places— believe that these groups were the predecessors to later places wuch as Dzì Dasts’án (Wild Grape Mountain), Iyah Apache bands that confronted Euro-American encroach- Nasbas. Sikaad (Mesquite Circle in a Clump), and Tûdotl’ish ment. The writings of seventeenth and eighteenth century Sikán (Blue Water Pool). The profusion of these names Europeans, like Father Kino and Ignaz Pfefferkorn, make indicates that Apache groups were not “nomads” in the clear that the San Pedro Valley was a borderland, beyond sense of homeless wanderers, but were traveling hunters which the Apache lived free from Spanish authority. After and gardeners who synchronized their seasonal move- the emigration of the Sobaipuri in the 1760s, and the failed ments to familiar places, maximizing the fragile resources Spanish presidio of Terrenate, Apache groups gained a of a desert land.

View of the lower San Pedro Valley, Nadnlid Cho (Big Sunflower Hill) to the left and Nadah Cho Das’un (Mescal Big Resting) to the right. Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 9 Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh Naming Places received rations and gathered wild is a way of grasses to exchange for supplies. Ac- “ F PLACE-MAKING constructing the past, a vener- cording to Apache oral traditions, on ableI means of doing human his- April 29, 1871, families at Camp tory,” writes anthropologist Keith Grant began to organize a feast to cel- Basso in his book, Wisdom Sites in ebrate the newfound peace. Unbe- Places, “it is also a way of construct- knownst to them, an alliance of ing social traditions and, in the Anglo-Americans, Tohono O’odham, process, personal and social iden- and Mexican-American citizens in Tucson was readying for war. While tities. We are, in a sense, the place- Gashdla’á Cho O’aa (Big Sycamore Stands There). worlds we imagine.” For Basso’s the exhausted Apache revelers slept Western Apache consultants, the named locales connect them to their ancestors just miles from Camp Grant, they who first uttered the names, as well as the ancestral landscape itself, which is were attacked at dawn on April 30. A embodied in the name and preserved in the present topography. The named mixture of revenge, fear, and greed places of the Western Apache landscape inspire stories that are used to instill a stoked the ferocity of the attackers, who sense of identity and belonging. killed some 100 Apache—virtually all Early ethnographer Grenville Goodwin and the Place Name Project of the children and women. Nearly 30 chil- White Mountain Apache and San Carlos Apache tribes have identified more than dren were taken as slaves. 60 place names in the San Pedro Valley and Aravaipa Creek. Standing at one site in This event, known as the Camp the Upper San Pedro, Apache elder Jeanette Cassa explained that, long before, Grant Massacre, is meaningful not “They had place names all along here, for the mountains and the rivers.” The only for its momentary horror, but also depth of meaning of place names was made clear to us when we asked Ramon its enduring consequences. Follow- Riley, of the White Mountain Apache Tribe, if he felt that the San Pedro is a home- ing the carnage, the Apache at first land for Apache peoples. Without hesitating, he responded, “I do,” and then he fled into the mountains, but in 1872, simply said, “all these mountains have Apache names—all the way to Mexico.” they eventually agreed to settle along the San Carlos River. With the Apache concentrated to the north, American Over the years, leaders of the Aravaipa and Pinal bands settlers easily trespassed on the southern portion of the sought peace with the Spaniards (1793), Mexicans (1836), newly established Apache reservation. The Apache leader and Americans (1869), but peace was always fleeting. In Haské bahnzin (Eskiminzin) returned to Nadnlid Cho (Big February 1871, following an especially harsh winter, sev- Sunflower Hill) near Dudleyville on the San Pedro River eral Apache bands surrendered as prisoners of war at Camp in 1877. Ten years later, a mob of Tucsonans ran him off Grant, a U.S. army post located at Lednlii (Flows Together), his land, stealing 32 cattle and 513 sacks of grain, destroy- / /

