Ethos in Action: Public Relations at the Highlander Folk School, 1955-1956
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The Radical Feminist Manifesto As Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, and Second Wave Resistance
Southern Journal of Communication ISSN: 1041-794X (Print) 1930-3203 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsjc20 The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance Kimber Charles Pearce To cite this article: Kimber Charles Pearce (1999) The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance, Southern Journal of Communication, 64:4, 307-315, DOI: 10.1080/10417949909373145 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10417949909373145 Published online: 01 Apr 2009. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 578 View related articles Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsjc20 The Radical Feminist Manifesto as Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, And Second Wave Resistance Kimber Charles Pearce n June of 1968, self-styled feminist revolutionary Valerie Solanis discovered herself at the heart of a media spectacle after she shot pop artist Andy Warhol, whom she I accused of plagiarizing her ideas. While incarcerated for the attack, she penned the "S.C.U.M. Manifesto"—"The Society for Cutting Up Men." By doing so, Solanis appropriated the traditionally masculine manifesto genre, which had evolved from sov- ereign proclamations of the 1600s into a form of radical protest of the 1960s. Feminist appropriation of the manifesto genre can be traced as far back as the 1848 Seneca Falls Woman's Rights Convention, at which suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Coffin Mott, Martha Coffin, and Mary Ann McClintock parodied the Declara- tion of Independence with their "Declaration of Sentiments" (Campbell, 1989). -
Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism
Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism By Matthew W. Horton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Education and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Dr. Na’ilah Nasir, Chair Dr. Daniel Perlstein Dr. Keith Feldman Summer 2019 Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions Matthew W. Horton 2019 ABSTRACT Working Against Racism from White Subject Positions: White Anti-Racism, New Abolitionism & Intersectional Anti-White Irish Diasporic Nationalism by Matthew W. Horton Doctor of Philosophy in Education and the Designated Emphasis in Critical Theory University of California, Berkeley Professor Na’ilah Nasir, Chair This dissertation is an intervention into Critical Whiteness Studies, an ‘additional movement’ to Ethnic Studies and Critical Race Theory. It systematically analyzes key contradictions in working against racism from a white subject positions under post-Civil Rights Movement liberal color-blind white hegemony and "Black Power" counter-hegemony through a critical assessment of two major competing projects in theory and practice: white anti-racism [Part 1] and New Abolitionism [Part 2]. I argue that while white anti-racism is eminently practical, its efforts to hegemonically rearticulate white are overly optimistic, tend toward renaturalizing whiteness, and are problematically dependent on collaboration with people of color. I further argue that while New Abolitionism has popularized and advanced an alternative approach to whiteness which understands whiteness as ‘nothing but oppressive and false’ and seeks to ‘abolish the white race’, its ultimately class-centered conceptualization of race and idealization of militant nonconformity has failed to realize effective practice. -
The US Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory
BRATYANSKI, JENNIFER A., Ph.D. Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 190pp. By the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, in 1990, television and film had brought South Africa’s history of racial injustice and human rights violations into living rooms and cinemas across the United States. New media formats such as satellite and cable television widened mobilization efforts for international opposition to apartheid. But at stake for the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement was avoiding the problems of media misrepresentation that previous transnational movements had experienced in previous decades. Movement participants and supporters needed to connect the liberation struggles in South Africa to the historical domestic struggles for racial justice. What resulted was the romanticizing of a domestic civil rights memory through the mediated images of the anti-apartheid struggle which appeared between 1968 and 1994. Ultimately, both the anti-apartheid and civil rights movements were sanitized of their radical roots, which threatened the ongoing struggles for black economic advancement in both countries. MAINSTREAMING MOVEMENTS: THE U.S. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS MEMEORY by Jennifer A. Bratyanski A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by Thomas F. Jackson Committee -
