Styles of Experimental Reasoning in Early Modern Chemistry
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The Epistemology Under Locke's Corpuscularianism
THE EPISTEMOLOGY UNDER LOCKE’S CORPUSCULARIANISM Michael Jacovides 1. MACHINES AS MODELS OF INTELLIGIBILITY The intelligibility of our artifacts suggests to many seventeenth century thinkers that nature works along analogous lines, that the same principles that explain the operations of artifacts explain the operations of natural bodies.1 We may call this belief ‘corpuscularianism’ when conjoined with the premise that the details of the analogy depend upon the sub-microscopic textures of ordinary bodies and upon the rapidly moving, imperceptibly tiny corpuscles that surround these bodies.2 Locke’s sympathy for corpuscularianism comes out clearly where he describes the implications of our inability to perceive the sub-microscopic world. If we could, he conjectures, various perplexities would be unknotted. We would solve mysteries of pharmacology, since did we know the Mechanical affections of the Particles of Rhubarb, Hemlock, Opium, and a Man, as a Watchmaker does those of a Watch, whereby it performs its Opera- tions, and of a File which by rubbing on them will alter the Figure of any of the Wheels, we should be able to tell before Hand, that Rhubarb will purge, Hemlock kill, and Opium make a man sleep; as well as a Watch-maker can, that a little piece of Pa- per, laid on the Balance, will keep the Watch from going, till it be removed; or that some small part of it, being rubb’d by a file, the Machin would quite lose its Motion, and the Watch go no more3 (4.3.25). Locke borrows the expression ‘mechanical affections’ from Robert Boyle, who uses it to denote mo- tion, size, figure, and arrangement of parts “because to them men willingly refer the various opera- tions of mechanical engines”4. -
A Revolution That Never Happened
Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 49 (2015) 80e90 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Studies in History and Philosophy of Science journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/shpsa A Revolution that never happened Ursula Klein Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Germany article info abstract Article history: If we define scientific revolutions as changes of scientists’ ontologies, types of causal explanation, and Available online 19 December 2014 paradigmatic types of methods and instruments, Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier’s contribution to chemistry did not amount to a scientific revolution. Contrary to the received view that Lavoisier initiated a Keywords: “chemical revolution,” which is accepted by Chang and Kusch, I argue that Lavoisier shared with the Chemical revolution; phlogistonists their “flat ontology” of chemical substance, established decades before the 1770s, their Ontology of substances; types of explaining chemical transformation, and their quantitative methods. Based on my historical Elements; reconstruction, I criticize Chang’s argument that the late eighteenth-century phlogistic systems and Mixts; ’ Chemical compounds; Lavoisier s system belonged to two different theoretical traditions. As a consequence, I also question ’ ’ Affinity Chang s argument that the acceptance of Lavoisier s system can be explained in terms of dominance of “compositionism” over “principlism.” Ó 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. When citing this paper, please use the full journal title Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 1. Introduction following the path to Lavoisier’s system, I will compare the phlo- gistic and the antiphlogistic system from a broader historical and As is well known, Thomas Kuhn highlighted Lavoisier’s “chem- philosophical perspective. -
Empirical Support for the Corpuscular Theory in the Seventeenth Century
EMPIRICAL SUPPORT FOR THE CORPUSCULAR THEORY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 1. INTRODUCTION The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the empirical content and experimental foundation of the early seventeenth-century corpuscular hypothesis. Supported by ontological, epistemological, and mathematical arguments, observational and experimental evi• dence played an important part in creating those patterns of thought that were instrumental in the transformation and, even• tually, acceptance of the corpuscular theory of matter. Compared to the rise of astronomy and mechanics, the success of seventeenth-century atomism is ambiguous. Unlike other physical theories of the time the atomic doctrine was not based on exper• iments likely to be accepted by today's scientific standards. In Galileo's inclined plane and his law of falling bodies or in Newton's theory of colors and his experimentum crucis with the prism, for example, theory and experiment, observation and conclu• sion were connected in a way still acceptable to us. In atomism, however, this is not the case, although almost all corpuscular theories of the seventeenth century explicitly claimed to be derived from and based upon experience. Yet, it was not until the nineteenth century that experimental results made the atoms at least plausible. The difficult relationship between seventeenth century atomism and its experimental foundation has been obscured to some extent by later historians. When the standard histories of atomism were written at the end of the nineteenth century1, a final experi• mental confirmation of the corpuscular nature of matter was still lacking. Twentieth-century historians, on the other hand, have underestimated the empirical difficulties involved in early modern atomism.2 Knowing that there are atoms in nature, they could hardly imagine how the protagonists of the scientific revolution should not have arrived at this same conclusion. -
