13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED ? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND

From Highland Tomatoes to Lowland Markets: Highland Agriculture Restructuring and Power in Thailand Tomatoes Commodity Network

Jirawat Rugchat Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University ------

1. Introduction Over the past thirty years, Hot and , , Thailand, highland areas, have been become an effective role in tomato fruits production. Accordingly, five years ago, historical statistics from Chiang Mai provincial agricultural extension office has obviously showed that these highland areas have been producing total tomato fruits more than 80% of Chiang Mai tomato fruits and also have been become tomato cultivating areas approximately 90% of Chiang Mai tomato planting areas (see table 1).

Although, since 1980s, the extreme extension of tomato planting in highland areas, Hot and Omkoi district, has led to change in various levels. In local areas, after the expansion of tomato cultivating areas, highland villagers had been changed their livelihoods. Some of them denied traditional upland rice, they, then, turned into produce commercial tomato fruits and utilized land and labor intensively for making more profits. Many villagers transformed themselves as highland entrepreneur farmers who both produced and collected tomato fruits for trading to lowland markets. In global market level, highland tomato fruits have been become the favorite fruits and transferred to trade in different markets, for example, Thailand central region markets, Thailand provincial markets and international markets. Additionally, the network of tomato commercial from highland to lowland markets has established new various actors who have been playing an important role in tomato commodity network.

Table 1 Comparing Historical statistics of tomato production between Hot and Omkoi district and Chiang Mai province from 2011 to 2015

Location 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 Cultivated Hot and Omkoi district 7,226 5,553 2,126 1,907 1,619 areas (rai) Chiang Mai province 7,930 5,801 2,436 2,341 1,680 Tomato fruit Hot and Omkoi district 8,092 16,314 5,018 3,685 3,040 production Chiang Mai province 9,732 16,988 5,613 4,234 3,169 (ton) *1 acre = 2.5 rai, 1,000 kilograms = 1 ton

Note: This tomato historical statistics were collected from Chiang Mai provincial agricultural extension office.

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This article is a sociological and anthropological study that aims to explain the highland agriculture restructuring particularly in Hot and Omkoi districts, Chiang Mai province, Thailand. After tomato cultivated areas have been widely extended and to differentiate the role and power of various actors in tomato commodity network from highland to lowland markets. In the field work study I select Na Fon village, , Chiang Mai province, as a study village and collect data by interview with villagers between January 2016 and March 2017. At that time I stay in Na Fon village around 5 – 10 days per month. To understand the tomato commodity network, I employ multi-sited research to interview with different actors who are engaged in the tomato network from highland to lowland markets, such as, tomato growers, highland entrepreneur farmers, highland transporters and lowland wholesalers.

Nonetheless, to simplified highland restructuring and highland tomato commodity network, I divide the structures of this article as three parts. Firstly, I try to conceptualize the network frameworks for adaptation to Thailand tomato commercial. Secondly, I explain Na Fon village background about mode of production before 1970s and, then, clarify the restructuring of production and labor after expansion of tomato cultivation in highland after 1970s. Thirdly, I differentiate the power relations of various actors in tomato commodity network from highland to lowland market.

2. Commodity Network Approach and Agricultural Commodity Movement

Since late 20th Century, agricultural commodity movement from production to consumption has been widely attended and diligently researched by many branch scholars. Some scholars decided their research through historical study. For example, working of Mintz (1985), an American anthropologist, Sweetness and power: the place of sugar in modern history, explored that during colonial era sugar cane commodity had been become an important agriculture goods and systematically moved across the nations from the third world countries to European countries such as England, Spain, Portugal and Nederland. Moreover, for this research, he obviously clarified about production, distribution and consumption processing of sugar cane commodity and also explained power relationship between sugar cane producing countries and sugar consuming countries.

After that, agricultural commodity movement has been evidently conceptualized as commodity chain conceptual framework. Commodity chain has well known as political economy perspective which focused on commodity connection in various processes from production to consumption and explored power relations of different actors in that chain. This approach, actually, was developed by world-system theories which were utilized to analyze world economic structures (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1986), and based on dependency theory (Gibbon, 2001).

