The Organ Works of Ottorino Respighi Together With

Home , Belfagor, Concerto gregoriano, Giuseppe Martucci, La campana sommersa, Louis Vierne, Maria egiziaca

THE ORGAN WORKS OF OTTORINO RESPIGHI

TOGETHER WITH THREE RECITALS OF

SELECTED WORKS OF J. S. BACH,

W. BOLCOM, J. GUILLOU,

J. LANGLAIS, F. LISZT,

C. TOURNEMIRE AND

L. VIERNE

APPROVED:

Graduate Commit ye:

o r Professo

Minor Professor

Committee Member

Dean of the School of Music

Dean of t Graduate School -71

/W, /J5 THE ORGAN WORKS OF OTTORINO RESPIGHI

TOGETHER WITH THREE RECITALS OF

SELECTED WORKS OF J. S. BACH

W. BOLCOM, J. GUILLOU,

J. LANGLAIS, F. LISZT,

C. TOURNEMIRE AND

L. VIERNE

DISSERTATION

Presented to the Graduate Council of the

North Texas State University in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

Doctor of Musical Arts

Susan Ingrid Ferr6, B. A., B. M., M. M.

Denton, Texas

August, 1979 Ferr&, Susan Ingrid, The Organ Works of Ottorino

Respighi Together With Three Recitals of Selected Works of J. S. Bach, W. Bolcom, J. Guillou, J. Langlias, F. Liszt,

C. Tournemire and L. Vierne. Doctor of Musical Arts, in performance, August, 1979, 67 pages, 5 tables, bibliography,

23 titles.

This dissertation deals with Respighi's output for the organ which consists of the Three Preludes for organ solo, a Suite in G for strings and organ, two transcriptions (the Vitali Ciaccona, and a Suite by Bach), both for violin and organ, and various organ parts in the symphonic poems, operas, and orchestral works.

A general discussion of the history of organ building in the nineteenth-century shows that English "improvements" in the machinery of the organ and the eventual trend toward orchestral organs came later in Germany and in

Italy. Italian organs retained their clarity by being voiced lightly throughout, in spite of the addition of a proliferation of 8-foot stops.

It is probable that Respighi's vast knowledge of organ literature, his classical training, his interest in music history, his family heritage, his associations with other composers, and his travels to Russia and Berlin stimulated his interest in the organ, enough to write the three solo works, the Suite for strings and organ, and to set two of his transcriptions for organ. All of this activity was accomplished between the years of 1905 and

1910, precisely the years in which he made his various

formative trips across the Alps.

Respighi's harmonic language shown in the organ pieces is grounded in the traditional harmonic techniques of the nineteenth century. New keys are properly introduced by their dominant seventh chords, the harmonic successions are logical, dissonance employed solely for color, and the writing proceeds with the traditional

tonal logic of the tertian system of harmony. One finds

little chromaticism except for color or embellishment of certain chords.

Respighi's works can be played most effectively on an Italian or German romantic organ. Organs with which he was most familiar were not of the orchestral type, although they certainly must have had the capability of a wide dynamic range, quick, gradual crescendos and decrescendos, as well as more than their share of foundation stops.

If Respighi was not an innovator, he was at least creative in his use of the organ in his orchestral works.

The organ was used primarily for color by adding depth, body, and novelty to the ever-growing orchestra. Res- pighi paid great attention to the smallest detail in his orchestrations, which were varied, delicate, and precise.

Why did this interest in color and sonority not result in similar treatment of the organ in his music? The answer is suggested already in the description of the late romantic/orchestral organ. Its stops had lost their individuality, and they blended together in such a way that no particular color was distinguished.

The thought is not that Respighi's music, or the music of any other composer, caused the decline, but rather that the direction of organ-building in its search for modernity, machinery, and the industrial age, lost its

identity, its characteristic personality and color, and

lost in fact the very thing it was trying to achieve--

its autonomy. 1979

SUSAN INGRID FERRE

Mium, I' -Jjjl I , 1- - - WON" Tape recordings of all performances submitted

as dissertation are on deposit in the

A. M. Willis, Jr. Library, North

Texas State University

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

PERFORMANCE PROGRAMS Page

First Solo Recital...... vi

Second Solo Recital...... vii

Third Solo Recital...... viii

Lecture-Recital...... ix

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION...... 1

Statement of Purpose Procedure Significance

II. GENERAL BACKGROUND AND BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION...... 5

Organ Culture in the Early 1900's Respighi's Heritage of an Organ Tradition

III. MUSIC FOR THE ORGAN. ..--... -.-...26

Orchestral Works Using Organ Works for Solo Organ Transcriptions Points of Analysis

IV. SUMMARY...... *...... 45

Conclusions

APPENDIX A ...... 55

Sources

APPENDIX B ...... 59

Stoplists

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 62...... iv

alillik"I.Q.04 A --- III, i "I Iil .. -mi., jj, , -, - N N -1 INq % " ymimmo- - I mmm-ml ob I North Texas State University School of Music

Graduate Lecture-Recital SUSAN INGRID FERRE

July 2, 1979 8:00 P.M. First United Methodist Church

The Organ Works of Ottorino Respighi Excerpts from the Suite in G Major for strings and organ I Preludio

11 Aria

III Pastorale

IV Cantico

Prelude in D Minor

Prelude inBMajr on a chorale of Bach (In dich hab' ich gehoffet, Herr)

Prelude in A Minor on a chorale of Bach (Ich hab' mein' Sach' Gott heimgestellt)

Presented in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree Doctor of Musical Arts North Texas State University School of Music

Graduate Organ Recital SUSAN INGRID FERRE assisted by Gary Case, Percussionist

February 13, 1979 8:15 P.-M. Main Auditorium

PROGRAM

Franz Liszt Fantasy and Fugue on (1811-1886) "Ad Nos,'Ad Salutarem Undam"

William Bolcom Black Host (1967) (b. 1938) for pipe organ, percussion, and tape

Presented in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree Doctor of Musical Arts North Texas State University School of Music

Graduate Organ Recital SUSAN INGRID FERRET

January 26, 1975 3:00 P.M. Recital Hall

PROGRAM

Charles Tournemire 'Orgue Mystique, Opus 57, No. 35 ("Assomption") (1870-1939) V Paraphrase-Carillon

Jean Langlais Cing Mditations Sur 'Apocalypse (1973) (b. 1907) I Celui qui a des oreilles qu'il tcoute 11 11 lat,Ilit et l vient III Visions prophtiques IV Oh ou, viens SeigneurJisus V La Cinquitme trompette (Southwestern Premiere)

Presented in partialfulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of MusicalArts

NORTH TIEXAS STATE UNIERSITY PAINTING OFFICU.DENTON. TEXAS

0 1al North Texas State University School of Music

Graduate Organ Recital SUSAN INGRID FERRE

July 9, 1974 8:15 P. M. Main Auditorium

PROGRAM

J. S. Bach Fantasy and Fugue in C minor, S. 537 (1685-1750)

J. S. Bach Canonic Variations on "Vom Himmel hoch," S.769

Jean Guillou Sagas (1971) (b. 1931) Numbers 5 and 6

INTERMISSION

Louis Vierne Sixth Symphony, Opus 59 (1931) (1870-1937) I Introduction and Allegro II Aria III Scherzo IV Adagio V Final

Presented in partialfulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Musical A rts CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Statement of Purpose

The organ music of Ottorino Respighi (1879-1936), written between 1905 and 1928, remains almost entirely unknown. Libraries and music stores are devoid of his music, and few among them show an interest in purchasing it, even if it were available. "After his death in 1936, librarians did not necessarily purchase Respighi's works, whose popularity had suffered because of the dated nature of his style." 1 Only occasionally does Respighi's Vetrate di

Chiesa (Church Windows) receive a performance, Respighi's symphonic poems are often performed without the organ parts, and his solo pieces for organ are greeted with an "Oh, really?" and an accompanying smirk.

Then why revive them? Recently, much attention has been paid to organ works of the nineteenth century, many of which have been hitherto unknown to a majority of organists, including works by Liszt, Franck, Saint-Saens, Reubke,

Rheinberger, and Reger. Such interest, and the resulting

Telephone conversation, Ruth Watanabe, head librarian, Sibley Library, Eastman School of Music, Rochester, New York, May 17, 1979. 1 This page has been inserted during digitization.

Either the original page was missing or the original pagination was incorrect. 3

Procedure

By a discussion of Respighi's organ works, the symphonic works which use organ, and his transcriptions involving the organ, we shall glimpse a small portion of a larger phenomenon. In examining these works, it will be not only necessary but enlightening to discuss the backdrop against which they were created: organs of the turn of the century, composers' attitudes toward the instrument itself, and related compositions, as well as Respighi's own personal knowledge and heritage of an organ tradition. We shall point out that Respighi was a post-romantic composer whose writing employed the traditional logic of tertian harmony.

The purpose of this paper, then, will be to present some organ music which has been virtually unknown, and, in- cidentally, to attempt a systematic look at some of the trends in that period of organ building. For any who might desire to study or perform these pieces, a section on

"Sources" is included in the Appendix.

Significance

The information about Respighi and his music is hard to obtain, and suggests that he has already been assigned a minor place in the musical annals of the twentieth-century.