The Grounds for and Excellence of the Corpuscular Or Mechanical Philosophy
The Grounds for and Excellence of the Corpuscular or Mechanical Philosophy Robert Boyle 1674 Copyright © Jonathan Bennett 2017. All rights reserved [Brackets] enclose editorial explanations. Small ·dots· enclose material that has been added, but can be read as though it were part of the original text. Occasional •bullets, and also indenting of passages that are not quotations, are meant as aids to grasping the structure of a sentence or a thought. Every four-point ellipsis . indicates the omission of a brief passage that seems to present more difficulty than it is worth. Longer omissions are reported between brackets in normal-sized type.—This short piece by Boyle opens and closes in the form of a letter; there is no known addressee; and most of the thing reads as though it wasn’t really addressed to any individual.—The section-breaks and -headings are not Boyle’s. First launched: March 2010 Excellence of mechanism Robert Boyle Contents Introduction 1 Four points 2 The versatility of mechanism 3 The world’s soul etc. 6 The top trio 7 Challenges that mechanisms could survive 8 Mechanism isn’t scary 10 Decoding the world 11 Recapitulation 12 Excellence of mechanism Robert Boyle Glossary a priori: When Boyle uses this phrase on page 11 he principle: Throughout the early modern period ‘principle’ isn’t using it in the sense that Kant made famous 80 years (like its cousins in French and Latin) sometimes meant, as it later. That is, he isn’t talking about proving independently does today, a proposition that has some privilege of basicness of all experience that your theory is true. -
History of Philosophy: Early Modern (PHIL 210-3)
History of Philosophy: Early Modern (PHIL 210-3) Professor Baron Reed Spring Quarter, 2019 office: 3-421 Kresge Hall Lutkin Hall email: [email protected] T/TH 12:30-1:50 office hours: T 2:00-3:00, and by appointment Course Description: The transition from the Medieval to the Modern era in philosophy began, roughly, in the late 16th and early 17th centuries and ended, again roughly, in the late 18th century. New methods of acquiring knowledge, along with a radically different conception of the world, permanently transformed the philosophical enterprise and the broader culture. In this course we will examine the views of some of the most important modern philosophers—especially Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz, Bayle, Locke, Berkeley, and Hume—on the nature of God, causation, substance, mind, knowledge, and the material world. Additional readings will be drawn from Elizabeth, Galileo, Masham, Boyle, Shepherd, and Du Châtelet. Course Objectives: The course has two primary objectives: (A) To reach a deeper understanding of the philosophical developments that followed in the wake of the Reformation and that accompanied, and made possible, the rise of modern science and the broader Enlightenment; and (B) To develop critical thinking, reading, and writing skills, particularly in light of the new attention to philosophical method in the Early Modern period. Emphasis will be placed on both philosophical and historical methods of reading primary sources, as we attempt to understand both the views of these philosophers in their own terms and as they relate to the work of other philosophers and to broader cultural developments. Required Texts: Ariew, Roger and Watkins, Eric (eds.). -
THE CHEMICAL REVOLUTION and PHARMACY: a DISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE Jonathan Simon
THE CHEMICAL REVOLUTION AND PHARMACY: A DISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE Jonathan Simon To cite this version: Jonathan Simon. THE CHEMICAL REVOLUTION AND PHARMACY: A DISCIPLINARY PER- SPECTIVE. Ambix, Maney Publishing, 1998. hal-01867749 HAL Id: hal-01867749 https://hal.univ-lorraine.fr/hal-01867749 Submitted on 4 Sep 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THE CHEMICAL REVOLUTION AND PHARMACY: A DISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE. By Jonathan Simon, Université de Lorraine. This article was published in Ambix, March 1998 Vol. 45, no. 1: pp. 1-13. INTRODUCTION. What was the chemical revolution? This question lies at the heart of the historiography of eighteenth-century chemistry and animates the present paper. The orthodox response has placed Lavoisier at the center of an intellectual transformation, characterising him as both the author of the revolution and the founder of modern chemistry. For those who want to focus the credit on Lavoisier, the chemical revolution consists in his supplanting Stahl's phlogiston theory with the substantially correct oxygenic view of combustion. With this 'paradigm shift', the story goes, Lavoisier took a vital step forward in the development of modern chemical theory. -