Currently, commodity chain approach is the study about labor network and commodity processes from production to distribution (Hopkins and Wallerstein, 1986; Gereffi and Korzeniewicz, 1994). In addition, the commodity analyzing through commodity chain approach has often found inequality in the world commodity system (Gereffi and Korzeniewicz, 1994; Talbot, 2002). Talbot’s research, in 2002, Tropical commodity chains, forward integration strategies and international inequality: coffee, cocoa and tea, has found that tropical agriculture commodities in the research have

2 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND been engaged to countries development and connected to international inequality. Talbot also summarized that, after tropical commodities have been produced in developing countries and transferred to developed countries, producers have been disadvantaged and inevitably regulated by transnational companies and consumers who dwelled in developed countries.

Commodity chain analysis could be divided as two basic types, producer-driven commodity chains and buyer-driven commodity chains. Producer-driven commodity chains were found in sectors where production is capital- and technology-intensive, such as automobiles, aircraft, heavy machinery and computers. They tend to be multilayered and to involve thousands of firms (including parents, subsidiaries and sub-contractors). On the other hand, buyer-driven commodity chains were generally found in sectors where production is much more labor-intensive, but where design and marketing play a central role. (Gibbon, 2001: 347) Although, Gibbon (2001) has argued that differentiated commodity chain analysis as two characteristics has no longer been explained all commodity chain structures which appear in globalization. He has proposed international trader-driven chains and emphasized on the role of international trading companies in commodity chains (Gibbon, 2001).

Nevertheless, even if agricultural commodity study according to commodity chain approach would constitute to new understanding about agricultural commodity movements, but then this approach has been often criticized as it focused on uni-directional linearity chain (Hughes, 2000: 177) and gave priority to vertical dimensions of the chain and denied horizontal dimensions (Barrett, Browne and ILbery, 2004: 22).

Therefore, after that, for avoidance with two problems above, commodity network approach is presented as a new approach which considered to relationships between production and consumption is provided by concept of the “network”. The idea of network can be contributes to link various actors who related to the commodity. In addition this idea also suggests that different actors in the network are consistently depended on each other as “webs of interdependence”. Hughes and Reimer mention about the idea of network that:

“The idea of network helps to conceptualize the complex and multi-stranded ways in which different types of nodes (people, firms, states, organization etc.) are connected. While Thrift and Olds (1996) explain the use of the network as a representation of the organization of social and cultural ties in economic linkages, they suggest that at the most general level of analysis it simply captures the pattern of ‘web of interdependence’ existing between different sets of actors in the economy” (Hughes and Reimer, 2004: 4).

Furthermore, commodity network also focuses on how different kinds of nodes (people, firms, states, places and organizations) are connected to one another in complex and multi-stranded ways (Hughes, 2000: 178) and views relations between producers, institutions, retailers and consumer groups as the outcome of complex flows between a range of interconnected actors that have become enrolled in the network. Crucially, the network integrates both vertical and horizontal dimensions of commodity movement (Barrett, Browne and ILbery, 2004: 24)

To study agricultural commodity movement through commodity network approach has clarified the complicated interdependence between various actors both vertical and horizontal dimensions. Barrett, Browne and ILbery (2004), From farm to supermarket: the trade in fresh

3 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND horticultural produce from sub-Saharan Africa to the United Kingdom, employed commodity network to study fresh horticultural commodities which produced in Sub-Saharan Africa and transported to the United Kingdom. The research has found that fresh horticultural transnational trading, from Africa to UK, has been related to various actors in four nodes; production, export, import and retailing. Each actor has different power relations to control fresh horticultural productions.

Not only commodity network approach would explain power relations and interdependence between actors in many levels, but this approach also explored new network form as it might be nonhuman actor which has power in the commodity network. Hughes’s working (2000), Retailers, knowledges and changing commodity networks: the case of the cut flower trade, studied international cut flower trade that produced in developing countries, for example, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, the Gambia, India, Kenya, Uganda and Zimbabwe, and traded to Europe and North America. This study has found that knowledge commodity network has intensively forced and reflected to cut flower trading.

Similarly, Vandergeest’s working, in 2008, New concepts, new natures?: revisiting commodity production in Southern Thailand, studied about agrarian transition and commodity production in Satingpra district, the Southern Thailand and utilized network concepts for analysis. The research has identified that not only world markets have been become play an important role to control Thailand agriculture system, at least in his study area, but agrarian transition and agricultural production changing in the case study also have been occurred by human actors, such as local actors and transnational actors, including to nonhuman actors, for example, viruses, bacteria and physiological processes of shrimp.

Commodity network approach, thus, has given precedence to various actors in both vertical and horizontal dimensions and considered to different power relations of these actors in agricultural commodity movements. In addition, this approach has greatly recognized to nonhuman actors in the network which they have been playing influential actors to determine commodity movement conditions in globalization.