It is perhaps partly due to the difficulty and delays in obtaining Italian journals and scores from various publishers 4

involved. After all, with the exception of Puccini, Respi- ghi has been the most celebrated of the twentieth-century

Italian composers. His several tours in the United States, even taking into account the biased nature of the story as told by his wife, Elsa, were virtual triumphs which created for Respighi an almost fanatical and certainly enthusiastic public. While he lived, the market for his music and the accompanying interest in his talents as a conductor contri- buted to a high level of recognition.

Was the success of Respighi's music predicated upon his personality, or was the decline of interest after his death a natural consequence? Whatever the case, it is a matter of record that Respighi was a musical conservative who looked to history for expression within the seemingly narrow constraints of the major-minor system, and who worked actively against many of the modern ideas circulating at the beginning of this century--from "Wagnerianism" to Busoni's ideas of a new tonality, from "Impressionism" to Schonberg's twelve-tone ideas. CHAPTER II

GENERAL BACKGROUND AND BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION

Organ Culture of the Early 1900's

Ottorino Respighi left no particular statement of his affection or disdain for the organ. His contemporaries did.

Evidence is found not only in their literary works, but in their musical compositions, in the fact that many wrote serious organ pieces--composers such as R. Strauss (1864-

1949), Rheinberger (1839-1901), Reger (1877-1916), Bossi

(1861-1925), and the entire French group, consisting of

Saint-Sa'6ns (1835-1929), Widor (1844-1937), Gigout (1844-

1925), Satie (1866-1925), Tournemire (1870-1939), Vierne

(1870-1937), Roger-Ducasse (1873-1954), Mulet (1878-1967), and Dupre (1886-1971).

It was not unusual for Puccini and Verdi to call upon the organ for serious or religious moments in their operatic works. The "modern" orchestra frequently included the organ, perhaps the highest compliment the organ could be paid by nineteenth- and early twentieth-century composers. Saint-

Saens' "Organ" Symphony No. 3 (1886), his last effort in symphonic form, bears a dedication to Franz Liszt, and en- joyed an early success, partly because of its orchestration.

The comPoser wrote the following explanatory statement in the third person:

5 6

The composer thinks that the time has come for the symphony to benefit by the progress of modern instrumentation, and he therefore establishes his orchestra as follows: three flutes, two oboes, one English horn, two clarinets, one bass clarinet, two bassoons, one double-bassoon, four horns, three trumpets, three trombones, one tuba, three kettle- drums, organ, pianoforte (now for two hands and now for four), one triangle, a pair of cymbals, bass drum, and the usual strings. 1

Saint-Saens was even to be outdone by Richard Strauss

in his orchestration of the Festival Prelude for organ and

orchestra, Opus 61 (1913), written for the dedication of

the new Konzerthaus in Vienna. R. Strauss' score calls for

.,.piccolo, four flutes, four oboes, heckelphone, E-flat clarinet, two C clarinets, two A clarinets, four bassoons, contrabassoon, eight horns, four trom- pets, plus (at the climax) six or, if possible, twelve additional trumpets, four trombones, bass tuba, eight timpani (with two players), cymbals, bass drum, forty violins, twenty-four violas, twenty cellos and twelve double basses.

Claude Debussy wrote on the subject of saving street

organs at about the same time that Respighi was composing

his pieces for organ (circa 1910).3 The fact that Debussy

defended the street organ is not as far-fetched as it may

1Saint-Sans, cited in program notes by Max de Schauensee, "Saint-Sa~ns: Symphony No. 3 in C Minor, Op. 78, The Philadelphia Orchestra," Columbia Records ML 5869, 1963.

2 Edwin H. Schloss, program notes for "Music for Organ and Orchestra," Columbia Records, ML 5798, 1962.

3 Claude Debussy, Monsieur Croche the Dilettante Hater, in Three Classics in the Aesthetic of Music, (New York, 1962), pp. 31-33. 7 seem, for Abdy Williams describes in 1903 the popularity throughout Europe of barrel organs, Dutch clock organs, and many other curious inventions (organs made of brass and iron, powered by steam, or "church hand-organs," and the immense "Apollonicon"--which could be played by six organists at once).4 Italian organs in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw their counterparts in organs built by Joseph Serassi which very likely contained bells and bass drums in addition to an array of colorful flute and reed stops.

Another opinion echoed from across the Atlantic was penned a few years later by Charles Ives. He lauded the obscure

.. village organist who plays Lowell Mason and Bach with such affection that he would give his life rather than lose them. The truth and courage of this organist, who risks his job, to fight the prejudice of the congregation, offset the repose and large salary of a more celebrated choirmaster, who holds his job by lowering his ideals, who is willing to let the organ smirk under an insipid, easy-sounding barcarolle for the offertory, who is willing to please the sentimental ears of the music committee (and its wives)--who is more willing to observe these forms of politeness than simple de- votion, and for a service of a spiritual unity, the kind of thing that Mr. Bossitt, who owns the biggest country place, the biggest bank, and biggest "House of God"' in town (for is it not the divine handiwork of his own--pocketbook)--the kind of music

4C. F. Abdy Williams, The Story of the Organ, (New York, 1903), p. 177. 8

that this man, his wife, and his party (of property right in pews) can't stand because it isn't "pretty. " 5

It is also known that the organ suffered during the nineteenth century, particularly in Italy, because of the dazzling glare of the operatic stage, which "so completely distracted the attention of the Italian musicians and their public that the organ, from the days of Frescobaldi until the last decades of the nineteenth century, languished in practically utter neglect."6 Historians unanimously agree that organ playing in Italy had fallen into a low condition by 1900. One such historian, Henry Lahee, writes: "There are in Italy few good organs and few good organists." 7

Describing a performance by Guilmant in 1886 for an Italian audience, Lahee mentions that Guilmant performed some of

Bach's fugues "to the great astonishment of the native organists."S

In order to understand how the organ changed from the beginning to the end of the nineteenth century we must

5 Charles Ives, Essays Before a Sonata, in Three Classics, p. 169.

6David Eric Berg, Fundamentals of Musical Art, Vol. IX of The Organ, Composers, and Literature, (New York, 1927), p. 62.

7 Henry C. Lahee, The Organ and Its Masters, (Boston, 1902 and 1927), p. 183.

8 Ibid, p. 184. 9 mention the "advances" of Abbe Vogler and the subsequent torrent of changes in European organ building. George

Joseph Vogler (1749-1814), known as Abbe Vogler, who studied in Bologna, Padua, and later in Rome, wrote, traveled, performed, and generally effected a great influence on the tonal ideas of the period. He was a student of Padre G. B.

Martini (1706-1784) and the teacher of Meyerbeer (1791-1864) and Carl Maria von Weber (1786-1826). His invention, the

"orchestrion" (exhibited in Amsterdam in 1789), was intended to simplify the construction of the organ, so as to be able to tour easily with it. Vogler did tour with his "orchestrion" across Europe as an organ virtuoso, thereby causing his invention to be well-known and to have a wide-spread sensational effect. 9 "It had the power of crescendo and dimenuendo, by means of swell shutters, and though its size was so small that it could easily be carried from place to place, it had four keyboards of more than five octaves and a pedal clavier of thirty-nine notes." 1 0 Vogler reduced space by making hybrid combinations to produce lower octaves, such as a 16-foot and a 12-foot producing a 32- foot sound, and by "disposing his pipes in regular scale

9 Berg, Fundamentals, p. 88.

1 0W twilliams, Story, p. 185. 10

series, like the string of the pianoforte, and by simplify-

ing the connection between key and pipe . . .1?

Essentially, Vogler limited the number of large expen-

sive pipes, introduced free beating reeds, and cut down the number of multi-rank mixtures. He began a trend which was destructive and dangerous--the trend of reducing the number of mixtures (and not only the number, but also the pitch levels, which were lowered and softened) to increase the number of 8-foot stops in number and in tone, to increase wind pressures, and to pursue scaling systems which resulted eventually in dull, heavy sounds.12 In 1885, a German organ writer described these inventions and offered this argument in defense of Vogler's ideas: "To make the organ a perfect instrument a crescendo and decrescendo were wanted," although the tone "could be rendered mellow to a certain degree" by choice of registers.13 He further attri- buted Vogler with having simplified the action, creating a lighter touch, placing the bellows nearer the chest for a more powerful tone, omitting the front pipes, creating

1Ibid., p. 186.

1Stephen E. Young, "The Organ Works of Sigfrid Karg- Elert (1877-1933)," unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1968, pp. 19-20.

13 J. J. Seidel, The Organ and Its Construction, London, 1885), p. 26. 11

hybrids, and experimenting with flue pipes. 14 Later, Seidel

described three kinds of "swells" as well as other "innova-

tions", advocated steady wind, "modern" orchestra pitch, the use of several 8-foot stops to "'complete, strengthen, and

soften each other, "15 and supported the immediate abolishing

of old tuning systems and unequal temperaments. Other

theorists, such as TOpfer and Sorge, recorded and codified

the tonal scaling of pipes, so much had they become

standardized. What became known as "Normal Scale" consisted

of gravity and depth of tone in the lower registers, bright-

ening and becoming louder toward the top of the pipework.