1 Locke on Newton's Principia Mathematica: Mathematics but Not
Locke on Newton’s Principia mathematica: Mathematics but not Natural Philosophy? Michael J. White In his Essay concerning Human Understanding, John Locke explicitly refers to Newton’s Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica in laudatory but restrained terms: “Mr. Newton, in his never enough to be admired Book, has demonstrated several Propositions, which are so many new Truths, before unknown to the World, and are farther Advances in Mathematical Knowledge” (An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. P. H. Nidditch [Clarendon Press, 1975], 4.7.3). Locke’s restraint stands in contrast to such effusive tributes as Edmund Halley’s Ode (“Come celebrate with me in song the name/ Of Newton, to the Muses dear; for he/ Unlocked the hidden treasuries of Truth:/ So richly through his mind had Phoebus cast/ The radiance of his own divinity./ Nearer the gods no mortal may approach”) or the famous epitaph of Alexander Pope (“Nature and Nature’s laws lay hid in night; / God said, Let Newton be! and all was light”). Of course, Locke was neither a poet nor inclined to make use of a poet’s license. There can be little doubt, I think, that he respected Newton’s prodigious intellect and admired his accomplishments. In the Essay’s “Epistle to the Reader” of 1700, “the incomparable Mr. Newton” is numbered along with Boyle, Sydenham, and Huygens as one of the commonwealth of learning’s master-builders in advancing the sciences. Also more expansive is the 1688 review of Newton’s Principia in Le Clerc’s Bibliothèque universelle et historique, which many scholars now believe was written by Locke, and a passage from Locke’s 1693 Some Thoughts Concerning Education. -
Chemical Knowledge in the Early Modern World'.', Osiris., 29 (1)
Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 25 March 2015 Version of attached le: Published Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Eddy, Matthew Daniel and Mauskopf, Seymour H. and Newman, William R. (2014) 'An introduction to 'Chemical knowledge in the early modern world'.', Osiris., 29 (1). pp. 1-15. Further information on publisher's website: http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/678110 Publisher's copyright statement: c 2014 by The History of Science Society. Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk An Introduction to Chemical Knowledge in the Early Modern World by Matthew Daniel Eddy, Seymour H. Mauskopf, and William R. Newman THE SCOPE OF EARLY MODERN CHEMICAL KNOWLEDGE The essays in this volume collectively cover the development of chemistry in the “early modern world,” that is to say, from the ifteenth century through the eighteenth century. -
12. Atoms and Alchemy: Chaps 1-3. • the Role of Alchemy in the Scientific Revolution (16Th-17Th Cent)
12. Atoms and Alchemy: Chaps 1-3. • The role of alchemy in the Scientific Revolution (16th-17th cent). • Cast of Characters: Geber (Paul of Taranto) Thomas Erastus Andreas Libavius Daniel Sennert Robert Boyle • Key issues: The role of alchemy in providing the experimental basis for the corpuscularian and atomic theories of matter associated with the Scientific Revolution. The role of alchemy in linking the mechanical philosophy of the Scientific Revolution with the Aristotelianism that preceded it. The rehabilitation of alchemy in histories of the Scientific Revolution. A. The Problematic Place of Alchemy in the Scientific Revolution • Late 17th century: Adoption of corpuscularian/atomic theories of matter." "It is in fact impossible to imagine Newton's successes in optics or physics as a whole without the heuristic assumption that beneath the threshold of sense, matter -- and even light -- are composed of discrete and permanent particles rather than a single, mutable continuum." (Newman, pg. 5) • Claim: Alchemy provided corpuscular theories with the experimental means to debunk scholastic theories of perfect mixture and to demonstrate the retrievability of material ingredients. "I see Boyle's mechanical philosophy as having been indissolubly linked to his chymical researches..." (Newman, pg. 3) • Early 17th century: "Material change was generally explained not by the association and dissociation of microscopic particles, but rather by the imposition and removal of immaterial forms." (Newman, pg. 4 "...it was commonly believed that the ingredients of 'genuine mixtures' -- many of which we would today call 'chemical compounds' -- were not capable of being retrieved from their combined state at all." Aside: Aristotle's Theory of Change (a) Doctrine of Hylomorphism: • A sensible object consists of both matter and form. -
Beyond Aristotle: Indivisibles and Infinite Divisibility in the Later Middle Ages
