The 1983 Cyprus Crisis in Critical Perspective, 5 B.C
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The Latins of Cyprus Published by the Research, Studies and Publications Service of the House of Representatives, Republic of Cyprus
The Latins of Cyprus Published by the Research, Studies and Publications Service of the House of Representatives, Republic of Cyprus Coordination and supervision Georgia Andronikou, Service Director Anthi Tofari, Senior Ofcer for Research, Studies and Publications Research and texts Natassa Haralambous Andreas Papayiannis Sofa Papadopoulou Marianna Moyseos Elena Makrygiorgie Editing Natassa Haralambous Andreas Papayiannis Sofa Papadopoulou Translation Anastasia Korae Design Athena Sheittani Printing Government Printing Ofce ISBN 978-9963-39-084-4 (print) ISBN 978-9963-39-087-8 (ebook) © House of Representatives, Nicosia, November 2020 Javal Nechrou Avenue, 1402 Nicosia, Cyprus telephone: +357 22407315, fax: +357 22407290 [email protected], www.parliament.cy Table of contents Preface 7 Message by the Representative of the Latin religious group 9 Publisher’s note 11 Name and origin 13 The settlement and the frst years of the Latin Church in Cyprus 14 The Latin Church in Cyprus during the Frankish Rule and the Venetian Rule 15 The Latin Church in Cyprus during the Turkish Rule 19 The Latin Church in Cyprus during the British Rule 20 The Latin Church in Cyprus from Independence to date 21 Latin infuences on the Orthodox church architecture 22 Walls and fortresses during the period of the Frankish Rule and the Venetian Rule 25 Music 29 The assizes of the kingdom of Jerusalem and Cyprus 30 Infuences on Literature 31 Efect of the Latins on the Cypriot dialect 33 Toponyms related to the times of the Frankish Rule and the Venetian Rule 34 The -
Overview of the Constitution
CYPRUS PROBLEM: Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus file:///home/taygeti/Desktop/kupros/valmena/constitution... OVERVIEW OF THE CONSTITUTION The Republic of Cyprus was born in the early hours of 16 August 1960. On that date the Republic´s constitution was signed by the lst Governor of the Colony of Cyprus, Sir Hugh Foot, the Consul-General of Greece, George Christopoulos, his Turkish counterpart, Turel, and Archbishop Makarios and Dr. Fazil Kutchuk on behalf of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. The range of signatories reflected the fact that the constitution of Cyprus did not emanate from the free will of its people, who were not consulted either directly or through their ad hoc elected representatives, but from the Zurich Agreement between Greece and Turkey. The terms of that agreement, outlined in the last chapter, were included in the constitution as fundamental Articles, which could not be revised or amended. The constitution was drafted by the Joint Constitutional Commission created under Part VIII of the London Agreement of 19 February 1959. It comprised representatives of Greece, Turkey, the Greek Cypriot community and the Turkish Cypriot community. But the structure of the constitution again reflected the Zurich Agreement, with various provisions from the 1950 Greek constitution also incorporated along with the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights in respect of fundamental rights and liberties. Two main principles underpinned the constitutional structure agreed at Zurich. The first recognised the existence of two communities on the island - the Greek and the Turkish - who, despite their numerical disparity, were given equal treatment. -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
Ethnic Nationalism and Consociational Democracy in Cyprus
BUJSS 9/2 (2016), 99-115 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18221/bujss.33634 * ETHNIC NATIONALISM AND CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN CYPRUS 1 Pinar Erkem ABSTRACT The 1960 Cyprus Republic, which had a bi-communal power-sharing system, could not have lasted for long and it turned from consociational democracy to majoritarian in 1963 after ethnic conflict. Attempts to find a solution to Cyprus problem still focus on ethnic power-sharing but the conditions and bi-communal relations prior to 1960 system, which are conducive to its failure, are not adequately consumed. The paper argues that, the reasons for the prolonged conflict derive from ethnic rivalry and lack of an overarching loyalty. Modernization, kin-state relations and colonial policies are the contributing factors. This paper aims to contribute to future institutional designs for not only Cyprus but for all divided societies. Keywords: Cyprus; ethnic conflict; ethnic nationalism; consociational democracy; power-sharing; colonial policies KIBRIS’TA ETNİK MİLLİYETÇİLİK VE ORTAKLIKÇI DEMOKRASİ ÖZ İki topluluğun varlığını tanıyan ortaklıkçı demokrasiye dayalı 1960 Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti etnik çatışmalar sonrası 1963 yılında son bularak çoğunlukçu demokrasi uygulamaya konuldu fakat Kıbrıs sorununa çözüm çabaları halen ortaklıkçı demokrasi üzerinde durmaktadır. 1960 sisteminin çökmesine yol açan topluluk- lar-arası sorunlar henüz tam olarak ortadan kaldırılamamıştır. Bu çalışmayla, Kıbrıs’ta güç paylaşımı sistemi- nin çökmesinin arkasındaki milliyetçiliğe dayalı nedenler incelenecektir. Bu çalışmanın iddiası, uzun suren Kıbrıs çatışmasının nedeninin etnik rekabetin varlığı ve ortak bağlayıcı bir değerin yokluğudur. Anahtar sözcükler: Kıbrıs; etnik çatışma; etnik milliyetçilik; ortaklıkçı demokrasi; güç paylaşımı Cyprus has been under influence and administration of different civilizations throughout its history, centuries long Byzantium and Ottoman rules and 82 years of British colonial rule, until its independence in 1960. -