Thus the top note when played on this type of instrument is

always clearly heard over all the others, even in large chords. The organ music of the nineteenth century depended on this one important fact.16

The changes did not stop there, however, for it was a short step to the advent of the "orchestral" organ, which became particularly popular in England. Not every organ theorist agreed that the organ should "imitate" anything.

One passage of vigorous disapproval is found as early as

1903, once again in Abdy Williams' Story of the Organ:

14 Ibid., p. 15.

15 Ibid., pp. 170-171.

6 1 Robert A. Schuneman, Lecturer, Boston, June 22, 1976. 12

The modern concert-room organ usually differs from the church organ in being made more orchestral in its character: its solo stops are made to imitate in tone as far as possible the tone of the oboe, clarionet, bassoon, flute, etc . . . The organ has been called the "King of Instru- ments," and with good reason. It stands apart from all other instruments in its character; its peculiar tone causes it to predominate whenever it is used with other instruments or with voices, while in its full strength it can easily overpower the largest orchestra. But these very features make it the worst imitator of other instruments; it stands alone, and refuses to submit to any attempt to force it to act the part of another character than its own. Thus, the stop called the "orchestral oboe" may be a perfect imitation of the tone of an oboe, but it is absolutely powerless to give the effect of an oboe solo played by human lips and lungs, directed by artistic intelligence; and the same is true of all other so-called "orchestral" stops.1 7

The outpouring continues with numerous examples of oboes, clarinets, strings, drums, and full orchestra sounds attempted on the organ, after which he adds: "To degrade the king of instruments by causing it to humbly imitate, or rather caricature, a neighbouring and friendly poten- tate is an indignity to which it ought not to be submitted.18

In any case, in spite of the protests, English builders took the lead during the last half of the nineteenth century in attempting "improvements in the machinery" of the organ, and their inventions were adopted by other countries.

17 Williams, Story, pp. 166-167.

18 Ibid., p. 168 13

Germany, however, was slow in accepting them. "Even on the

romantic German organs, which admittedly were in the great

majority from 1850 to 1920, orchestral stops were never so

popular as in England and America."19

The German builders have been very conservative, and have been left far behind in the race for improve- ment by the French, English, and Americans. Although the Germans were early to adopt the pedal keyboard, they were left far behind in their adoption of the "swell-box" and their ideal organ was an instrument suitable for the proper performance of Bach's fugues. In Germany, too, the organ has been a church and not a concert instrument . . .20

But by 1903 Williams wrote::

.V . .Germany, though slow to accept [improvements] finds herself now obligated to do so. Not only have German organ builders improved their reed stops, a department in which France has taken the lead, but they have, in the last decades of the nineteenth century, followed the practices of French and English builders in making large and powerful swell organs, and improving the swell boxes by making the wood thicker, by which means the sound is shut in, and more contrast obtained when the shutters are opened.21

Italy naturally followed suit in adopting "'all the improvements invented by the most advanced nations;' these consist for the most part of English inventions, such as the tubular pneumatic action, hydraulic blowing, etc. ,22

9 1 Young, "Karg-Elert," p. 21.

2 0 Lahee, Masters, p. 138.

2 1 Williams, Story, p. 154.

22 ~Ibid. , p. 155. 14

By the late 1920's such statements as the following be-

came commonplace: "The organ is the most mechanical of

musical instruments, even more so than the much maligned

piano." 23 Many organists lost their sense of pride in the

organ art, as evidenced by Williams' expression of hope that

"The vulgar habit of 'illustrating the psalms' by causing the birds to sing, the lions and the thunder to roar, is, we hope, dying out, as is, probably, the accompanying

Gregorian chants by chromatic successions of diminished sevenths. "24

A description of an Italian organ built in 1874 in a church at San Ambrosio mentioned that it possessed twenty- four half-stops on one manual (with a split keyboard), wooden levers with which one pushed or pulled the stops, and an octave of pedals built at such an angle that use of the heel was impossible. The stops included a vox humana with tremolo attached, bells, and flue pipes of which the

8-foot and 4-foot pipes were good in tone, "but like nearly all Italian organs, directly one adds the higher stops, the instrument becomes screamy.,25 This example is not isolated.

2 3 Berg, Fundamentals, p. 2.

24 Williams, Story, p. 204.

C. F. Abdy Williams, "Old Italian Church Organs," Musical Times, LV, (May 1, 1914), p. 313. 15 It clearly shows the modernizing trend, but also exemplifies

no "orchestral" leanings. In Italy that movement came much

later and to a much smaller degree.

The major builders of the period were Walcker in

Germany (by 1870 the largest in the world), and Tamburini

in Italy--both of whom installed instruments all across

South America, especially in Brazil, as well as in Spain

and in their own countries. The Italian versions of the

German tonal ideal resulted in a proliferation of 8-foot

stops, but with a distinct difference: Italian organs retained their clarity by cutting the mouths of the pipes low enough, and by keeping the tin content high enough, to produce and enhance many overtones. These pipes were most frequently voiced lightly throughout.26

Other examples of Italian and German organs may be found in the Appendix. They show clearly the trends of organ building at the turn of this century. A study of these concepts suggests reasons why the organ eventually fell from grace.

The extension of harmonic experiments in the romantic period of the nineteenth century culminated with the lush chromaticism of Wagner . . . Organ builders followed suit, and their products became larger and noisier than ever, intended to produce an 'orchestral' sound . . .

26 Susan Tattershall, organ builder with Formentelli and Rieger, telephone conversation, May 23, 1979. 16

The strong romantic predilection for sheer weight of sound, as exemplified in the works of Berlioz or Strauss, may or may not have produced orchestral works of brilliance . . . but it is invariably fatal in organ music.2 7

Respighi's Heritage of an Organ Tradition

Ottorino Respighi was born in 1879 in Bologna, Italy,

into a family of sculptors on his mother's side and musi-

cians on his father's. His grandfather, Tommaso Respighi,

a childhood friend of Giuseppe Verdi, was an accomplished

violinist and Cathedral organist in a town called Borgo San

Donnino (now called Fidenza). He had also been organist at

Salso-maggiore. Tommaso's son, Giuseppe (Ottorino's father),

had an early and keen interest in music, but was constantly

denied formal lessons by his father. As soon as he moved

to Bologna, out of the watchful eye of his father, Giuseppe

took intensive piano lessons and became a respectable

amateur pianist. Giuseppe was an avowed admirer of Debussy

and Ravel, and at his deathbed requested the score of

Wagner's Die Walkiire "just to pass the time." 2 8

Ottorino was surrounded by music from an early age, but as a child took little interest in it, much to his father's disappointment. He began to study the violin at

2 7 Francis Routh, The Organ, (London, 1958), pp. 100-101.

28 Elsa Respighi, Ottorino Respighi, His Life Story, translated by Gwyn Morris, (London, 1962), p. 8. 17

the age of eight, and learned the rudiments of piano-playing

from his father--enough to be able to manage Schumann's

Symphonic Variations. "He always admitted that he had

never studied the piano and only played for fun. 'As a matter of fact,' he added, 'I can't play scales and have

always been careful not to include any in the piano works that I have had to perform myself.'"2 9

Respighi had a quick aptitude for languages, mastering several at once, and showed the same facility for mastering the technics of various musical instruments. In addition to the violin (with which he made a concert career),

Respighi played the piano, the viola (playing it under the direction of Arturo Toscanini and other famous conductors), the viole d'amore (which he learned in a few days to show up the one professed viole d'amore player in Italy, and to please Martucci, who wanted to recreate a work faithfully which called for a viole d'amore), and the harp (to silence a rather elderly harpist who complained that one of his passages was "absolutely unplayable"). 30 There is no reference to Respighi's ever having played an organ, but with his facility at the keyboard and coordination in learning new instruments and languages, he would have had no problem

29 2Ibid., p. 30.

30 Ibid., pp. 21-22.

--la* - MMUMOMMAKUM 18 in performing his own works, with the possible exception of some of the fast scale passages.

In 1900 Respighi took a position for the Italian opera season at the Imperial Theater in St. Petersburg, Russia.

With his fluent grasp of the Russian language, he profited enormously by studying for five months with Rimsky-Korsakov

(1844-1908), and described his lessons as "vitally important.,,31 Respighi wrote and orchestrated his Prelude, Chorale, and Fugue (all three typical organ forms) under

Rimsky-Korsakov's guidance, and took his diploma in composition in 1901 at Bologna with this work. In the fall of

1902, Respighi was again engaged in Russia as first violinist at the St. Petersburg Opera House, and later at the

Bolshoi Theater in Moscow, remaining nine months. He was known to have spoken perfect Russian and to have taken an active part in the Russian musical scene.

In addition to the Russian influence, Respighi spent a year in Berlin, beginning in the fall of 1908, and, although his biographers have failed to mention it, the vibrant organ culture there must have had its effect. It was either there or just after returning to Italy that

Respighi composed his Three Preludes for organ. It was also in Berlin that his early transcription of Monteverdi's

31 Ibid., p. 15.

w, lo im,-0. Aww 19

Lamento di Arianna was performed by the Berlin Philharmonic,

its popularity immediately placing him amongst a "galaxy of

stars."32 Because of this enthusiastic reception, Respighi,

while still in Berlin, made more transcriptions of seven-

teenth- and eighteenth-century pieces, including his famous

one of the Vitali Ciaccona, which met with great success,

and the Bach Suite in E Minor, both pieces for violin and

organ.