DOUG Mcadam CURRENT POSITION
DOUG McADAM CURRENT POSITION: The Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology (with affiliations in American Studies, Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity, and the Interdisciplinary Program in Environmental Research) Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305 PRIOR POSITIONS: Fall 2001 – Summer 2005 Director, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford, CA Fall 1998 – Summer 2001 Professor, Department of Sociology, Stanford University Spring 1983 - Summer 1998 Assistant to Full Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Arizona Fall 1979 - Winter 1982 Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, George Mason University EDUCATION: 1973 Occidental College Los Angeles, California B.S., Sociology 1977 State University of New York at Stony Brook Stony Brook, New York M.A., Sociology 1979 State University of New York at Stony Brook Stony Brook, New York Ph.D., Sociology FELLOWSHIPS AND OTHER HONORS: Post Graduate Visiting Scholar, Russell Sage Foundation, 2013-14. DOUG McADAM Page 2 Granted 2013 “Award for Distinguished Scholar,” by University of Wisconsin, Whitewater, March 2013. Named the Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology, 2013. Awarded the 2012 Joseph B. and Toby Gittler Prize, Brandeis University, November 2012 Invited to deliver the Gunnar Myrdal Lecture at Stockholm University, May 2012 Invited to deliver the 2010-11 “Williamson Lecture” at Lehigh University, October 2010. Named a Phi Beta Kappa Society Visiting Scholar for 2010-11. Named Visiting Scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation for 2010-11. (Forced to turn down the invitation) Co-director of a 2010 Social Science Research Council pre-dissertation workshop on “Contentious Politics.” Awarded the 2010 Jonathan M. Tisch College of Citizenship and Public Service Research Prize, given annually to a scholar for their contributions to the study of “civic engagement.” Awarded the John D. -
Women and the Presidency
Women and the Presidency By Cynthia Richie Terrell* I. Introduction As six women entered the field of Democratic presidential candidates in 2019, the political media rushed to declare 2020 a new “year of the woman.” In the Washington Post, one political commentator proclaimed that “2020 may be historic for women in more ways than one”1 given that four of these woman presidential candidates were already holding a U.S. Senate seat. A writer for Vox similarly hailed the “unprecedented range of solid women” seeking the nomination and urged Democrats to nominate one of them.2 Politico ran a piece definitively declaring that “2020 will be the year of the woman” and went on to suggest that the “Democratic primary landscape looks to be tilted to another woman presidential nominee.”3 The excited tone projected by the media carried an air of inevitability: after Hillary Clinton lost in 2016, despite receiving 2.8 million more popular votes than her opponent, ever more women were running for the presidency. There is a reason, however, why historical inevitably has not yet been realized. Although Americans have selected a president 58 times, a man has won every one of these contests. Before 2019, a major party’s presidential debates had never featured more than one woman. Progress toward gender balance in politics has moved at a glacial pace. In 1937, seventeen years after passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, Gallup conducted a poll in which Americans were asked whether they would support a woman for president “if she were qualified in every other respect?”4 * Cynthia Richie Terrell is the founder and executive director of RepresentWomen, an organization dedicated to advancing women’s representation and leadership in the United States. -
A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1994 A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement Michelle Margaret Viera Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Viera, Michelle Margaret, "A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement" (1994). Master's Theses. 3834. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3834 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SUMMARY OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF FOUR KEY AFRICAN AMERICAN FEMALE FIGURES OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by Michelle Margaret Viera A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1994 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My appreciation is extended to several special people; without their support this thesis could not have become a reality. First, I am most grateful to Dr. Henry Davis, chair of my thesis committee, for his encouragement and sus tained interest in my scholarship. Second, I would like to thank the other members of the committee, Dr. Benjamin Wilson and Dr. Bruce Haight, profes sors at Western Michigan University. I am deeply indebted to Alice Lamar, who spent tireless hours editing and re-typing to ensure this project was completed. -