where the Aravaipa Creek joins the San Pedro River in the Ferguson J. T. ing 523 pumpkins, heart of the Aravaipa homeland. The Apache were weary and taking his adobe of constant attacks from the house, equipment, army and citizens. Be- and land. Captain tween 1866 and 1875, in Chiquito, in contrast, southern Arizona, the returned to Gashdla’á army killed 528 Apache in T. J. Ferguson Cho O’aa after the mas- a campaign of extermina- sacre and began farm- tion, and an additional ing. Despite threats and trespass- 340 Apache were captured ing from neighbors, by 1916, he and removed from their tended more than 25 acres of ir- homes. In contrast, the rigated fields, fruit trees, dense army suffered 42 war casu- mesquite stands, and numerous alties during the same pe- buildings made from log, cane, riod. and brush. In 1919, the U.S. gov- The surrendered Apa- ernment allotted him his ances- che camped at Gashdla’á Vernelda Grant and Jeanette Cassa emphasize pictographs near tral land. Cho O’aa (Big Sycamore Nadnlid Cho (Big Sunflower Hill), are considered “holy ground” Although few Apache families Stands There), where they to many Apaches. continued to live in the San Pedro

Page 10 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 Valley after the early 1900s, it remained an essential place “pray for young people, to keep the spirits away, to live in the Western Apache cultural landscape. Numerous fami- peacefully, to leave their troubles behind.” Whether or not lies continued to travel the well-worn trail—recalled by these things belonged to Apache ancestors (nohwizá’yé) or elders today and recorded in historical documents—from the ancients who preceded them (nalkídé), all of these the Gila River to Aravaipa Creek, continuing onward to places are important because they provide tangible and Oracle and the Galiuro Mountains to gather saguaro fruit, mystical links to those who have gone before. acorns, black walnuts, agave, and still other plants. Some As Apache groups lived along the San Pedro for cen- years ago, a San Carlos Apache elder, Howard Hooke, Sr., turies, the very geography of the valley became a part of the tried to continue this family tradition, but a landowner Apache people. The San Pedro Valley was not simply a brandishing a shotgun rebuffed his party of travelers, and space between points, but a shelter to generations. The they did not return. places where people were born and died, and where they The San Pedro is also significant to the Apache be- farmed, hunted, and gathered plants testify to Apache per- cause the past generations of occupants remain in their sistence and resilience. While Apache lives are recorded ancient abodes as living spirits. These powerful forces per- in a few artifacts and the remains of an occasional wickiup, meate the valley and are focused in holy places, such as the Apache presence in the San Pedro Valley vividly con- caves with pictographs. Those with special knowledge tinues in the places themselves, both named and unnamed. collect sacred objects like shells and arrowheads from ar- As the past is ingrained in these places that continue in the chaeological sites. San Carlos elder Larry Mallow, Sr., said present, the lives of the Apache ancestors never really van- that he frequently gathers white and blue stone beads from ish but form a living landscape upon which the Apache a site near his home at San Carlos. He uses the beads to people still dwell.

Ang Kuktota: Hopi Footprints in the San Pedro Valley

LONG THERE, MAKE FOOTPRINTS—Ang men who visited the San Pedro Valley in 2002 recognized Kuktota. The Hopi were thus instructed by Màasaw, the archaeological sites in the valley as Hopi footprints. Athe owner of the Fourth World, when they entered into a Hopi accounts of origin and migration are carried in covenant wherein the oral traditions of clans, the groups of matrilineal rela- they would endure tives that traveled together on the long journey from the hardship and seek place of emergence to the Hopi Mesas. Each clan has a Tuuwanasavi, the wu’ya or naatoyla, a symbol or totem derived from some T. J. Ferguson Earth Center, to act event that happened along the way. One group of people as stewards of the encountered a bear and became the Honngyam (Bear world. In return, Clan); another group saw the sunrise and became the Màasaw gave them Qalngyam (Sun Forehead Clan). So, in turn, each of a the use of his land. multitude of Hopi clans was named. Clan histories are On their journey to closely guarded at Hopi, intended solely for the spiritual Tuuwanasavi, on education of clan members. The full history of a clan, with the Hopi Mesas, many variants to account for the specific travels of clan Màasaw told the segments that settled in different Hopi villages, would take Hopi to leave be- days to recount and these narratives are reserved for the hind footprints as exclusive use of the Hopi. Consequently, only abstracts and evidence they had fragments of clan histories deemed relevant to the project fulfilled their spiri- were provided for use in research. tual responsibili- Hopi elders believe that their ancestors came from Hopi elder Dalton Taylor at Flieger Ruin. ties. These foot- atkyaqw (from below), a multilayered concept referring prints today com- geographically to the south and metaphysically to the un- prise the ruins, potsherds, petroglyphs, and other remains derworld. Many non-Hopi have heard of a sacred place that many people now call archaeological sites. The Hopi called Sípàapuni in the Grand Canyon and think that this