In spite of the fact that most dictionaries and music

history books state that Respighi studied with Max Bruch during this time, it is not so. "Ottorino used to say that once or twice he showed Bruch some of his work and at first he thought of having lessons from him, but had never done so because he felt too remote, spiritually, from the professor." 33

In the biography by Rensis, however, we find that it was in 1902 that Respighi first visited Berlin with the intention of entering Max Bruch's course, but that in reality he went only a few times, even though he remained in

Berlin quite a long while. It seems that Respighi attended about ten classes but declared soon thereafter in an inter- view that Bruch's teaching had no influence on him.3 4

2 3 Ibid., p. 24.

Ibid., p. 25.

34 Rafaello de Rensis, Ottorino Respighi, (Torino, 1935), p. 6. 20

It was also in Berlin that Respighi frequented the beautiful home of Ferruccio Busoni, who was in the habit of inviting many of his friends twice a week for lengthy discussions about music. Respighi did not respond well to what he heard: to Busoni's ideas of breaking up the scale into smaller intervals, creating new tonalities. It was

Busoni's contention that "A kaleidoscopic blending and interchanging of twelve semitones within the three-mirror tube of Taste, Emotion, and Intention--the essential feature of the harmony of today . . . for all signs presage a revo- lution, and a next step toward that 'eternal harmony.'" 3 5

Respighi did not believe the old one to be so totally exhausted that it could not still be expressive in the hands of a creative artist who accepted the limits of the system.

Between the two minds was more than a clash of ideas, as their temperaments were also totally opposed to one another. Busoni, writing of a south European, warns him to be "more or less on his guard about German music, because while spoiling his taste anew, it undermines his health." 3 6

35 Ferruccio Busoni, Sketch of a New Esthetic, (New York, 1911), translated by Th. Baker, in Three Classics in the Aesthetic of Music, (New York, 1962), p. 93.

36 Ibid., p. 96. 21

Respighi, in turn, held great disdain for formulated

theories and systems, explaining, "How many abortive master-

pieces that have never seen the light of day, rest in the

twilight limbo of systems and 'pseudo-schools' publicized

in high-flown literary manifestos by many present-day

3 7 composers!" To further prove the point, on the 17th of

December, 1932, ten Italian composers, of whom Respighi was

one, issued the following manifesto, which appeared in the

New York Times on January 7, 1933, deploring the cerebrality of music:

We take the stand against this art which cannot have and does not possess any human content and tends to be only a mechanical experiment and a cerebral conundrum. In the musical world today there reigns the biblical Babel. For twenty years the most di- verse and disparate trends have been consolidated in an uninterrupted revolutionary chaos . . . A logical connection must bind the past with the future, and the romanticism of yesterday must become the romanticism of tomorrow.3 8

Perhaps already too much has been made of the foreign influences on Respighi. As a student of the Liceo Musicale in Bologna, he received a classical education in harmony, counterpoint, and fugue, and in composition, under Luigi

Torchi, and later Giuseppe Martucci. 3 9

E. Respighi, His Life, p. 26.

38 New York Times, January 7, 1933, cited in The Inter- national Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians, 9th edition, Oscar Thompson, editor, Robert Sabin, editor of 9th edition, (New York, 1964). 22

Among his close associates and good friends were men of

letters such as Piero Misciatelli, "a bibliographer," a keen

connoisseur of rare books, and S. A. Luciani, art critic,

writer, and musician, with whom Respighi wrote a history

of music in 1925 entitled, Orpheus.

It is in this carefully composed book that we discover

conclusively Respighi's wide knowledge of the organ and its

literature. After defining musical terms and discussing

the component parts of music, the authors present a short

history of music, which devotes entire chapters to "Oriental

Music," "Greek-Roman Music," "Gregorian Chant," "Troubadors

and Trouveres," "Polyphony and the Vocal World," "Polyphony and the Instrumental World," "The Symphony," "Beethoven,"

"National Music," "The Dramatic Symphony and Symphonic

Poem," and "Current Trends." 4 1

Under the chapter on instrumental music, organ is the first heading, followed by harpsichord, other instruments, and a discussion of opera and oratorio. The information given is thorough and correct, touching on such composers as Leonin, Perotin, Landini, Paumann, Willaert, Cabezon (the

"Spanish Bach"), Frescobaldi (the "great" organ composer),

E. Respighi, His Life, p. 37.

4 1 Ottorino Respighi and S. A. Luciana, Orpheus, (Firenze, 1925), 352 pages.

ill,"",,',"I'll M*W.06461I -11, -I-.-,------23

Sweelinck, Pachelbel, Nivers, Grigny, and Bach, among others.

A discussion of the hydraulis, early manuscripts (Roberts-

bridge Codex, Ilboy), publications such as Attaignant,

forms of compositions (the Venetian school), developments

in organ building, and the decline of the instrument

("decadence") in Catholic countries (but not where the pro- testant countries developed the chorale) shows an amazingly perceptive grasp of the history of the organ.4 2

Italy was not totally devoid of good organists at the turn of the century. Filippo Capocci (1840-1911), organist at St. John Lateran in Rome, was reputed to have been a brilliant performer. Giuseppe Terrabugio, a pupil of Rhein- berger's, was an active reformist in church music at the time, and Enrico Bossi (1861-1925) authored a new school of modern organ playing in Italy. 4 3

In 1921 Respighi and his wife visited Vienna, where they met Richard Strauss, who at the age of 58 was then at the height of his career. It is reported that the Respighi's were disappointed in the man, whose musicianship Ottorino had always so greatly admired.4 4 In fact, Respighi felt

42 Ibid., pp. 233-239.

4 3 Berg, Fundamentals, p. 62.

44 E. Respighi, His Life, p. 85. 24

every measure of his own music to have been directly in-

fluenced by Strauss' ideas of color and orchestration, his

harmonic language, and his contrapuntal techniques.

Another composer whose music greatly influenced

Respighi was Camille Saint-Saens, who at the age of 84

came to Rome in 1917 to conduct a program of his own works.

Respighi was then Professor of Composition at the Saint

Cecilia Academy in Rome, and the two composers met.

Both Strauss and Saint-Saens had considered and uti-

lized the organ in their symphonic works, and the success of each probably had a lasting effect on Respighi. It is not unusual then that Respighi's orchestrations often include the organ. In addition to the organ, he frequently called upon the piano (for two or four hands), the mandolin, the harpsichord, celestas, bells, and numerous other non- traditional instruments. In this Respighi was not absolutely new, for the precedent had already been set. 4 5

From all these disparate elements in his heritage we can suppose that Respighi's knowledge of the organ and its literatur-e was extensive. He was most certainly influenced by his family heritage (and we can imagine trips to visit his grandfather, during which he may have accompanied

4 5 Rensis, Respighi, p. 28. 25

Tommaso to the Cathedral), as well as by his classical train-

ing; his travels to Russia as well as the months he spent in

Berlin (There we are left to assume that he attended reci-

tals by Max Reger or students of Joseph Rheinberger, and at

least heard the prevailing organ styles of composition.); his

friendships with scholars, composers, musicologists, and

historians, as well as his own research for his account of music history, Orpheus.4 6

4 6 Ibid., p. 35. CHAPTER III

MUSIC FOR ORGAN

Respighi's output for the organ consists of the Three

Preludes for organ solo, a Suite2 in G Major for strings

and organ, two transcriptions (the Vitali Ciaccona,3 and a so-called Suite4 by Bach), both for violin and organ, and various organ parts in the symphonic poems, operas, and orchestral works.

Orchestral Works Using Organ

Respighi's more frequent and well-known use of the organ is in such works as his famous Pines of Rome, written in 1924. The organ part enters only in the second portion

("Pine-Trees Near a Catacomb"), which Respighi described in the following manner: "We see the shades of the pine-trees

o. Respighi, Tre Preludi per organo ("Preludio in sib.," "Preludio in la magg.," "Preludio in re min."), Edizioni Bongiovanni (Bologna, 1921).

2 Ottorino Respighi, Suite in sol maggiore, per archi e organo, Edizioni Bangiovanni (Bologna, 1957).

3 0. Respighi, Ciaccone di Tomaso Vitali, trascritta per violino, archi e organo, Edizioni Schmidl (Trieste, 1909).

4 0. Respighi, Suite in mi min. (o Sonata) di G. S. Bach, trascritta per violino, archi e organo, Edizioni Schmidl (Trieste, 1909). 26 27 fringing the entrance to a catacomb. From the depth rises a sound of mournful psalmsinging, floating through the air like a solemn hymn, and gradually and mysteriously dispersing."5

It is fitting that the organ enters at the climax of this movement, reinforcing the mournful psalmsinging by use of the pedal alone (at 32-foot, 16-foot, and 8-foot pitch) until its decrescendo and dispersal at the end of the movement. The organ is called upon to make a rapid but gradual decrescendo from forte to piano in the space of one measure.

Another similar treatment of the organ is found in the

Roman Festivals of 1928. This time the organ enters in the first movement ("Circenses"), depicting the strains of a religious song which continues unperturbed through wild chaos, finally conquering all before being lost in the tumult. The part is short (ten measures) but effective, consisting of a minor third (C-eb) in the lowest register of the pedal-board, marked fortissimo, superseded by a

B-Major chord, marked even louder in the manuals.