National Legal Measures to Combat Racism and Intolerance in the Member States of the Council of Europe
NATIONAL LEGAL MEASURES TO COMBAT RACISM AND INTOLERANCE IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE CYPRUS, Situation as of 1 December 2004 General Overview Preliminary Note: this table is accompanied by an explanatory note COUNTRY: Constitutional Specific Criminal Law Civil and CYPRUS provisions legislation Administrative Law Norms Yes. No statute. No case-law Law 57(I)/2004 concerning Article 6 found on this amending Law discrimination Article 28 § 1. subject. no. 127(I)/2000. in general Norms Yes. Law no. Yes. Equal concerning Article 28 § 2. 12/1967, as Laws no. 11 Treatment racism amended by (III)/1992, no. (Racial or Laws 11/92, 6 (III)/1995 and Ethnic Origin) 6(III)/95 and no. 28(III) Law no. 56 / 28(III)/99. /1999 2004. amending Law Law no. no. 12/1967. 58(I)/2004. Laws no. The combating 26(III)/ 2004 of racism and and no. 22 (II)/ other 2004. discrimination Equal (Commissioner) Treatment Law no. 59 / (Racial or 2004. Ethnic Origin) Law no Law no. 56 / 57(I)/2004 2004. amending Law Law no. no. 127(I)/2000. 58(I)/2004. Relevant Yes. No case-law No case-law No case-law jurisprudence Yiallourou v. found on this found on this found on this Evgenios subject. subject. subject. Nikolaou, (2001), Supreme Court of Cyprus, not published. EXPLANATORY NOTE CYPRUS / GENERAL OVERVIEW Cyprus has ratified most European and United Nations Conventions relating to discrimination. These include, for example, the Convention of New York on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in 1967 (Law no. 12/1967), the CoE Convention on Cybercrime and its additional protocol on criminalization of acts of a racist and xenophobic nature committed through computer systems (Laws no. -
Democracy and the Representation of Minority Interests
DEMOCRACY AND THE REPRESENTATION OF MINORITY INTERESTS Richard H. Pildes, Professor of Law New York University School of Law 1. Theory . 2. Institutional Design. 1. Targeted Versus Universal Approaches . 2. B. Malleable Versus Entrenched Representational Structures. The issue of appropriate political representation of Aminority interests@ in democratic institutions raises complex questions of both democratic theory and institutional design. I will concentrate here primarily on the intriguing issues of institutional design, but those issues must first be framed by some consideration of the theoretical problems posed by how to conceive of Aminority interests@ within a democratic political system. 1. Theory . The theoretical problems arise because, absent a rule of unanimous agreement, democratic choice necessarily entails that there be political winners and losers. Individual rights guarantees can protect political minorities against certain, narrowly defined intrusions on aspects of personal autonomy, dignity, and self-definition that liberal societies have come to consider beyond the appropriate bounds of majoritarian control. But individual rights protections can do only limited work; most constitutional rights actively enforced by courts still take the form of negative liberties that create spheres of individual immunity. But protected spheres of immunity do little to ensure the affirmative interests of individuals in the political minority, either to have those interests fairly considered in democratic decisionmaking or, more aggressively, to have the substantive interests of political minorities actually realized in the making of public policy. Nor, to the extent that minority groups as such have political interests, such as in the preservation and creation of various cultural goods constitutive of the group=s identity, do individual rights protections typically afford protection for these kind of constitutive common goods. -
Inter-Communal Contact and Exchange in Cyprus' Higher Education Institutions: Their Potential to Build Trust and Cooperation
08 HIGHER EDUCATION FOR PRINT.qxp_Layout 1 18/11/2019 2:43 PM Page 1 In all the years of search for a comprehensive settlement to reunify the island under Inter-Communal a bi-communal federal government, one unchanging fact – which also constitutes Contact and Exchange the main barrier to the negotiation process – has been the deep distrust between in Cyprus’ Higher the two sides. As part of a broader project which recognizes this fact, this thematic Education Institutions: report on Higher Education seeks to explore possible structures of genuine Their Potential to Build cooperation that may both alleviate distrust and foster substantial collaboration Trust and Cooperation across the dividing line promoting a logic of interdependence that can be constructive to peace building. This Report focuses on inter-communal contact and Gregoris Ioannou exchange in Cyprus’ Higher Education Institutions and its potential to build trust Sertac Sonan and cooperation. After a brief mapping of the Cyprus’ Higher Education field in the two parts of the island, the Report reviews the relevant international literature on universities as sites of cooperation, exchange and peace-culture-building in conflict ridden societies. Subsequently, some examples of past and existing academic cooperation in Cyprus are mentioned in the fields of research and teaching. The Report then discusses the obstacles, opportunities and possibilities that currently exist given the prevailing political as well as structural conditions. The Report is based on a series of anonymous interviews and focus groups with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot academics from various disciplines currently working in several universities across the dividing line. -