3. Na Fon Village: Highland Agriculture Restructuring from Upland Rice to Tomato Garden

3.1 Mode of Production of Na Fon Villagers before 1970s

The historical documents review and interviews with local people explored that the most of Na Fon villagers were Lua ethnic who descended from Baulaung villagers. In 1856, nine Lua households from Baulaung village migrated to the southern valley for search plentiful area and settlement. In early residence, Na Fon villagers lived with wet season rice and upland rice. Na Fon village was informally divided to three zones. The first area, Pok Ban Tai, was located in the southern of village. This area was the oldest and built the temple in late 1850s. The second area, Pok Ban Neua, was settled in the northern. The third area, Pok Ban San, was located in the east by the lowland people who were evicted from Bhumibol dam area project in the midst of 1970s. These three areas were separated by the paddy field along the small creek. In 1970s, the state authorities had authorized with villagers to possess the paddy field while they enclosed highland (upland rice area) with the national forest projects in the late 1960s (see picture 1).

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Before 1970s, Hot and Omkoi districts, Chiang Mai Province, northern Thailand were well known as uncivilized highland area and difficult transportation. The Lua villagers depended on household labors to grow both wet season rice and upland rice in rainy season. During June to August (rainy season), each household of Lua villagers started to grow local wet season rice, Muang pon rice, along the creek for subsistence and consume in their families. Although the lowland areas along the creek were insufficiency for entire Lua villagers because of these areas were often dominated by village leaders. Thus, then most of Lua villagers, who had few lowland or lack, return to pioneer and possess highland forest around the village for upland rice planting, Dang-Khaw rice. Therefore, before 1970s upland rice was importantly main plant for Lua villagers because it had been become main security food for households. Similarly as the work of Kunstadter (1978) also mentioned that upland rice was crucial food for Lua villagers in , , northwestern Thailand because it was the main agriculture product of Lua villagers for eating all year round.

Picture 1 Na Fon Village and National Forest Projects (http://www.google.com/earth/, 2016)

For Lua Na Fon villagers, the open up in the forest around the village was heavily work because it spent a lot of time and employed intensive household labors. During January to February every year, Lua household labors walked in the forest, cut trees and possessed some highland areas. Between March and April they started to burn and prepare land for upland rice planting. Afterwards, in May, they initiated to cultivate upland rice with dropping seeds in soil. Then, Lua villagers harvested upland rice in October (see table 2).

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Table 2 Crop calendar of Lua Na Fon villagers until 1970s

Plant Location Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. Wet season Lowland R R R R R P P G G G H H rice Upland Highland T T B B P P P W W H R R rice *R = Rest, P = Plant, G = Growth, H = Harvest, T = Tree cutting, B = Burning, W = Weeding

After harvest wet season rice and upland rice period, many Lua villagers went to work as employee outside Na Fon village. Some of them made money by work as employee hawker with merchant caravans because many Lua villagers had not enough rice for consume all the year.

3.2 Restructuring Production and Labor in Highland after 1970s

Highland enclosing through three national forest projects in Hot and Omkoi district, Chiang Mai province since 19661 and the growth of tomato trading from late 1970s were caused highland tomato planting widely expanded. During early 1980s Lua villagers were only tomato growers, who planted tomato after wet season rice harvesting, for sell to traders in other villages. But after 1985 tomato had been become an important plant and well known as local plant which made more profits than other commercial in this village. Then, Lua Na Fon villagers seriously tried to expand their upland rice areas and rapidly changed their mode of production from upland rice to highland tomato planting to make more interests. Since 1985 many lowland traders from central region markets of Thailand, for instance, Pak- Khlong Talad, Talad Thai and Talad Si-mummuang, came inside Na Fon village for contracting with Lua villagers to plant favorite tomato seeds. Within this contract lowland traders accepted and agreed to buy all of highland tomato fruits. Thus, Lua villagers began to extend their highland areas and some transformed themselves to “entrepreneur farmers” who worked both as tomato growers and tomato fruit traders. In other words, not only entrepreneur farmers were to be tomato growers but they were also middlemen who bought tomato fruits and distributed production factors to other village growers. The changing mode of production above caused of the highland restructuring and unavoidably land use restructuring in Na Fon village. Lua villagers systematically provided their cultivated land both lowland areas and highland areas for three plants, wet season rice, upland rice and tomato. Eventually, after 1985s, Lua villagers decided to grow tomato in their highland (and lowland) and abandoned upland rice which they planted in the past. After tomato had been become main industrial crop of Na Fon village, lowland areas were intensively used all the year. That is to say that after Lua villagers grew wet season rice in August or

1 Thailand government announced that highland areas in Hot and Omkoi district, Chiang Mai province was covered by three national parks. There were Mae Chaem and Mae Tuen national park (1966), Khun Mae Lai national park (1972) and Omkoi national park (1976). After Thailand government declared the national park in these areas, highland areas and planting upland rice zones were become forbidden places for local people.

