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Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan 255

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Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan 255 Gibbs Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan 255 Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan Kevin T. Gibbs Ethnicity has, in recent years, become a significant marker of the residents’ ethnic identity, perhaps topic in archaeology (e.g. Emberling 1997; Jones for the duration of the site’s occupation. However, 1997). Although a universally accepted definition the stratigraphy at Tlailotlacan is not of ethnicity may be impossible to pin down, straightforward and others have suggested that many archaeologists and anthropologists in Zapotec-style pottery production at the site was general would accept that ethnicity is, at least in short-lived, and was quickly replaced by typical part, strategically negotiated as a social Teotihuacan forms (Paddock 1983; Winter construction of difference (Jenkins 1997; c.f. 1998). Stone 2003). Since this process occurs at the To more fully understand how ethnic perceived boundary of an ethnic group (Barth boundaries were marked at Tlailotlacan, it is 1969; Cohen 1985), the archaeologist is faced important that this debate be addressed. This with the task of identifying the aspects of the paper provides evidence for a long duration of material world, if any, that symbolized a particular Zapotec-style pottery manufacture. It is based on group’s boundaries. my MA thesis (Gibbs 2001), which was written In the case of ethnic enclaves, the marking of under the supervision of Mike Spence. It should boundaries with material things may be be evident that his work was a major influence. particularly evident (Emberling 1997:316). Occupants of an ethnic enclave, outnumbered and surrounded by residents of the host society, Tlailotlacan face the dual challenges of presenting their identity to the rest of the city and maintaining it Situated in the semi-arid highlands of central internally (Spence 1996). Various social, ritual, Mexico, Teotihuacan was the largest urban centre and technological practices may be called upon of its time in the New World (Figure 1). The to meet these challenges. settlement began to grow rapidly in the first or Mike Spence’s work at Tlailotlacan, an ethnic second century BC, and by around AD 200 it enclave in the Mesoamerican city of Teotihuacan, had a population of about 125,000 people and demonstrates the importance of the site for covered an area of some 20 square kilometres understanding the relationship between material (Cowgill 1997; Millon 1973). As a major culture and the construction of ethnicity in metropolis, Teotihuacan had widespread ties enclave situations (e.g. Spence 1992, 1996, 2002, throughout Mesoamerica, and some areas of the 2005; White et al. 2004). Several lines of city were settled by people originally from outside evidence, including objects that differ stylistically the Valley of Mexico (Rattray 1987; Spence from typical Teotihuacan forms, suggest that a 1996; White et al. 1998, 2004). distinct Zapotec ethnic group occupied the site Tlailotlacan, also known as the Oaxaca barrio, is for centuries. Spence (2002, 2005) and others the most convincing of these ethnic enclaves. It (Millon 1973:42; Rattray 1993) propose that seems to have been settled by Zapotecs from the Zapotec-style pottery, which was recovered Valley of Oaxaca sometime around AD 200, during excavations at the site, was an important during Teotihuacan’s Late Miccaotli or Early 256 Ontario Archaeology No. 85-88/London Chapter OAS Occasional Publication No. 9 Figure 1. Map of Mesoamerica showing location of areas and sites mentioned in the text. Tlamimilolpa phase (Figure 2). While the physical (Price et al. 2000; White et al. 1998, 2004). extent of the barrio remains somewhat unclear, Zapotec-style pottery is also found in the Spence (1992) suggests a population of 600 to 700 barrio. It makes up a rather small part of the total individuals occupying ten or eleven apartment ceramics from Tlailotlacan (approximately 2 or 3 compounds near the western limit of Teotihuacan %) while the rest of the ceramics are typical (Figure 3). Material culture in a Zapotec style Teotihuacan forms. Interestingly, the Zapotec- persisted in the barrio, in some form or another, style pottery assemblage includes only a small perhaps until the ultimate decline of Teotihuacan subset of the overall repertoire of Zapotec sometime around AD 650. ceramics that are found in the Valley of Oaxaca For example, mortuary traditions within the itself (Caso et al. 1965). As there is evidence that barrio include extended burials in well-made, the cities of Teotihuacan and Monte Albán, the Zapotec-style tombs and there are ritual deposits Zapotec capital, maintained significant levels of that may be based on Zapotec traditions (Spence interaction (Marcus and Flannery 1996), it is 2002). A Zapotec glyph was carved into a tomb perhaps unsurprising that Zapotec-style ceramics doorjamb (Millon 