In the second movement ("The Jubilee") the organ is used to celebrate the approach to the holy city, Rome, by

5 Ottorino Respighi, Pini di Roma, "Pini Presso una Catacomba," (Milano, 1925). 28

sustaining a C-Major chord which builds to a climax culmin-

ating in the old hymn, "Christ is Arisen" ("Christ Ist

Erstanden"). At this point Respighi calls for the gran

ripieno (full principals and open flues, or plein jeu) for

the playing of the hymn. The part ends with chords gradual-

ly ascending, becoming softer and softer, until indications

of a 4-foot and then 2-foot end the section.

In the fourth movement ("The Epiphany") the organ has

its most characteristic part, that of representing itself, producing rustic airs from the then-popular barrel organ, such as one would hear at a circus. Respighi calls for

8-foot and 4-foot stops in the manual with 16-foot and 8-

foot stops in the pedal. Crescendo markings are not uncommon in all three of the organ parts.

The earliest symphonic poem by Respighi, The Fountains of Rome, penned in 1916, and considered by him to be his first "distinctive" work,6 asks for organ ("ad libitum") in the third section ("The Fountain of Trevi at Midday") in order to represent the solemn theme of a processional.

The part is not substantial, consisting of pedal tones, long sustained chords, and doubled bass lines. However, the score calls for the organ to enter at fortissimo and increase to "FFF" before a long diminuendo reduces the part texturally and tonally to "ppp". No stops or

6 Rs E. Relspighi, His Life, p. 29.

.AAAo - - 96M, - I I 1 11 1----.------"Wwmm.*W.U ---- 29

registers are indicated. It is Respighi's most obvious use of organ for color, with the exception of the Pines score.

One of the most logical places to look for a substan-

tial organ part, because of the organ's long and rich history in Italy during the Renaissance and Baroque eras, would seem to be in the three sets of Ancient Airs and

Dances of 1920, 1923, 1932 respectively. Oddly enough,

Respighi has chosen to use the harpsichord in the first two

sets, with no keyboard instrument in the third. This

choice gives us an obvious clue about the types of organs which were available to Respighi, which he understood and used; and of course about the kinds of organs which were not available, or which he chose not to use. Respighi wrote

for the organ of his day, and not for the older style Italian or German instrument.

In 1925 Respighi made an orchestral arrangement of his three piano preludes on Gregorian melodies, adding a fourth piece to the set and naming them Church Windows. The pieces were conceived independently, each movement bearing no re-

lation to the others, contrasting with the symphonic poems, which were conceived as a whole.7 In these pieces the

treatment of the organ is similar to that in the symphonic

Ibid., p. 95. 30 poems, except in the fourth movement, in which an impressive organ solo appears in the form of a fantasia on the Gloria from the Gregorian Mass of the Angels, No. 8, describing

St. Gregory "the Great." The earlier passages for the organ are more restrained, the first representing "War in

Heaven," being set in D minor, calling for 32-foot, 16-foot,

8-foot, and 4-foot stops. Another short section using organ, found in Part Two, refers to St. Michael and the

Archangel.8 Only in the fourth movement of this work does

Respighi's treatment of the organ break away from the roll of color and enter the realm of the virtuosic solo.

All of these works were written between 1916 and 1928.

They represent Respighi's mature and final consideration of the organ. The solo works, the transcriptions, and the

Suite came ten years earlier when Respighi was still a young student formulating his musical language.

The Suite in G Major for strings and organ (Notice the order.) was premiered in 1905 at Trento, but as an early work remained unpublished until well after the composer's death. It was during this time, however, in 1905, that

Respighi met the publisher Bongiovanni, who published many of Respighi's early works. Another reference to the work

8Klaus G. Roy, "Vetrate di Chiesa (1926), Four Symphon- ic Impressions," Cleveland Orchestra Program Notes, December 19-21, 1974, p. 533.

Moll, 0(0494""OINII 31

is made by Elsa Respighi, who relates that the Suite was

included in a concert which took place on the sixth of

February, 1914, at the Saint Cecilia Academy, along with

the lyric poem Aretusa and three songs. She refers to the work as a Suite all' antica for organ and strings (the order reversed).9

The Suite contains four movements ("Preludio," "Ar ia,"

"Pastorale," and "Cantico") and lasts approximately 25 minutes. The composer asks for a rather large string orchestra, considering that it is scored for string basses

(plural) as well as cellos, violas, and the first and second violins, often dividing these parts into eight or nine voices.

In the "Preludio" the organ plays often by itself in alteration with the strings. The movement is contrapun- tally conceived, and Respighi reserved the thick textures for the final long chords, which contrast with the strings' virtuosic scale passages. Once again the organ is treated independently in the "Aria," but joins the strings in doubling some of the melodic content. In the "Pastorale" the organ is saved for moments of dramatic pause in which the strings rest. It is perhaps the simplest of all the movements, yet also the most effective, showing Respighi's

9 E. Respighi, His Life, p. 39. 32

skill in orchestrating at the age of twenty-six. The

"Cantico" is the least satisfying movement technically

speaking. Its cumbersome, weighty chords and its lack of variety in doubling the string score (even if the organ and string parts are not always played together) seem disappoint-

ing. On the other hand, in spite of its lack of ingenuity, the movement typifies perfectly the Romantic ideal of weight and gravity.

Since the Suite remained unpublished during Respighi's lifetime, one wonders if he would have favored the attention to and publication of such an early work. The same question was put to his widow in 1963 when an early violin concerto, dating from about the same time as the Suite, was revived in the United States. Elsa Respighi pointed out that Ottorino's studies in those early years, of seventeenth- and eighteenth- century Italian compositions, certainly influenced his concerto, and that there were many works that her husband did not want published, but that the concerto was not one of them. "It's just not one of his more mature works," she said from their Roman home.10

One might hope that these words concerning the publication of his early works also apply to the Suite in G.

0 1 "Violin Concerto, Respighi," Musical America, LXXXIII, (December, 1963), p. 60.

,-6a--- '00-Ml 10,10i -- --mww .- I -.------1-1. 1 --- 33

Works for Solo Organ

The Tre Pezzi (Three Preludes) were written in 1910, or at least the publisher has supplied that date. They are not mentioned in either of the biographies, except to

appear in Rensis' "List of Works."

Perhaps they were mentioned in Elsa Respighi's original edition in Italian, which was severely reduced and shortened to the point of omitting the "manifesto") by the translator,

Gwyn Morris. This criticism was leveled by many of the reviewers who had access to both volumes, but all of them felt that the translation was otherwise accurate and faithful to the spirit of the original.

The most often played, and therefore the most well- known of the Three Preludes is the one in D Minor. It is a freely composed piece based on a single, lyrical melody and a short motive. The piece contains no registration indications, but is adequately treated with dynamic markings, as in the symphonic poems. The written indications

"crescendo" and "diminuendo" appear several times and manual changes appear in Roman numerals (I and II only), suggesting that Respighi wrote the piece for a two manual romantic organ, capable of a wide dynamic range, able to be built- up gradually and imperceptibly. Since the dynamics of the piece are expansive, it seems evident that Respighi would have used a third manual if he had had one. 34

The other two preludes were inspired by chorales of

Bach--the Prelude in Bb on "In dich hab' ich gehoffet,

Herr," as it appears in the same key at the end of Cantata

No. 52, and the Prelude in A Minor on "Ich hab' mein'

Sach' Gott heimgestellt," S. 351, transposed from the

original key of G minor. There the similarities end.

The Prelude in Bb presents the chorale in half-notes

and quarter-notes, reharmonized by Respighi with long ca-

dential formulas at the ends of each phrase. At the

conclusion of the chorale presentation the last note

elides into a second variation with the introduction of

eighth-note motives. A long bridge develops the motivic

material from the second variation and a quick crescendo

leads to the third and final variation with the chorale

in the pedal, maintaining the contrapunal texture in the

manuals, and thereby uniting the motive with the chorale.

Again the dynamic contrasts are gradual (sometimes

effected slowly, sometimes quickly), demanding a wide

range (pp to FFF). Of the three preludes, this is the

most awkward and cumbersome, due partly to the five-voice

texture, and partly to the reiteration of tied and common

notes. No manual changes are indicated. In spite of

that, the tied and common note problem could be solved by separating the hands on two different manuals, were it not

for the reaches, which would then be too wide, and for

"NaLW-Aw--l- -.-- TowwA*wAkw%*- I -- - -, 35

the texture itself, obviously meant to be played on one keyboard.

In her reminiscenses, Elsa Respighi tells of submitting her compositions to Respighi while a student in his class.

In this passage she tells of his care in writing music that

could be easily executed:

Whenever one of us wrote an impossible passage for a certain instrument, the Maestro would give us a hilariously funny impression of the unfortunate player, demonstrating the position of the fingers on the instrument and his face as he tried to exe- cute the passage. The 'performance' illustrated the point so clearly and comically that it was impossible to forget it.11

Other composers held the opposite view. Charles Ives wrote:

The instrument! -- there is the perennial difficulty--there is music's limitations. Why must the scarecrow of the keyboard--the tyrant in terms of the mechanism (be it Caruso of a Jew's-harp) stare into every measure? Is it the composer's fault that man has only ten fingers?12

From Respighi's own attention to this detail, we might assume that he either did not have the occasion to try it at the organ, or that he did not find this piece awkward. Otherwise, he probably would have corrected it.