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September and harvested in November, they repeatedly cultivated tomato two crops, the first crop was grew in December to April and the second crop was grew in May to August. Then, they grew wet season rice in lowland again in August or September. For highland cultivation around Na Fon village, although state authorities announced that all hills around village were national forest since 1966, but practically state still allowed Lua villagers enter to their own highland cultivated areas for growing tomato. Lua villagers claimed to their own land tenure and changed landscape in highland. They adjusted their highland and dug small reservoirs or pools to reserve water for tomato planting. Highland area had been able to grow at least two tomato crops all of year. Lua villagers started to the first tomato crop approximately in April and harvested around in July to August. The second crop occurred in August and harvested in November or December. Then, in January and February, Lua villagers might rest the highland from cultivation or authorized with Karen people in other villages to plant Karen upland rice (see table 3).

Table 3 Crop calendar of Lua Na Fon villagers since 1970s to until now Location Plant Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. Wet season P G G H rice Lowland tomato1 G G H H P tomato2 P G G H H

tomato1 R R T/B P G/W G/W H H Highland tomato2 P G/W G/W H H *R = Rest, P = Plant, G = Growth, H = Harvest, T = Tree cutting, B = Burning, W = Weeding

Data in table 3 shows that after 1970s tomato planting had been become main cash crop in Na Fon village, most of Lua villagers have increasingly restructured their production. Lowland areas have been continuously cycled to use land intensively by switching between wet season rice for subsistence and tomato for commerce. In addition, highland areas have been aggressively changed from upland rice to tomato planting (or other commercial vegetables such as cabbage, chili and sweet pepper) and also adjusted to convenient landscape for tomato planting. For labor restructuring in Na Fon village, after tomato has been playing an important economic role, Lua villagers turned to spend the time for tomato growing (in both lowland and highland) and more dedicated their household labors particularly to cultivate tomato than wet season rice planting. They, however, indispensably need to keep rice in barn for subsistence all the year. Thus, in order to reduce their household labors, Lua villagers have tried to rent tractors from rich farmers and also used laboursaving machines. In some cases, Lua villagers have employed Karen labors from other villages for growing and harvesting wet season rice. Paddy from Karen labors employment have been divided to Lua owners and Karen growers in proportion 1:1. The occurrence of Karen labor employment for growing and harvesting wet season rice explained labor restructuring in Na Fon village after 1970s. On the one hand Lua villagers denied wet season rice planting, because they spent their labors and time with tomato planting for making more benefits, but on the other hand, while rice has been required for livelihood, they have employed Karen

7 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND labors to grow and harvest instead. Elder Lua villager mentioned and predicted about abandoned wet season rice of Lua in Na Fon village that “…in the future Lua people will buy paddy from Karen because Lua villagers abandon to plant wet season rice”

4. Power Relations in Tomatoes Commodity Network in Early 21st Century Tomato fruits commercial in Thailand has not been regulated or monopolized only by lowland traders. But tomato commodity has been perishable vegetable which has unique characteristics and engage with different actors from producing to consuming process. In this part, I attempt to simplify the tomato commodity network from production to consumption with commodity network concept. This commodity network perspective not only explore to various actors in tomato commodity chain from production to consumption, but also obviously display to role and power relation among these various actors in many ways in term of “webs of interdependence.” Moreover, this perspective reveals vertical and horizontal dimensions of commodity movement. (Barret, Browne and Ilbery, 2004: 23 – 25) As I mentioned above, this article examines power relation of different actors in tomato commodity network from highland production areas to lowland markets. I divide to explain this network as three dimensions, there are highland tomato producing, transferring of tomato fruits from highland to lowland and lowland markets (see picture 2). I also consider to role and link power relation of various actors in tomato commodity chain. Nonetheless, with time limitation and data access competency, I can’t explain all role and power relation of every actor. In this study I employ the multi-sited research follow to work of Marcus (1998) Ethnography through thick and thin. I particularly select to research about highland production process in Na Fon village. In addition, in this highland production process, I directly connect to Ma Tom village (Karen villager), Omkoi district, Chiang Mai province, Thailand for investigation about tomato expanding in highland areas. For tomato commodity distribution, I reveal to tomato collecting actors in highland and tomato transporters from highland to lowland markets, particularly, local transporter companies and Na Fon entrepreneur farmers. While consumption aspect I emphasize on particularly power relation of some actors in central region market.