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 11 Courtesy of Amerind Foundation A Ceremonial Kiva in Southern Arizona

XCAVATING at the Davis Ranch site in 1957, archaeolo- gist Rex Gerald found a suite of artifacts—ceramics, ar- Echitecture, food technologies, and ritual objects—indicating that Western Pueblo people lived in the San Pedro Valley about 700 to 800 years ago. One of the most prominent features of the site is a large square subterranean room. Complete with a ventilator shaft, deflector, foot drum, bench, and loom holes, this space has been interpreted by most archaeologists as a ceremonial kiva. After visiting the site and carefully examining the artifacts stored at the Amerind Foundation, Hopi and Zuni cultural advisors verified that this was a ceremonial structure integral to their religious tra- The ceremonial kiva at Davis Ranch, after excavation in 1957. ditions. Given that the kiva and the other objects appear all at once and all together, we can reasonably conclude that these materials do not reflect exchange, but instead indicate the migration of Western Pueblo ancestors to the San Pedro Valley centuries ago.

is where the Hopi emerged from the underworld. How- land, with many footprints left behind as testimony that ever, some Hopi clans have traditions that identify the place Hopi ancestors had been there. Clans sometimes journeyed of beginning of current life as Yayniwpu, believed to be together; at other times, they split into smaller groups. near the Valley of Mexico. After leaving Yayniwpu, these Sometimes they regrouped. Some clans took the lead, and Hopi clans traveled to Palatkwapi, which was dominated others followed. At times, part of a group was left behind by ritual power. Eventually, social unrest beset Palatkwapi as the rest traveled onward. The clans eventually coalesced and a flood destroyed it. Hopi intellectuals caution that on the Hopi Mesas, arriving from all directions. Each clan Palatkwapi may be an epoch as much as a specific place; its was admitted into a village only after producing a gift that precise location is a matter of ongoing discussion. After would enhance life, such as ceremonies to bring rain or leaving Palatkwapi, more than 30 Hopi clans began a long cultigens that added to the Hopi larder. Hopi people be- migration that eventually culminated at the Hopi Mesas, lieve that petroglyphs depict clan symbols and migration where they joined Motisinom (Our First People) clans that spirals mark the routes their ancestors followed. Archae- had established villages there. Together, these two sets of ologists have been tracing the archaeological evidence of Hopi ancestors are known as the Hisatsinom (Our Ancient these migrations for more than a century, but there is still People). much to be learned. The migrations of Hisatsinom clans are said to have The San Pedro Valley lies between Palatkwapi and the inscribed complex spatial and temporal patterns on the Hopi Mesas, and is thus drawn into Hopi migrations. As migration traditions refer to events farther away from the Hopi Mesas in time and space, the geographical details tend to become more generalized. Thus, while extensive clan histories were not recorded for this project, many clans including the Qa’öngyam (Corn Clan) and Piqösngyam (Bearstrap Clan), are The Hopi and Zuni see cloud and water symbols on said to have occu- these vessels from the Davis Ranch site that date to A.D. pied the San Pedro 1300-1375. (Photographs by T. J. Ferguson.) Valley. These occu- pations were described in terms of the clans migrating northward to the Hopi Mesas. How- ever, one tradition refers to a dispute between two broth- ers in the Corn Clan