A pleasant surprise is the Prelude in A Minor. In it

Respighi asks for dynamic changes, as in the others, but

1E. Respighi, His Life, p. 47.

12 Ives, Essays, p. 168. 36

also indicates the registers of certain passages. It is

the simplest of the three and perhaps the most gratifying

both to hear and to play. Its gentle 12/8 rhythm is clearly

marked with phrasings which demand legato playing of large

leaps and the connecting of the third note in a triplet to

the first two notes in the second triplet. The other pre-

ludes contain large, sweeping phrase marks, but in the A

Minor Prelude the slurs are short, not necessarily the way

a modern day player would group the notes. The chorale is

presented in long lines, with the customary--at least at

the turn of the century--romantic "pauses" at the ends of

the phrases.

Next, florid scale passages are introduced which fit

the keyboard beautifully. The expected crescendo is found

in the middle of this piece, attained rapidly, lasting only

half a measure, and dying away just as quickly. This is

the only piece with "ppp" marked in it.

In the pedal the composer asks for 8-foot (sometimes

coupled to the manual "unione al man:!") and at other times

for 16-foot and 8-foot stops. It is impossible to know if

he meant 8-foot combinations or an 8-foot solo. Since none

of the pieces indicate solo stops (which most certainly

would have been done on an "orchestral" type instrument),

we may assume that a soft combination of 8-foot stops would have been Respighi's choice. 37

We know from Orpheus, Respighi's attitude toward inter-

preters and their interpretations:

The Conservatories should accustom their pupils to perform music without any expression marks what- soever so that only careful analysis of the piece and its inherent musical mood serve to convey the right tempo and musical feeling of the melody, on a basis of profound sensibility and not of cerebral considerations . . . The performer is in a way the composer's collaborator as well as a reproducer. But we must be quite clear and dis- criminating about the liberty involved, since for every piece of music, with or without marks, there is an ideal interpretation in the Platonic sense of the word . . . Then the same piece can be played in different ways right from the statement of the first subject. In conclusion, there can be various different performances of the same work but they all combine to form the ideal image of the composer's intention, an image of the composer's intention, an image which he could only fix imper- fectly and express partially.13

In discussions with Elsa, Respighi held that a performer

could sometimes enhance a work and obtain results unfore-

seen by the composer himself, even if he or she did not

play exactly as it was written. In this regard, he hesi-

tated to take the "conviction" out of a student's perform-

ance by suggesting tempos or accelerandos, for instance,

which the student did not feel.

A great deal has been written on this subject by

composers of the period. One statement which applies not

only to the question of interpretation, but transcription

3 1 Luciani and Respighi, Orpheus, cited in E. Respighi, His Life, p. 38.

A.W - q I, W.5millow"Oo-- l------I OMMM -NOMI WOMM"Ummmm .- M. -W, -1-1, 11- I- - -- l-1--l-, - - 38 as well, was made by Busoni. The two composers surely ex- changed many ideas on these subjects, although they were not always necessarily in sympathy with each other. The following discerning statement represents the widely held views of Busoni, Respighi, and many of their contemporaries.

The audible presentation, the "performance," of music, its emotional interpretation, derives from those free heights whence descended the Art itself. Where the art is threatened by earthliness, it is the part of interpretation to raise it and reendow it with its primordial essence. Notation, the writing out of compositions, is primarily an ingenious expedient for catching an inspiration, with the purpose of exploiting it later. But notation is to improvisation as the portrait to the living model . . . Great artists play their own works differently at each repeti- tion, remodel them on the spur of the moment, accelerate and retard, in a way which they could not indicate by signs--and always according to the given conditions of that "eternal harmony." . Notation (writing down) brings up the subject of Transcription, nowadays a term much misunderstood, almost discreditable . . . Every notation is, in itself, the transcription of an abstract idea. The instant the pen seizes it, the idea loses its original form. That is an Arrangement of the original . . . a transcription does not destroy the archetype, which is, therefore, not lost through transcription. Again, the performance of a work is also a transcription, and still, whatever liberties it may take, it can never annihilate the original . . . Strangely enough, the Variation-Form is highly esteemed by the Worshippers of the Letter. That is singular; for the variation-for--when built up on a borrowed theme--produces a whole series of "arrange- ments" which, besides, are least respectful when most ingenious. So the arrangement is not good, because it varies the original; and the variation is good, although it "arranges" the original.14

14 Busoni, Sketch, pp. 84-86.

.ab.mmoo I , ------.11 awAufw -w - m - --. 1-1.1-1- -. II - .- I 11 . 39

Transcriptions

In the preceding quotation, Busoni beautifully sums up

the attitude of his time toward transcriptions. Respighi

shared these ideas, working just as hard, or harder, on his many transcriptions as on his freely composed music--from

his elaborate orchestration/transcription of Monteverdi's

Orfeo to his transcription of Bach's Passacaglia in C Minor

for organ. Of his version of Orfeo Respighi writes that

he has seen it as "a poetical, not an archaeological, work

. . .I have not tried to imitate Monteverdi's instrumenta-

tion, but I have sought to obtain the colour that he wanted."15

Orfeo was given at La Scala in 1935 and met with imme-

diate success. His free transcription, however, was not without its critics. Even recently, a critic who reviewed

and compared all of the Orfeo versions described Respighi's

version as the

. . . most outrageous of them all, remarkably less for what he has removed than for what he has inserted. He creates elaborate stage directions, structural extensions and rearrangements which are comparatively mild, but in his musical dis- tortions Respighi exceeds all others.1 6

Respighi added richly scored diminished chords, transposed and reallocated parts, and varied recurring

E. Respighi, His Life, p. 152.

16 Jane Glover, "The Metamorphosis of Orfeo," Musical Times, (February, 1975), p. 135. 40 ritardandos so that they were never played the same way twice. Jane Glover found this transcription to be highly elaborate, spectacular, but not an opera of 1609.

In response to such criticisms Respighi replied in a magazine (Mutina) in May of 1935:

. . . there is an obvious need for an interpre- tive transcription for Orfeo and Monteverdi's other operas especially if they are presented in the theater. But this apparently means nothing to some critics . . . who compare my realisation of Orfeo to a modern version of--for instance--the Madonna della seggiola. The gentleman in question forgets that you can still see Raphael's painting more or less as it was 400 years ago, whereas it is absolutely impossible to "hear" Monteverdi's opera from what can be found in the 1609 or 1615 editions.' 7

Respighi did not always stray from the original score as much as he did in Orfeo, although in accordance with turn of the century rhetoric and ideals Respighi captured the essence and spirit of Monteverdi's music.

In addition to transcribing works for organ, Respighi also transcribed works from organ or harpsichord originals to orchestra or piano. One such is the great organ

Passacaglia in C Minor, S, 582, by Bach. The orchestrated version uses organ pedal at the beginning and end of the

Passacaglia and again at the conclusion of the fugue (in double pedal notes). Respighi worked at it as if possessed

17 E. Respighi, His Life, p. 152. 41 and kept on saying, "It's like a cathedral built exclusively of sound--a divinely perfect piece of architecture. "18 It

is masterfully orchestrated, faithful to the original in its text and texture, complete with articulations and crescendos through a kind of terraced dynamics.

Three transcriptions often listed for organ are really for piano, transcribed by Respighi from the organ or harpsichord originals by Frescobaldi: a Preludio e Fuga, Toccata e Fuga, and a Passacaglia.19 They would make an interesting study, although they are not directly related to the subject.

We have already mentioned Respighi's many transcriptions of seventeenth and eighteenth century compositions by such composers as Locatelli, Tartini, Veracini, Valentina,

Vivaldi, and Porpora. He set two of the transcriptions for violin and organ (although they are frequently listed for violin, strings, and organ). They are Vitali's famous

Ciaccona and Bach's Suite in E Minor (originally a sonata from the St. Matthew Passion). Little need be said of the

Suite, since it adheres closely to the original.

However, the Vitali piece has been under a great deal of scrutiny in recent years. [See footnote 20] No matter

18 Ibid., p. 125.

190. Respighi, Preludio e Fuga, Toccata e Fuga in la minore, and Passacaglia, transcriptions from Frescobaldi, (Milano, 1918). 42 who was the real author of the Ciaccona, Respighi may have

familiar with the famous edition made by the Belgian con-

ductor Leopold Charlier, who in turn had been inspired by

Ferdinand David's revival and publication of it in 1867.

Respighi probably became familiar with the David score while in Berlin in 1908 and 1909. Because of the success of Monteverdi's Lamento which he transcribed, "Respighi made more transcriptions, the most important of which was

Vitali's Ciaconna played with great success by the violinist

Arrigo Serato in Germany and Italy."2 Respighi's version is very similar to David's, with the exception that it comes out a few variations shorter, and the accompaniment is written for the organ. Claude Debussy noted that "it is admittedly less dangerous to preach Palestrina to the crowds than the Gospel to savages; yet one may meet with the same hostility--the difference is only in the penalty: in the one case it is scalping, in the other yawning.,,22

Respighi's transcriptions constituted a workable answer to that problem by pleasing the emotions of his public.