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Picture 2 The linking of Thailand tomato commodity network from highland to lowland markets

4.1 Highland Tomato Producing

Seed companies: highland tomato reformers Since late 1970s tomato fruits have been commercialized in Chiang Mai province, the northern Thailand. Hot and Omkoi districts have been become the best areas for tomato producing of Chiang Mai province. Highland farmers have grown tomato both highland and lowland areas. Between late 1970s and 1980s, industrial tomato breed, tomato breed VF134, had been widely grown in highland because it was durable for transportation. Due to environment changing and epidemic disease in plants, highland tomato VF134 had no longer resist to new funguses and diseases. Thus, lowland seed companies have played a major role to change new appropriated tomato seed (new breed) which resists diseases and to be durable for longer transportation. In 1987 many lowland seed companies, for example Chia Tai, Sorn Dang and Mitr Kaset, have started to run their business and controlled new knowledge and technology to develop highland tomato seeds. Each seed companies set up their staffs (lowland people or outsiders) to suggest new tomato seeds with growers and seedling wholesalers and to closely assist when their seeds have some problems. Some seed companies have established temporary offices near villages and assigned company staffs to take care only company’s customers.

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Picture 3 New experimental tomato seed of Chia Tai Company is contained in package for suggestion to growers and seedling wholesalers. (February, 2017)

Nowadays, developed highland tomato seeds have been adjusted to endure with diseases and transportation. Moreover, they have been separately divided by size as three groups: large size (e.g. Extra, Ranger, Natali, Gamma), medium size (e.g. Si-da, Petrung, Kanya) and small size (e.g. E-per). Each developed seeds also might be call in different names depend on their company owners. Each developed tomato seeds have been strongly monopolized by seed companies. Namely, Chia Tai Company has been well known as large and medium tomato seed owners such as Ranger, Petrung, Kanya. Sorn Dang Company has developed large tomato seed such as Extra and Gamma. Mitr Kaset Company has developed small size of tomato seed, E-per. After seed companies have run their business and developed tomato seed in highland areas, the tomato seed data, for example, seed developing, plant diseases and insects, including to farmers and seedling wholesalers name list, have been become commercial important secrets for each companies. Thus, the occurring of lowland seed companies in Hot and Omkoi district after 1987, all highland tomato seeds have been become hybrid seed which Lua villagers have no longer breeding by themselves. Eventually, Lua villagers have entirely lost local tomato breeding competency and have been depended on only developed tomato seed and planting knowledge by lowland seed companies. In other words, lowland seed companies have been playing an important role to control and determine highland tomato seed. Then, they have tried to make strong relationship and cooperate with highland seedling wholesalers in many ways e.g. information exchanging and marketing.

Seedling wholesalers: highland tomato selectors In my area study, Hot and Omkoi district, Chiang Mai province, most of seedling wholesalers changed themselves from tomato growers. Highland seedling wholesalers not only have been important as coordinator with lowland seed companies through company staffs, but they also worked as facilitator in seedling planting for sale to highland tomato growers particularly during in rainy season. Because of in rainy season tomato seedling has often been easily infected, so most of Lua villagers bought tomato young plants from seedling warehouses in their village. The operation seedling warehouses have been systematically performed. Seedling warehouses have been methodically divided at least three areas, there are seed planting area, sorting

10 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND seedling area and seedling nursery area. In addition, seedling wholesalers also have employed Lua villagers and Karen from other village to grow tomato seedling. Not only seedling wholesalers have playing significant role as businessmen who run their business by support highland economy system and hire Lua villagers and Karen from other village, but they also have power as “tomato selectors” in Hot and Omkoi highland area. Namely, after seed companies have developed their new experimental tomato seeds and suggested to highland seedling wholesalers. Seedling wholesalers would verify by plant that new developed seed in warehouse. Then, if new seed was succeeded, warehouse owners would willingly accept and promote that new developed tomato seed by post new seed pictures around their seedling warehouses and broadcast to highland growers.