BEYOND ARISTOTLE: INDIVISIBLES AND INFINITE DIVISIBILITY IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES John E. Murdoch The basic text for late medieval Latin atomism and its critics was Aristotle’s Physics, especially Book VI. Here the atoms or indivisibles he considered and combatted were extensionless, a conception that can be found in scholastic debate about atoms all the way to Galileo and his atomi non quanti.1 The medieval atomists were clustered in the fourteenth-century,2 as were their Aristotelian critics. Figure 1 provides the basic dramatis personae of the fourteenth-century atomists and their critics. The list of atomists is nearly complete, save for the followers of Wyclif. The list of their critics is naturally less complete, being made up of chiefl y those who name their atomist opponents. Yet even without such identifi cation, we can often tell other critics, such as John Buridan and his school, because they oppose specifi c identifi able atomist arguments. The question of the motives for the late medieval atomism is pretty murky. The motives for Greek atomism are, at least to some extent, an answer to Parmenides’s monism and center in attempts to explain natural phenomena (if not always totally successfully). Equally clear are the motives for the Arabic atomism of the Mutakallimun: namely, to put all causal relations into the hands of God through the mechanism of the doctrine of continuous creation. However, in the case of late medieval atomism there is not such a wholesale application to nature or to a God who creates the universe anew at every instant. -
Scientific Rationality: Phlogiston As a Case Study
Scientific Rationality: Phlogiston as a Case Study Jonathon Hricko∗ Penultimate Draft | Please cite the published version, which appears in Tzu-Wei Hung & Timothy Lane (Eds.). (2017). Rationality: Constraints and Contexts. Elsevier Academic Press, London. Abstract: I argue that it was rational for chemists to eliminate phlogiston, but that it also would have been rational for them to retain it. I do so on the grounds that a number of prominent phlogiston theorists identified phlogiston with hydrogen in the late eighteenth century, and this identification became fairly well-entrenched by the early nineteenth century. In light of this identi- fication, I critically evaluate Hasok Chang's argument that chemists should have retained phlogiston, and that doing so would have benefited science. I argue that these benefits would have been unlikely, and I go on to consider some more likely benefits and harms of retaining phlogiston. I conclude that there is a sense in which scientific rationality concerns what is permissible, as opposed to what is required, so that retention and elimination may, at least sometimes, both be rationally permissible options. Keywords: Scientific Rationality, Chemical Revolution, Phlogiston, Hydro- gen, Humphry Davy 1 Introduction The Chemical Revolution, to a first approximation, was an event that took place in the late eighteenth century, and involved chemists embracing Antoine ∗Education Center for Humanities and Social Sciences, National Yang-Ming University, email: jonathon [dot] hricko [at] gmail [dot] com. 1 Lavoisier's oxygen theory and abandoning phlogiston-based explanations of various phenomena. The phenomena in question included combustion and the transformation of metals into oxides. For some time, chemists explained these phenomena by appealing to a substance they called phlogiston, which they posited as a component of inflammable substances and metals. -
Philosophy and the Chemical Revolution After Kant
This material has been published in The Cambridge Companion to German Idealism edited by K.Ameriks. This version is free to view and download for personal use only. Not for re-distribution, re-sale or use in derivative works. © Michela Massimi Philosophy and the Chemical Revolution after Kant Michela Massimi 1. Introduction The term Naturphilosophie denotes a philosophical movement that developed in post- Kantian Germany at the end of the eighteenth century. Fichte and Schelling belonged to this intellectual movement, which had strong cultural links both with Romanticism (including Goethe, Novalis, and Hölderlin) and post-Kantian Idealism. As with any hybrid and transient cultural movement, it is difficult to define Naturphilosophie in terms of a specific manifesto or well-defined cultural program. The term came to denote a fairly broad range of philosophical ideas, whose seeds can be traced back, in various ways, to Kant’s philosophy of nature. Yet, Naturphilosophen gave a completely new twist to Kant’s philosophy of nature, a twist that eventually paved the way to Idealism. The secondary literature on Naturphilosophie has emphasized the role that the movement played for the exact sciences of the early nineteenth century. In a seminal paper (1959/1977, 66-104) on the discovery of energy conservation Thomas Kuhn gave Naturphilosophie(and, in particular, F. W. J. Schelling, credit for stressing the philosophical importance of conversion and transformation processes. These ideas played an important role in the nineteenth-century discovery (carried out independently by Mayer, Joule, and Helmholtz) of the interconvertibility of thermal energy into mechanical work, as well of electricity into magnetism (by Ørsted and Faraday).