20 For a thorough discussion of the authorship of this piece: Diethard Hellman, Preface to the Barenreiter edition, Tommaso Vitali, Chaconne in G Minor, (Kassel, 1966).

E. Respighi, His Life, p. 24.

22 Debussy, M. Croche, p. 35. 43

Points of Analysis

Respighi's harmonic language shown in the organ pieces is grounded in the traditional harmonic techniques of the nineteenth-century. New keys are properly introduced by their dominant seventh chords, the harmonic successions are logical, dissonance being employed solely for color, and the writing proceeds with the traditional tonal logic of the tertian system of harmony. One finds little chromaticism except for color or embellishment of certain chords, as one might expect from Respighi. In fact, when performed the works are often mistaken for works by Reger. in these pieces the key is established very quickly, using straight- forward diatonic harmonization, followed by carefully prepared modulations.

There is no hint that Respighi was anything but a nineteenth-century post-romantic composer, yet Respighi did not seek new forms or theories, but cultivated essentially classical architectural clarity. He openly stated that he wanted to restore opera to its origins, liberating it from the influence of Wagner's music-drama.23 He cherished fluent, expressive recitative, and "closed forms," and thorough examination of his entire output shows no sign of impressionism.

23 eH, E . Respighi, His 'Life, p. 147. 44

Respighi's music is too much rooted in tradition and shows no evidences of the tonal concept of the im- pressionists, If critics and historians still wish to insist that Respighi's art is impressionist, then elements other than the concept of tonality are part of the "sound" of impressionism . . . Though he may have been attracted to French impressionism, or interested in Russian scores, at no time in his writing are there evidences of his employing the impressionist concept of tonality. 2 4

Not only the organ works, but Respighi's other compositions reflect Morrison's findings.

A contemporary of Respighi's, writing in La Revue

Musicale in 1933, described his music as direct, honest, and simple, as were the ancients', with the taste for line as antidote to the dangerous approximations of impressionism. "He discovers an archaic world of bone and nerves, and opposes this other sonorous world of flesh and cells, that of Baroque impressionism.,25

2 4 Donald N. Morrison, "Influence of Impressionist Tonality on Selected Works of Delius, Griffes, Falla, and Respighi," unpublished doctoral dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana (1960), pp. 130, 151-152.

2 5 Massimo Mila, "Ottorino Respighi," La Revue Musi- cale, XIV, (April, 1933), pp. 256-257. CHAPTER IV

SUMMARY

We have seen that organs at the turn of this century were developing rapidly toward the "orchestral" concept of organ design. Organs which could imperceptibly increase and decrease in volume (whether with the aid of swell shutters, the pulling on and off of stops, or by some other machinal means, such as a rollschweller or crescendo pedal) became more and more the fashion, even though in Germany and in Italy the trends appeared late. Along with the increase in the size of orchestras, organs increased in size, necessarily weakening the character of a single stop, so that an organist could use groups of stops more effectively than single stops. The individuality of separate ranks was thereby restricted in order to blend more easily with the whole ensemble. On the other hand, solo stops, some of enormous scale, began to imitate individual orchestral sounds.

Respighi's works can be played most effectively on this kind of organ. However, not once does he ask for a solo stop, suggesting that the organs with which he was most familiar were not of the orchestral type, although

45 46 they certainly must have had the capability of a wide dynamic range, quick, gradual crescendos and decrescendos, as well as more than their share of foundation stops. His re- quest for a "gran ripieno" further suggests that organs at his disposal still had high-pitched stops (such as our mixtures and mutations) and a full range of principals.

Demands for 32-foot stops are not uncommon in Respighi's scores.

Concurrently, the orchestral movement afoot in organ circles produced a loss of respect for the instrument by its players and, more important, by its composers. By 1910 the "orchestral movement" had taken hold in Italy with the immense overblown organs of builders such as Tamburini, who provided pre-set pistons which ranged from "p" to "FF,." as

loom fm OVAaOWN ko WAIrmo' 47 well as swell boxes, and crescendo devices. Because of these innovations it became unnecessary to indicate stop changes.

Only dynamic changes (such as in Respighi's music) were needed.

Conclusions

If Respighi was not an innovator, he was at least creative in his use of the organ in his orchestral works.

Excepting the fourth movement of Vetrate, the organ was used primarily for color by adding depth, body, and novelty to the ever-growing orchestra. Respighi's interest in the sound of the orchestra was paramount, directly influenced by Richard Strauss' works. Respighi paid great attention to the smallest detail in his orchestrations, which were varied, delicate, and precise. Why did this interest in color and sonority not result in similar treatment of the organ in his music? After all, the organ possesses, at least potentially, the capability of a flower garden of sound, its varieties endless.

The answer is suggested already in the description of the late romantic/orchestral organ. Its stops had lost their individuality, and they blended together in such a way that no particular color was distinguished. The thought is not that Respighi's music, or the music of any other composer caused the decline, but rather that the direction 48 of organ-building in its search for modernity, machinery, and the industrial age, lost its identify, its characteristic personality and color, and lost in fact the very thing it was trying to achieve--its autonomy.

Respighi and his contemporaries did not turn a deaf ear to the populace. If his transcriptions prove one point, it is that Respighi was eager to capture the spirit of older music, not only to render it successful to his immediate critical public, but to give it new life, new rele- vancy in a change frame of reference, His choice of organ accompaniments was logical (after all, Vitali and

Bach had also employed the organ). What was different at the turn of the century was the ease with which composers transcribed from one medium to another without any fanfare-- organ works to the orchestra, orchestral works to the organ.

It constituted part of that same spirit of compassion for the public, the same striving to catch the elusive essence of a given piece of music.

So then, if Respighi was somewhat reactionary (although innovative and imaginative in his use of timbra and pitch relationships), and his immature organ works stylized

(although not without their beauty), does that render his music unworthy? Compared to some of his contemporaries, he was no innovator, but can he not claim some credit for not 49 being swept away by Strauss or Debussy? Respighi was a man of culture. He knew Frescobaldi and drew upon Bach. Music history will probably not make much of Respighi's organ music, but does he not deserve our praise for evading the domination of the genius of Wagner?

Respighi's own reduction in his use of the organ, from solo works to small orchestral parts, paralleled a decline in organ art. Was it merely a coincidence? Or had the organ so lost its unique flavor that composers such as

Respighi were no longer interested in tasting its puffed- up desserts? Let us imagine that Respighi was correct, after all, in his use of the organ as creamy filling in the larger orchestral cake. APPENDIX A

Sources

Assembling the material for this project met with

some difficulties. For instance, a computer search on the

OCLC terminal of the member libraries in the United States

showed that none of the libraries possesses either the

Suite in G Major for strings and organ or the transcrip-

tions for violin and organ. Nor did most of them own the

three solo pieces. Music stores announce that the Suite and the transcriptions are impossible to obtain, while obtaining the three solo pieces (when available) involves delays up to six months. Telephone calls to major music libraries in the United States and to well-known organists with large personal collections resulted in what began to 1 be an almost predictably negative response. Even a letter to a former Respighi student, Norman Lockwood, now a well- known composer who demonstrates an interest in the organ by his compositions for it, turned up no knowledge of the works in question.2

'Libraries at: University of Illinois, University of Michigan, Eastman School of Music, A. M. Willis, Jr. Library at North Texas State University, personal libraries of Marilyn Mason, David Craighead, and others.

2 Letter from Norman Lockwood, composer, May 9, 1979.

'IWlmoi - ON '0014 NINO,ON 51

First, the solo pieces (the Three Preludes) are still

in print and may be ordered through Belwin-Mills,3 the

American agent for Bongiovanni, by contacting almost any

retail music store. The Suite for strings and organ is

also available in a study score by the same means.4How-

ever, there is no such score currently in stock (the last

remaining copy being now in my personal collection); so it would have to be back ordered from Italy, bringing possible

delays of between three to six months. The individual parts are available only on a rental basis from Bongiovanni.

The two transcriptions are no longer in print, and have not been re-copyrighted. The European-American Music Distribu-

tors Corporation, through the work of Caroline Hunter, has prepared a list of American publishing houses which carry

European publications, which will soon be sent to partici- pating United States libraries. 5

Another source, but not a very practical one, is the

New York City Public Library, which does not lend through

3 Belwin-Mills Publishing Corporation, 25 Deshon Drive, Melville, New York 11746 (Attn. Foreign Department).

4 Study score catalogue number: Bongiovanni 2429, available from Belwin-Mills or Joseph Patelson Music Com- pany, 160 W. 56th Street, New York, New York 10019, (212) 757-5587.

5 Caroline Hunter, European-American Music Distributors Corp., 195 Allwood Rd., Clifton, New Jersey 07012. 52

the Inter-library Loan System. Records of this library's

catalogue show the Suite to be in its possession. Since

its copyright date is recent, this score cannot be repro-

duced without written permission from Bongiovanni. Other-

wise, an on-the-spot analysis would be the only value in

looking up this copy.

The transcriptions, however, perhaps because they were transcriptions--or perhaps because Schmidl was not represented in the United States--were never acquired and

apparently do not exist, not even in personal libraries or collections.