“We Shall Overcome and the Southern Black Freedom Struggle”
“We Shall Overcome and the Southern Black Freedom Struggle” David J. Garrow On October 22, 1945, 1,000 members of Local 15 of the Food, Tobacco, Agricultural, and Allied Workers Union (FTA) went on strike at an American Tobacco Company cigar factory in Charleston, SC, seeking to increase their pay to 30 cents-per-hour. The biracial group of strikers began picketing outside the brick factory building, and in later years surviving participants would recall two African American women, Delphine Brown and Lucille Simmons, as important song leaders who led the strikers in singing. Simmons was a choir member at Jerusalem Baptist Church, and fellow union members would remember her singing a well-known hymn, “I’ll Be All Right,” and altering it to give voice to the striking workers’ own aspirations: “We Will Overcome.”1 1. Robert Shelton, “Rights Song Has Own History of Integration,” New York Times, 23 July 1963, at 21; Robert Sherman, “Sing a Song of Freedom,” Saturday Review, 28 September 1963, at 65-67, 81; “Moment of History,” The New Yorker, 27 March 1965, at 37-39; Josh Dunson, Freedom In the Air: Song Movements of the Sixties (International Publishers, 1965), at 29; Lillie Mae Marsh in Guy and Candie Carawan, Freedom Is A Constant Struggle—Songs of the Freedom Movement (Oak Publications, 1968), at 138; Bernice Johnson Reagon, “Songs of the Civil Rights Movement 1955-1965: A Study in Cultural History,” Ph.D. dissertation, Howard 2 The strike ended without success in April 1946, but one month later, two participants, Anna Lee Bonneau and Evelyn Risher, traveled to the Highlander University, 1975, at 65, 68-75; Caryle Murphy, “The Rise of a Rights Anthem,” Washington Post, 17 January 1988, at G1, G11; Noah Adams, “Tracing the History of the Song ‘We Shall Overcome,’” All Things Considered, National Public Radio, 15 January 1999; Robert R. -
The Equal Rights Amendment Revisited
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 94 | Issue 2 Article 10 1-2019 The qualE Rights Amendment Revisited Bridget L. Murphy Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 937 (2019). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-2\NDL210.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-DEC-18 7:48 THE EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT REVISITED Bridget L. Murphy* [I]t’s humiliating. A new amendment we vote on declaring that I am equal under the law to a man. I am mortified to discover there’s reason to believe I wasn’t before. I am a citizen of this country. I am not a special subset in need of your protection. I do not have to have my rights handed down to me by a bunch of old, white men. The same [Amendment] Fourteen that protects you, protects me. And I went to law school just to make sure. —Ainsley Hayes, 20011 If I could choose an amendment to add to this constitution, it would be the Equal Rights Amendment . It means that women are people equal in stature before the law. And that’s a fundamental constitutional principle. I think we have achieved that through legislation. -
How Sex Got Into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism As a Maker of Public Policy
Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality Volume 9 Issue 2 Article 1 June 1991 How Sex Got into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy Jo Freeman Follow this and additional works at: https://lawandinequality.org/ Recommended Citation Jo Freeman, How Sex Got into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy, 9(2) LAW & INEQ. 163 (1991). Available at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/lawineq/vol9/iss2/1 Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality is published by the University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. How "Sex" Got Into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy Jo Freeman* The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a milestone of federal legis- lation. Like much major legislation, it had "incubated" for decades but was birthed in turmoil. On June 19, 1963, after the civil rights movement of the fifties and early sixties had focused national at- tention on racial injustice, President John F. Kennedy sent a draft omnibus civil rights bill to the Congress.' On February 8, 1964, while the bill was being debated on the House floor, Rep. Howard W. Smith of Virginia, Chairman of the Rules Committee and staunch opponent of all civil rights legislation, rose up and offered a one-word amendment to Title VII, which prohibited employment discrimination. He proposed to add "sex" to the bill in order "to prevent discrimination against another minority group, the women . "2 This stimulated several hours of humorous debate, later en- shrined as "Ladies Day in the House," 3 before the amendment was passed by a teller vote of 168 to 133. -
Annual Report 2019/20 “We Are Here, Standing Strong, in Our Rightful Place.”