Picture 4 (Left: Ranger tomato) and Picture 5 (Right: Yama027 tomato). Various tomato breeding pictures are accepted by seedling wholesalers and posted around seedling warehouses in Na Fon village. (August, 2016)

Nonetheless, highland seedling wholesalers, this research calls tomato selectors, have much more negotiated power with seed companies. In many cases seed companies have tried to establish and keep relationship to seedling wholesalers by order more benefits to them, for example, give new developed seed for free, continuously visit and join to merit ceremonies. Otherwise those seedling wholesalers might reject new developed tomato seed. That means it gives an opportunity to other seed companies for competition.

Tomato growers: elaborated harvesters During harvesting period, tomato growers (both Lua and Karen villagers) have elaborately harvested tomato fruits. Generally, tomato growers have intensively exploited their household labors in collecting and picking tomato fruits. They have to select, by size and color, only large tomato fruit which it has during in between green and red, because of deep green and red tomato fruits have been unwanted of lowland markets and can’t be endured to transfer. In addition, in harvesting process, growers have carefully pick tomato fruits because they have been easily dropped on the ground. If growers has gently harvested, they can pick tomato fruit more than ten times for one crop. After picking tomato fruits, growers have gathered them in to standard plastic baskets2. Then, growers have easily selected tomato fruits by size to another plastic basket in order to record and

2 1 basket can contain tomato fruits weight 25 kilograms and each basket carved a name of lowland traders.

11 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND calculate price before transfer to entrepreneur farmers in Na Fon village. Although tomato selling formats also have effected to tomato selection methods. That is to say, on one hand, if growers sell their tomato in contract farming system, tomato fruits have been elaborately chosen by growers. Because of entrepreneur farmers, in Na Fon village, have spent money by consider from tomato sizes. On the other hand, if tomato garden has been wholesale trading, growers have not longer to neatly select.

4.2 Transfer of Tomato from Highland to Lowland Tomato transferring from highland to lowland market is an important in tomato commodity network and related to various actors. In this part I particularly consider to role and power relation of Lua highland entrepreneur farmers, in Na Fon village and transporter companies which have been located in my research area.

Lua entrepreneur farmers: highland tomato fruit collectors After tomato fruits have been transported by trucks to tomato warehouse in Na Fon village, labors in warehouse moved tomato baskets down meanwhile entrepreneur farmer, who was warehouse owner, closely stood to control and check tomato baskets. The quantity requirement of tomato fruits for each warehouses have depended on capability of entrepreneur farmers. Lua entrepreneur farmers, who have more funds and connections, have always accomplished to find tomato fruits for trading all the years. Currently, Lua entrepreneur farmers have three strategies to gather tomato fruits from tomato growers. There are verbal contract with growers in contract farming system, making an agreement to purchase tomato crop and buying from irregular growers.

Type I: verbal contracting with growers in contract farming system Most of Lua entrepreneur farmers, who demanded tomato fruits all the years, have verbally promised with tomato growers in Hot and Omkoi districts. They have meticulously selected especially diligent and trusting growers for working together. After tomato grower has agreed with verbal contract, he has been become a grower in contract, or Look-suan, who has been obligated to produce tomato fruits transfer to Lau entrepreneur farmer for one crop and has received production factors, for example, tomato seedlings, chemical fertilizers and insecticides from Lua entrepreneur farmer. During harvesting period grower has picked tomato fruits and transferred to Lua entrepreneur farmer’s warehouse, then grower has earned money. Amount of Look-suan has been become an important factor for economic guarantee of Lua entrepreneur farmers. Because of having a lot of Look-suan in the control that means Lua entrepreneur farmers could be continuously transferred tomato fruits to lowland markets all the years. These Lua entrepreneur farmers, thus, has assigned to their agents, brokers or Hua-nuai ,for managing production factors and considering growers to contract with Lua entrepreneur farmers. Type II: making an agreement to purchase tomato crop Making an agreement to purchase tomato fruit is an important tomato collecting strategy. Nowadays, it seems to be a favorite strategy which Lua entrepreneur farmers have popularly employed because of among this strategy using they have no longer to attend to tomato growers. During harvesting season and before agreement to purchase tomato crop, Lua entrepreneur farmers have devoted and spent their time to visit tomato gardens. After that they have offered