In addition to the difficulty in obtaining the scores of Respighi's organ music, very little has been written about Respighi in general, reducing the secondary source material to two biographies, a doctoral dissertation, and some isolated magazine articles. Many of the articles were written just before American libraries began collect- ing major Italian periodicals. Thanks to the diligent research of writers of program notes for major U. S. orchestras, who did their homework as Respighi toured the

United States conducting his most popular orchestral works, we are left with many good references to most of the information contained in these early journals of the 1920's and 1930's. 53

Since such extenuating circumstances presented them-

selves in this search, it is undoubtedly proper to express

gratitude to Ruth Watanabe of the Sibley Library at the

Eastman School of Music in Rochester, New York, Morris

Martin of the A. M. Willis, Jr. Library at North Texas

State University in Denton, Texas, and to Ted Graczyk in the foreign department of Belwin-Mills Publishing Corpora- tion for their suggestions and help in obtaining many of the materials necessary for this project. 54

APPENDIX B

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MW 1,10,011.1'! oil, Is "I g BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Arnold, Corliss R., Organ Literature, Metuchen, N.J., The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1973.

Berg, David Eric, Fundamentals of Musical Art, Vol. IX, "The Organ, Composers and Literature," New York, The Caxton Institute, Inc., 1927.

Busoni, Ferruccio, Sketch of a New Esthetic of Music, tr. by Th. Baker, New York, G. Schirmer, Inc., 1911 in Three Classics In the Aesthetic of Music, New York. Dover Publishers, Inc., 1962.

Debussy, Claude, Monsieur Croche the Dilittante Hater, tr. by B. N. Langdon Davies, New York, Viking Press, 1928, in Three Classics In the Aesthetic of Music, New York, Dover Publishers, Inc., 1962.

Gillespie, John, Five Centuries of Keyboard Music, New York, Dover Publishers, Inc., 1965.

Hopkins, Edward J., The Organ, London, Robert Cocks & Co., 1877.

Ives, Charles E., Essays Before a Sonata, the Knickerbocker Press, 1920, in Three Classics In the Aesthetic of Music, New York, Dover Publishers, Inc., 1962.

Lahee, Henry C., The Organ and Its Masters, Boston, L.C. Page & Co., Inc., 1902 and 1927.

Lunelli, Renato, Der Orgeln in Italien in Seinen Meister- werken, Mainz, Im Rheingold-Verlag, 1956.

Radole, Giuseppe, L'Arte Organaria In Istria, Bologna, Casa Editrice Riccardo Patron, 1969.

Rensis, Raffaello de, Ottorino Respighi, Torino, G. B. Paravia and Company, 1935.

Respighi, Elsa, Ottorino Respighi: His Life Story, tr. by Gwyn Morris, London, G. Ricordi & Co., 1962.

WNW" 63

Respighi, Ottorino, and Luciani, S. A., Orpheus, Firenze, G. Barbera, Editore, 1925.

Routh, Francis, The Organ, London, the English Universities Press Ltd., 1958 (8th printing, 1974),

Seidel, J. J., The Organ and Its Construction, London, Ewer & Co., 1855,

Sumner, William Leslie, The Organ, London, Macdonald and Company Ltd., 1962.

Williams, C. F. Abdy, The Story of the Organ, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1903; republished, Detroit, Singing Tree Press, 1972.

Articles

A., W. R., "Book Review," Music Teacher and Piano Student, Vol. XLI (November, 1962), p. 509.

"Book Review," Musical Times, Vol. CIII, (November, 1962), p. 767.

Boyd, M., "Dies Irae," Music and Letters, Vol. XLVIV, No. 4, 1968, p. 351.

Gatti, Guido M., "Ottorino Respighi," in Groves Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. VII, London, MacMillan and Company, Ltd., 1955, pp. 128-129.

Glover, Jane, "The Metamorphosis of Orfeo," Musical Times, Vol. CXVI (February, 1975), pp. 135-139.

"His Life Story," Music and Letters, Vol. XLIV, No. 1, (1963), p. 51.

Jacobs, Arthur, "His Life Story: Book Review," Opera, Vol. XIV (January, 1963), p. 52.

Karlinger, F., "In Memoriam," Musica, Vol. XV (April, 1961) p. 204.

Mila, Massimo, "Ottorino Respighi," La Revue Musicale, Vol. XIV (April, 1933).

R., B., "Book Review," Musical Opinion, LXXXVI (1962), p. 95. 64

Schuneman, Robert A., "Playing Around with Tempo," The Diapason, (May and June, 1970), pp. 16-19 and p. 16.

Steutermann, A., "Notturno New Music for Organ," The Diapason, XLIV (July 1, 1953), p. 29.

Terenzio, Vicenzo, "Appunti su Respighi," Rassegna Musicale, Vol. XXIV (January, 1956), pp. 27-32.

"Violin Concerto, Respighi," Musical America, Vol. LXXXIII (December, 1963), p. 60.

Williams, C. F. Abdy, "Old Italian Church Organs," Musical Times, LV (May 1, 1914), pp. 313-314.

Music

Bach, J. S., Passacaglia in do minore, Interpretazione orchestrale di Ottorino Respighi, Milano, Ricardi, 1930.

, 371 Four Part Chorales, Vol. I, New York, Edwin F. Kalmus.

Monteverdi, Claudio, L'Orfeo, realizzazione orchestrale di Ottorino Respighi, Milano, A & G Carish & Co., 1935.

Respighi, Ottorino, Antiche Danze ed Arie per Liuto, Nos. 1, 2, & 3, Milano, G. Ricordi, 1920, 1924, and 1932.

, Belfagor, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1923.

, Ciaccona di Tomaso Vitali, trascritta per violino, archi organo, Trieste, Edizione Schmidl, 1909.

, Concerto Gregoriano, Vienna, Universal Edition, 1922.

, Feste Romane, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1929.

, Fontane di Roma, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1918.

, Gli Uccelli, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1928. 65

Respighi, Ottorino, La Campana Sommersa, Berlin, Ed. Bote and G. Bock, 1927.

, Lauda per la Nativita del Signore, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1930.

, Maria Egiziaca, Milano, G. Ricordi & Co., 1931.

, Passacaglia, G. Frescobaldi, Libera Trascrizione di Ottorino Respighi, Milano, Ed. G. Ricordi, 1918.

, Pini di Roma, Milano, G. Ricordi, 1925.

, Preludio e Fuga, G. Frescobaldi, Libera Trascrizione di Ottorino Respighi, Milano, Edizione G. Ricordi & Co., 1918.

, Rossiniana, da "Les Riens" di G. Rossini, London, Richard Schauer, 1927.

, Suite in mi min. (o Sonata) di G. S. Bach, trascritta per violino, archi e organo, Trieste, Edizioni Schmidl, 1909.

, Suite in sol maggiore, per archi e organo, Bologna, Edizioni Bongiovanni, 1957.

, Toccata e Fuga in la minore, G. Fresco- baldi, Libera Transcrizione di Ottorino Respighi, Milano, Ed. G. Ricordi, 1918.

, Tre Preludi per organo ("Preludio in si b," "Preludio in la magg.," "Preludio in re min."), Bologna, Edizioni Bongiovanni, 1921.

Vitali, Tommaso, Chaconne in G minor, Diethard Hellmann, Ed., Kassel, Barenreiter, 1966.

, Ciaccona, ed. by Louis Bailly, New York, George Scribner's Sons, 1932.

Program Notes

Jellinek, George, Program Notes, for "Eugene Fodor Plays Paganini, Serasate, and Vatali," RCA, ARLI-1172, 1975.

Ad "* 16i "Woi 11 -- OR !a--. . I I A - I * , i, -- , ., WON, d-M, -M -61 66

Jellinek, George, Program Notes, for "Heifitz," RCA, LM2074, 1975.

Roy, Klaus G., Program Notes, for "Vetrate di Chiesa," Cleveland Orchestra, (December 19-21, 1974), p. 533.

Schauensee, Max de, The Philadelphia Orchestra Program Notes, for "Saint-Saens: Symphony No. 3 in C Minor," Columbia Records, ML5869, 1963.

Schloss, Edwin H., The Philadelphia Orchestra Program Notes, for "Music for Organ and Orchestra," Columbia Records, ML5798, 1962.

Taaffe, Ellen, Notes for "Francescatti plays Violin Spectaculars," Columbia Records, MS6953.

Unpublished Materials

Lockwood, Normand, letter to Susan Ferr6, March 9, 1979.

Morrison, D. N., "Influences of Impressionist Tonality on Selected Works of Delius, Griffes, Falla, and Respighi: Based on the Concept Developed by Robert Mueller," unpublished doctoral dissertation, School of Music, Indiana University, June, 1960.

Schuneman, Robert A., Lecture, Boston, June 22, 1976.

Young, Stephen E., "The Organ Works of Sigfrid Karg-Elert (1877-1933)," unpublished doctoral dissertation, School of Music, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1968.

Newspaper

Gatti, Guido M., New York Times, January 7, 1933, in The International Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians, 9th edition, Oscar Thompson, ed., Robert Sabin, ed. of 9th edition, New York, Dodd, Mead, & Company, 1964.