Page 12 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 when they lived at a village near present-day Globe, Ari- ments and paaho [prayer sticks].) Other traded items might zona. Following this quarrel, one brother moved south- have been Hopi yellow ware vessels, which are found by ward into the San Pedro Valley, while the other brother archaeologists in southern Arizona, or agave, which is im- moved to the Salt-Gila Basin. There is also a tradition about portant in Hopi ceremonies and cuisine but does not grow Yahoya, a leader of the Gray on the Hopi Mesas. Flute Society, who left Hopi In commenting on the and moved to southern Ari- Hopi’s research on the San zona, “where the cactus grew Pedro Ethnohistory Project, like people with arms up.” T. J. Ferguson Leroy Lewis observed that the Thus, Hopi migrations in and landscape recalls songs, and around the San Pedro Valley re- therefore, history. He explained count the direction of move- that while in the San Pedro, “my ment as being both from south heart is open—air is flowing to north, and north to south. through it, and there is no bur- The Hopi researchers who den . . . It feels good both be- visited Hohokam and Pueblo cause it’s ancestral and today be- archaeological sites in the San cause the archaeologists are Pedro are certain that these are documenting it.” Floyd the footprints of their ancestors, Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh interviews Hopi advisor Harlan Lomakuyvaya added, “Now representing different facets of Williams in his home in Mishonghovi, Second Mesa, Arizona. that I know the San Pedro and Hopi migration. While the all the sites, it’s a good feeling. Hopi do not conceptualize the Hisatsinom as archaeologi- It’s good you found all the artifacts. It’s important because cal cultures, it seems likely that what archaeologists call we’re Indian, we don’t write our history. These artifacts Hohokam sites are associated with Hopi traditions of clans show our ancestors migrated through this area . . . When I migrating from Palatkwapi northward. The Pueblo sites go to a site, I don’t need anything to tell me it’s Hopi, I in the San Pedro are associated with southward migration know it’s Hopi because of our teachings . . . I know you events. What is abundantly clear is that the Hopi felt close archaeologists can’t just say it’s all Hopi, but that is how I to all of their ancestors in the San Pedro Valley. This was feel.” movingly illustrated during fieldwork, when Harold Pol- ingyumptewa quietly en- Models of Ethnogenesis tered the remains of the kiva at the Davis Ranch site and RCHAEOLOGISTS prayed to the ancestors. view ethnogenesis— Hopi history in the San Athe origin of ethnic groups— Pedro has become attenuated in different ways. In one view, by time and distance. One in- cultures diverge from one an- dication of this is that the his- other in a treelike branching torically documented trade fashion with clear distinctions fairs between the Hopi and among groups. In another Sobaipuri in the early eigh- view, there is a braided trans- teenth century have faded mission of culture that is based from memory. When these on a complex interplay of mi- fairs were discussed with gration, intermarriage, and Hopi researchers, they could linguistic exchange. For in- do little more than suggest stance, the Hopi see their that their ancestors may have Hisatsinom ancestors as having come to the San Pedro to trade participated in all of the ma- textiles for raw cotton. (Cot- jor archaeological cultures in ton is prized by the Hopi be- the past. A model of braided cultural transmission best fits the multiple tribal histories cause of its cultural signifi- evident in the San Pedro Valley. cance and use in ritual gar-

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 13 Remembering the Ancestors

HE STORY OF THE SAN PEDRO VALLEY, ten. O’odham interpretations of the Spanish arrival remind fashioned by archaeologists and historians over the us that real people had to make difficult decisions about Tlast century, has given us unique insight into 13,000 years resistance and accommodation that would affect the gen- of human history. However, scientific accounts of the past erations that followed. Western Pueblo migration sagas are neither complete nor im- relate how grueling and partial. Collaborative ethno- traumatic it was to con- historic research illustrates stantly move to new lands, that the archaeological land- and to remain true to one’s scape is part of an ongoing T. J. Ferguson spiritual convictions. cultural dynamic, a field of Many Native Americans meanings that allows descen- value archaeological sites as dant communities to under- historical monuments that stand their past and who they bear witness to the lives of are today. their ancestors. Ancient vil- The narratives shared by lages, stones pecked with tribal researchers present fas- petroglyphs, and even arti- cinating explanations of past fact scatters are seen as in- lifeways that historians are tegral parts of a larger land- only beginning to unravel. scape that unite the physi- Hopi and Zuni migration Zuni (above) and Tohono O’odham (below) advisors at the Davis cal and spiritual, past and traditions are rich narratives Ranch site. present. Places—as the that explain the complex Apache elders reminded movement of ancient peo- us—were often named by ples. While archaeological ancestors to memorialize models often view migrations events or trace their pres- as simple one-way passages, ence on the land. When Pueblo traditional history these place names are spo- recounts a more dynamic Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh ken today, they reconnect coalescence and dispersal of people to ancient land- people throughout the scapes, to their ancestors Southwest. O’odham oral and spirits. Even at spots traditions of I’itoi and his le- whose names are no longer gion of Wu:skam offer a de- recalled, tribal advisors ex- tailed portrayal of what hap- plained how these places pened to the people who evoke emotion. Archaeo- once lived in the adobe great logical sites are living houses. Apache elders explained that archaeologists have shrines that honor people of the past and inspire people in not found Apache habitation sites in the San Pedro be- the present. cause they have concentrated their surveys in the river val- The San Pedro Valley is a very old place—home to ley, instead of the foothills and mountains. generations of hunters, farmers, and traders. What emerges Scientific analyses are important for systematically re- from our research is not one story or one collective value of covering information embedded in artifacts and sites. But place, but instead, a mosaic of histories and meanings. Each the scientific approach sometimes narrowly transforms people left its own unique footprints, inscribing the land human lives into detached objects of study. The Native with distinctive stories. The descendants of the ancient American perspectives offered in this project inject a sense peoples who lived in the San Pedro Valley have not forgot- of humanity into the history of the San Pedro Valley. From ten their ancestors. The lives of these people are still re- the Apache viewpoint, their ancestors were not cruel prowl- called in stories, songs, rituals, names, and the objects they ers, but instead the guardians of a homeland under siege, left behind. These ancestors, and the places they lived, are the victims of horrible killings that have not been forgot- still cherished.