12 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND appropriated price to tomato growers by calculate from consider to quality and quantity of tomato fruits and market prices at that time. They, then, have partially prepaid for guarantee to tomato growers. Although making an agreement to purchase tomato crop has led to high risk, because of Lua entrepreneur farmers have greatly invested a lot of money to buy one tomato cropping. On one hand if they have harvested tomato fruits match with high price period that means they have gained a lot of benefits. On the other hand, during harvesting, if they have confronted with tomato problems, for example, tomato disease, infected, natural disaster, or miscalculated, they might be extremely lost. For Lua entrepreneur farmers, purchasing tomato crop has been becoming a strategy which depends not only on various skills and knowledge, such as tomato plant technical, climate change knowledge and marketing, but also relate to experience and expert of tomato consideration. In addition, purchasing tomato crop has also placed on intimating and trusting between Lua entrepreneur farmers and tomato growers. Type III: buying tomato fruits from irregular growers Generally, buying tomato fruits from irregular growers have not popularity because of it has been uncertain strategy. During lowing price, freedom tomato growers would come to trade tomato fruits with entrepreneur farmers, in Na Fon village, by themselves. They have chosen to trade with close entrepreneur farmers because they have expected to fair trade and good prices. In this situation, Lua entrepreneur farmers, who have adequately tomato fruits to transfer for lowland trading, have mostly rejected to new tomato fruits order. However in many cases Lua entrepreneur farmers have probably agreed with some tomato fruits order because they have kept new connection with freedom tomato growers.

Local transport companies: tomato trading connector and new grower selector After tomato packaging process, Lua entrepreneur farmers have contacted with local transport companies to transfer tomato fruits to lowland markets. Currently, four local transport companies have been played an important role in highland areas. There are Nim transport, Tukta transport, Heng transport and Tararak transport3. Each local transport companies have different locations, customers, sizes and routes to transfer tomato fruits to lowland markets both provincial area and central region area, for example, Talad Ratchaburi, Talad Thai, Talad Si-mummuang and Pak-Khlong Talad.4 Namely, Nim transport has regularly transferred tomato fruits only Talad Ratchaburi. Tukta transport and Tararak transport have generally transported tomato fruits to Talad Thai and Talad Si-mummuang. Heng transport has regularly transferred tomato fruits to four lowland markets; Talad Ratchaburi, Talad Thai, Talad Si- mumgmaung and Pak-Khlong Talad. In addition, local transport companies have calculated transferring cost by consider distance from highland village to lowland market. Thus, far away lowland market, Talad Ratchaburi, has been more expensive transfer cost than near central region markets.

3 The oldest local transport companies were Nim transpot and Heng transport. They were established in 1982. 4 Talad Thai and Talad Si-mummuang were located at Pathum Thani Province. Pak-Khlong Talad was located at Bangkok. Talad Ratchaburi was located at Ratchaburi Province.

13 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND

Table 4 The routes to transfer tomato fruits of local transport companies (survey in 2016) Transport Establishment Location Worker Talad Talad Talad Pak- Company (A.D.) (Village) (approximately) Ratchaburi Thai Si-mummuang khlong Talad Nim 1982 Ban Khun 20 persons 48* - - - Heng 1982 Ban Na Fon 15 – 20 persons 48* 38* 38* 38* Tukta 2011 Ban Khun 10 – 15 persons - 38* 38* - Tararak 2011 Ban Khun 10 – 15 persons - 38* 38* - *Bath/basket Note: Local transport companies have officially divided workers as four job positions; manager, clerk, tomato porter and driver.

Not only local transport companies have well known as mediator of transferring tomato fruits from highland to lowland markets, but they also have been played significant actor as new tomato grower selectors for commerce tomato fruits with lowland traders since 1980. That is to say, while these local transport companies have transferred tomato fruits to lowland market traders, on the other hand, they also have given necessary trading information about lowland traders, such as reliability, wealth and loyalty to tomato growers and have been becoming as selectors to new tomato growers for trading tomato fruits with lowland market traders. Consequently, local transport companies have been become crucial actors who have strongly power to select new tomato growers (or entrepreneur farmers) to trade with lowland traders. Hence, tomato growers have been courteous and unavoidably consent to do within local transport company orders.