Annual Report 2019/20 “ We are here, standing strong, in our rightful place.” Over the last two years, Highlander has expand our reach to tens of thousands of new is alive and well, and we have been able to persevered in the face of the intersecting and returning Highlander friends and family. thrive because we are held up by a community crises of white supremacist violence, a global Highlander’s operations continued, providing of care. pandemic, climate disaster, the failures of administrative infrastructure for a robust the state, the rise of authoritarianism, police fiscal sponsorship program, offering a range violence, and the many other interlocking forms of movement accompaniment and support of oppression that impact our staff and the services to the uprisings of Summer 2020, and people we serve. giving extra attention to building democracy in (and beyond) election season and attending to After the March 2019 fire, the outpouring of capital improvements of Highlander’s land and support from Highlander’s movement family buildings. across the region, the United States, and globe meant that we could focus on recovering even After the fire, we shared a message inspired by while continuing to welcome thousands of the song, “Solid as a Rock,” with our supporters: people to Highlander for educational work “We are here, standing strong, in our rightful and radical hospitality. The fire required us to place.” That message remains true today. The quickly adapt and practice resilience, a posture fire that destroyed our main office did not that effectively prepared us for early 2020’s destroy us or our work. -
Women's Liberation: Seeing the Revolution Clearly
Sara M. EvanS Women’s Liberation: Seeing the Revolution Clearly Approximately fifty members of the five Chicago radical women’s groups met on Saturday, May 18, 1968, to hold a citywide conference. The main purposes of the conference were to create and strengthen ties among groups and individuals, to generate a heightened sense of common history and purpose, and to provoke imaginative pro- grammatic ideas and plans. In other words, the conference was an early step in the process of movement building. —Voice of Women’s Liberation Movement, June 19681 EvEry account of thE rE-EmErgEncE of feminism in the United States in the late twentieth century notes the ferment that took place in 1967 and 1968. The five groups meeting in Chicago in May 1968 had, for instance, flowered from what had been a single Chicago group just a year before. By the time of the conference in 1968, activists who used the term “women’s liberation” understood themselves to be building a movement. Embedded in national networks of student, civil rights, and antiwar movements, these activists were aware that sister women’s liber- ation groups were rapidly forming across the country. Yet despite some 1. Sarah Boyte (now Sara M. Evans, the author of this article), “from Chicago,” Voice of the Women’s Liberation Movement, June 1968, p. 7. I am grateful to Elizabeth Faue for serendipitously sending this document from the first newsletter of the women’s liberation movement created by Jo Freeman. 138 Feminist Studies 41, no. 1. © 2015 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Sara M. Evans 139 early work, including my own, the particular formation calling itself the women’s liberation movement has not been the focus of most scholar- ship on late twentieth-century feminism. -
Parker, Betty J. TITLE Myles Horton (1905-90) of Highlander:Adult Educator and Southern Activist
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 336 615 CE 059 031 AUTHOR Parker, Franklin; Parker, Betty J. TITLE Myles Horton (1905-90) of Highlander:Adult Educator and Southern Activist. PUB DATE 91 NOTE 17p. PUB TYPE W.storical Materials (060) EDRS PRICE ME01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Activism; Adult Education; Biographies; *Black History; *Civil Rights; ConflictResolution; *Folk Schools; Labor Relations; Racial Discrimination; Racial Relations; *Social Change;Social Influences; Unions; Voting Rights IDENTIFIERS *Highlander Folk School TN; *Horton (Myles) ABSTRACT As a leader of social change in theSouth, Myles Horton (1) unionized southern textile workersand coal miners and advanced civil rights through hisHighlander school;(2) conducted Highlander workshops for black leaders; (3)first popularized the song "We Shall Overcome"; and (4) initiatedCitizenship Schools to help blacks register to vote. Asa youth, he questioned racial inequality. He was dismayed at unfairlabor practices in a Tennessee factory and urged workers to organize.Horton wanted to create a school that would serve poor people inlabor and racial strife and help them to gain freedom, dignity,and justice. Studying sociology at the University of Chicago in 1930-31,Horton recognized that conflict redirected tnin'e:ing. HighlanderFolk School, inspired by Danish folk schools, was opened inMonteagle, Tennessee in 1932. Horton's wife Zilphia introducedmany cultural programs at Highlander. During 1953-61,as Highlander's civil rights activities increased, so did segregationist attackson the school. Horton is remembered for his efforts to fight fora batter world.(A "Myles Horton Chronology 1905-1990" anda 35-item bibliography are Amcluded.) (NLA) *********************************************************************** Reproductions supplied by EDRSare the best that can be made from the original document.