Page 14 Archaeology Southwest Volume 18, Number 1 Acknowledgments

HIS PROJECT, sponsored by the Center for Desert Riley, Rosalie P. Talgo, and Stevenson Talgo. Zuni: John Archaeology, was made possible by a grant from the Bowannie, Leland Kaamasee, Octavius Seowtewa, Perry TNational Endowment for the Humanities. The Salus Tsadiasi, and Jerome Zunie. Mundi Foundation and Center for Desert Archaeology We are also tremendously grateful for the additional provided additional financial and material support. fieldtrips, interviews, and/or meetings granted by the fol- The heart of this work came from people associated lowing individuals. Hopi: Karen Kahe Charley, Ruby A. with the Hopi Cultural Preservation Office, Hopi Cul- Chimerica, Donald Dawahongnewa, Tonita Hamilton, tural Resource Advisory Task Team, San Carlos Apache Valjean Joshevama, Sr., Wilmer R. Kavena, Eldon Elder’s Council, Tohono O’odham Office of Cultural Af- Kewanyama, Wilton Kooyahoema, Sr., Leigh J. fairs, Tohono O’odham Cultural Preservation Commit- Kuwanwisiwma, Lee Wayne Lomayestewa, Micah tee, White Mountain Apache Tribe Heritage Program, and Loma’omvaya, Marilyn Mahle, Harlan Nakala, Lewis Zuni Heritage and Historic Preservation Office. The staff Numkena, Jr., Owen Numkena, Jr., Lorena S. Pongyesva, of the Amerind Foundation Museum and the Arizona Morgan Saufkie, Jessie F. Talaswaima, Jim Tawyesva, State Museum graciously facilitated access to collections. Harlan Williams, and Phyllis Wittsell. O’odham: Anita We appreciate the help of Jeffery J. Clark, Jonathan Damp, E. Antone, Sally Antone, Deborah Baptisto, Tony Burrell, William H. Doelle, Leigh J. Kuwanwisiwma, Seth Pilsk, Ernest Casillas, Edward Encinas, Mary Flores, Patrick J. Peter Steere, James M. Vint, John Ware, and John Welch. Franco, Joseph T. Joaquin, Jane Juan-Moore, Emilio Lewis, Numerous cultural advisors visited the San Pedro Val- Tracy Lewis, Jana Montano, Felicia Nuñez, Ida Ortega, ley, exploring and generously sharing their thoughts on Daniel Preston, Alex Ramon, Lena R. Ramon, Dena Tho- tribal history and traditions. Hopi: Leroy Lewis, Floyd mas, and Caroline Toro. Western Apache: Larry Mallow, Lomakuyvaya, Joel Nicholas, Harold Polingyumptewa, Sr., Beverly Malone, and Eva Watt. and Dalton Taylor. Tohono O’odham: José R. Enriquez, Some information provided by tribal researchers on Joseph M. Enriquez, Edmund Garcia, Jacob Pablo, and this project is culturally sensitive, and we encourage scholars Bernard G. Siquieros. Western Apache: Phoebe Aday, who intend to draw extensively on this work to consult the Jeanette Cassa, Vernelda Grant, Howard Hooke, Sr., Ramon respective tribes to ensure appropriate and accurate usage.