4.3 Lowland Markets This research has explored that after the growth of tomato commercial since 1990s two main lowland markets, central region market and provincial market, have been become crucial role for Thailand tomato trading. Central region markets were allocated in Bangkok Metropolitan region. There were at least three main markets, Talad Thai, Talad Si-mummuang and Pak-Khlong Talad. Currently, most of tomato fruits from Hot and Omkoi district have been transported to these markets. They, then, have been continuously transferred to various consumers, such as supermarkets, airlines, restaurants and retailers. In addition, some parts of tomato fruits have been transferred to many provincial markets, for example, Talad Chiang Rai (Chiang Rai Province), Talad Mae Sot (), Talad Khon Kaen (Khon Kaen Province), Talad Ratchaburi (Ratchaburi Province), Talad Nong Dok () and Talad Muang Mai (Chiang Mai Province), and have been forwarded to international markets, such as Myanmar markets or transferred to processing companies during low price tomato fruits for making tomato sauces and tomato juices. Although with limitation of article explanation area, I describe and give priority particularly role and power relation of Talad Thai traders who are key actors of tomato fruit wholesalers and control tomato prices in Thailand tomato commercial.

14 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND

Talad Thai wholesalers: tomato price controllers Talad Thai was officially settled in 1996, 40 kilometers the north of Bangkok. This market was mainly established as an agriculture production commercial center. This market has covered 500 rai5 and opened 24 hours. Talad Thai area has been divided as 21 zones, for instance, protein market, freshwater fish market, mixed fruit market, orange market, flower market, fish market, desserts and dried food market, seafood market, fresh foods market, vegetable ground market, vegetable market, crop ground market, etc (talaadthai.com, 2016). Tomato fruits from highland Hot and Omkoi district have transferred to Talaad Thai in vegetable market zone. While I surveyed this zone for one day in the morning of July, 2016, I saw a truck’s transport company, from Hot district, parked and labors was moving tomato fruit baskets down to wholesalers. Wholesalers, then, checked the quality of tomato fruits and sorted out once again.

Picture 6 Labors in Talad Thai were moving Picture 7 Wholesaler’s labor was checking and tomato baskets down from a truck. (July, 2016) sorting out tomato fruits before transferring to consumers. (July, 2016)

During January to May of every year, tomato fruits from highland areas, generally, have been lacked. Thus, Talad Thai wholesalers have necessarily contacted to purchase tomato fruits from the Northeastern Thailand growers. Sometimes these wholesalers have bought tomato fruits from Vietnam and Cambodia through “tomato agencies” in Srakaew province, Thailand. In other words Talad Thai wholesalers have always established the new connection with tomato growers and tomato traders in many areas for having tomato fruits to sell all the year. Data from interviewing with one Talad Thai wholesaler in 2016 have explored that Talad Thai has only seven tomato wholesalers. There are Here Tai, Jae Leng, Here Long, Jae Porn, Jae Oil, Jae Ju and Here Wut.6 Usually, Jae Leng and Here Long have been determined the price of tomato fruits because of they have known as the biggest tomato wholesalers who have more tomato fruits than other wholesalers. Before setting a new tomato price Jae Leng and Here Long have directly contacted with other wholesalers in Talad Si-mummuang (or the other markets) to check about tomato

5 1 acre = 2.5 rai 6 All of Talad Thai wholesaler’s names in this article are pseudonym and “Jae” means female traders, “Here” means male traders.

15 13TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THAI STUDIES GLOBALIZED THAILAND? CONNECTIVITY, CONFLICT AND CONUNDRUMS OF THAI STUDIES 15-18 JULY 2017, CHIANG MAI, THAILAND commercial situation. Then, they have established the new appropriated tomato price at that time. Thus, in other words, Jae Leng and Here Long have been become “tomato price controllers” who have set the new tomato price and connect to other wholesalers for tomato trading in Thailand (see picture 8).

Picture 8 The linking of tomato price controllers

5. Conclusion The growth of highland tomato commercial, since late 1970s, in Hot and Omkoi district, the northern Thailand has led to highland agriculture restructuring in many ways. Firstly, Lua tomato growers had entirely abandoned their traditional plant, upland rice, and changed their highland areas to grow tomato commercial instead. Secondly, after tomato has been become a main commercial crop in highland village, cultivated areas around the village, particularly lowland areas, have been intensively utilized by switching between wet season rice and tomato crop all year round. Finally, Lua tomato growers have given priority to grow tomato more than wet season rice cultivation. They have dedicated their entire time to engross in tomato planting and hired Karen labor from other villages for growing and harvesting wet season rice. Moreover, to understand tomato producing and trading in Thailand, in this case study, through commodity network approach has evidently explored that tomato commodity movement from highland producing to lowland market has been related to various actors. For this study these various actors have been systematically divided as three nodes; highland tomato producing, transfer of tomato from highland to lowland, and lowland markets. Each node has been contributed by different actors. These actors also have complicated power to control highland tomato commodity trading.

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