1973). While the architecture would be found in Teotihuacan and, in fact, is, in general, consistent with typical Teotihuacan imported Zapotec wares are found throughout style, Croissier (2004, 2007) excavated a structure the city (Rattray 1993). But the Oaxaca barrio in the barrio that has a layout consistent with a represents the unique occurrence in Teotihuacan Zapotec-style, multi-room temple. Evidence of a concentration of locally-made imitations of from oxygen and strontium isotope ratios Zapotec pottery. indicates the presence of people born and raised Pottery forms include what may be domestic outside the Oaxaca barrio, some perhaps from ritual ceramics, such as handled censers, decorated the Zapotec homeland in the Valley of Oaxaca censers, and urns (Spence 2002). Zapotec Gibbs Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan 257 relatively brief Late Monte Albán II-IIIA transition period. None of the pottery is comparable to later period material from Monte Albán. Because there was continued contact between Monte Albán and Teotihuacan we might expect that, if pottery had continued to be made in the Oaxaca barrio, it would have kept up with changing trends in the Zapotec homeland. Since there is no evidence of change, this has suggested to some that the duration of manufacture of Zapotec-style ceramics in the Oaxaca barrio must have been quite short, lasting only a generation or two (Paddock 1983; Winter 1998). Mike Spence (1992, 2005), however, has offered a different explanation. He suggests that after the initial settlement of the barrio the role that pottery played would have changed. If the residents of the Oaxaca barrio were trying to maintain an ethnic identity distinct from the rest of Teotihuacan, any Zapotec element of their material culture could have been given a new role as a symbolic marker of that distinct identity. This would have the effect of freezing the pottery forms, making them resistant to the changes that took place in the Valley of Oaxaca. So the duration of Zapotec-style pottery manufacture may have lasted for centuries, with the potters adhering to a small set of outdated Monte Albán Figure 2. Chronology of the Teotihuacan phases discussed in the types. text (after Cowgill 1996). Unfortunately, the mixed deposits of the Oaxaca barrio, with ceramics from multiple time figurines may also have had a ritual function. periods in a single context, do not allow a Pottery items with a more utilitarian function straightforward assessment of the site’s include large, relatively coarse conical bowls and stratigraphy. It is not possible to simply look to smaller, finer bowls, usually with a pair of grooves the dateable Teotihuacan pottery in any one around the rim (Figure 4). The former are similar context to designate a date for that context to types referred to as G21 or G35 in the Valley (Rattray 1993). Virtually all contexts or “bags” of Oaxaca, while the finer bowls are similar to containing Zapotec-style pottery contain G12 bowls (Caso et al. 1965; cf. Winter 1998). Teotihuacan ceramics that can be attributed to Comales (griddles) and zoomorphic bowls make two or more Teotihuacan phases. up the rest of the Zapotec-style utilitarian ceramics from the barrio. While there is good evidence that certain Analysis aspects of the Zapotec material culture repertoire persisted for centuries after the barrio was settled My effort to address this problem is based on the (e.g., the tombs), the case for the pottery is less ceramic material recovered from Mike Spence’s clear. All of the locally-made Zapotec-style (1992) excavation of Tlailotlacan’s structure TL6 pottery from the barrio seems to belong to the (Gibbs 2001, 2004). Since almost all the bags of 258 Ontario Archaeology No. 85-88/London Chapter OAS Occasional Publication No. 9 Figure 3. Map of Teotihuacan. Location of Tlailotlacan is marked by a large circle (after Millon 1973). Figure 4. Ceramic bowls from Structure TL6 at Tlailotlacan. A is similar to type G12 from the Valley of Oaxaca and B is similar to type G35 variant 1 (Caso et al. 1965; Winter 1998). pottery contain Teotihuacan ceramics from integrity can be identified when the bags are multiple phases, it is impossible to reliably examined collectively. attribute any particular Zapotec sherd or pot to a I do this by dividing all the Teotihuacan specific Teotihuacan phase. However, I suggest pottery into two groups; those that come from that evidence for the retention of chronological bags or contexts containing no Zapotec pottery, Gibbs Pottery and Ethnic Identity in the Oaxaca Barrio, Teotihuacan 259 and those that come from bags containing at least Table 1 shows the proportions of Teotihuacan one piece of Zapotec pottery. After eliminating pottery recovered from contexts relating to each any bags with small sample size (less than 20 of the eight stages. Again, although each sherds), for both groups I determine the architectural stage has pottery dating to multiple proportion of Teotihuacan pottery attributable phases we do see an interesting trend.
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