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HE CENTER FOR DESERT ARCHAEOLOGY, a private, nonprofit organization, promotes stewardship of archaeological and historical resources through active research, preservation, and public outreach. The Center is a 501(c)(3) organization andT is supported through donations, memberships, and grants from individuals, foundations, and corporations. Center members receive an annual subscription to Archaeology Southwest, substantial discounts on other Center publications, opportunities to partici- pate in archaeological projects, and invitations to special lectures and events. For more information or to join, contact Linda Pierce, Programs Manager, at 520.882.6946 or [email protected]. Board of Directors: William H. Doelle, Ph.D. (President & CEO), Benjamin W. Smith (Vice President), Diana L. Hadley (Trea- surer), and Gary A. Hansen (Secretary). Administrative Staff: Linda J. Pierce (Programs Manager), Sally A. Thomas (Office Manager), and Tobi Taylor (Content Editor, Archaeology Southwest). Preservation Archaeologists: Jeffery J. Clark, Ph.D.; Jacquie M. Dale, M.A.; Douglas W. Gann, Ph.D.; Brett Hill, Ph.D.; Patrick D. Lyons, Ph.D.; and Paul F. Reed, M.A. Preservation Fellows: Chip Colwell- Chanthaphonh, M.A., Anna A. Neuzil, M.A., and James M. Vint, M.A. Archaeology Southwest (ISSN 1523-0546) is published quarterly by the Center for Desert Archaeology. Copyright 2004 by the Center for Desert Archaeology. All rights reserved; no part of this issue may be reproduced by any means without written permission of the publisher. Subscription inquiries: 520.882.6946.

Winter 2004 Archaeology Southwest Page 15 Back Sight Nevertheless, that was a highly productive and grati- fying day. Members of those two tribes sat around the table HO OWNS THE PAST? Our Western legal sys- and described the traditions that they had learned since tem addresses this question in too many ways to their youth. They commented on interesting parallels and Wbegin to detail them here. noted differences in That legal system is often a their experiences battleground that generates and beliefs. What bitterness because only one was most compel- party comes out a “victor.” ling was their will- The San Pedro Ethnohistory ingness to share the Project highlights a much past. The different Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh more productive approach. traditions enriched Representatives from the their appreciation of four tribes that participated in the San Pedro Valley. this project worked separately The Center’s with the anthropologists on Heritage Southwest the team. Therefore, field Program is focused trips to visit sites in the San on “preserving the Pedro Valley were repeated places of our shared four times. This provided past.” The perspec- ideal conditions for the dis- tive that the past is cussion of issues that tribal not owned exclu- representatives felt were most sively by anyone or important to them, and it Ida Ortega’s personal perspective on stewardship. As others departed from any group needs to worked very well. Reeve Ruin, Tohono O’odham advisor Ida Ortega (above right) lingered be further cultivated. During the second year behind. Quietly, she left an offering of white corn. Her action acknowledged The expansive con- of the project, we began to re- and honored the ancient people who once lived there—such as when the cept that the past is a ceive questions from various O’odham leave food and gifts at graves of family members. For Ida, it did shared human re- not matter that this was a Pueblo site. “It’s important to respect them if they tribal representatives who are dead,” she said. “That’s what is important.” source can motivate wondered what the other higher levels of stew- tribes were saying about their history in the San Pedro Val- ardship, which is the ultimate goal of our Heritage South- ley. In response, a final session with representatives from west Program. all four tribes was added to the project work plan. Logisti- cal complications resulted in only the Hopi and Tohono O’odham representatives back sight (b|k s§t) n. 1. a attending the meeting, reading used by surveyors to which was held in Tucson William H. Doelle, President & CEO check the accuracy of their work. on November 6, 2003. Center for Desert Archaeology 2. an opportunity to reflect on and evaluate the Center for Desert Archaeology’s mission.

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