Constitutional Provisions on the Prosecution Service in Council of Europe Member States
Strasbourg, 3 October 2008 CDL-JD(2008)003* Study No. 494/2008 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ON THE PROSECUTION SERVICE IN COUNCIL OF EUROPE MEMBER STATES *This document has been classified restricted on the date of issue. Unless the Venice Commission decides otherwise, it will be declassified a year after its issue according to the rules set up in Resolution CM/Res(2001)6 on access to Council of Europe documents. This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-JD(2008)003 - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 5 II. Overview according to ‘legal families’............................................................................ 5 III. Conclusions............................................................................................................... 6 IV. Common Law system................................................................................................ 7 A. Appointment, incompatibilities, transfers, detachements, promotion, retirement and dissmisal ........................................................................................................................... 7 1. Cyprus................................................................................................................... 7 2. Malta .................................................................................................................... -
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: an Overall Assessment
The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment Andreas Theophanous Odysseas Christou Since its creation the Republic of Cyprus has had a very turbulent history. From the outset the geopolitical implications of the Treaty of Establishment, the Treaty of Alliance, and the Treaty of Guarantee on the one hand and the particular characteristics of the Cold War on the other were not fully understood. Domestic tensions as well as foreign interventions led eventually to the cataclysmic events of the summer of 1974. Fifty years after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, this island-state faces critical problems and multidimensional challenges.1 The greatest challenge remains the reestablishment of the territorial integrity and unity of the country. Prior to the Turkish invasion of 1974, the basis of the intercommunal negotiations revolved around the establishment of a unitary state with elements of local and communal, self-administration on issues of low level politics. Since the latter part of the 1970s, the model for the solution to the Cyprus problem, according to conventional orthodoxy, has essentially been a bizonal bicommunal federation.2 Yet despite successive and repeated rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN and the support of the international community there has not been an agreement.3 In fact, the problem remains unresolved while the gap between the two sides is widening. Thus, it is not surprising that to the present day the bizonal bicommunal federation does not yet have a commonly accepted precise definition. Besides it is indeed doubtful whether the implementation of such a model could lead to stability and cooperation.4 Historical Background and Context Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, located approximately 70 km to the south of Turkey. -
Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun's Speech on the Veto
Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research Volume 3 Article 8 2014 It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Luke D. Christie Furman University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs Part of the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Christie, Luke D. (2014) "It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842," Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: Vol. 3 , Article 8. Available at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for Undergraduate Research and Creative Activities (CURCA) at Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research by an authorized editor of Nighthawks Open Institutional Repository. It’s Not About the Bank: Religious Republicanism in John C. Calhoun’s Speech on the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 Acknowledgments Special thanks to Dr. Brandon Inabinet, Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at Furman University, for his guidance throughout the writing and revision processes. This article is available in Papers & Publications: Interdisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Research: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/papersandpubs/vol3/iss1/8 In the second generation of the U.S. government’s leadership, at a time when the number of states in the union had more than doubled that of 1787, more territories were under consideration for statehood, and the founding fathers were no longer living to clarify the intentions of the Constitutional Convention’s attendees, there persisted a question of the extent to which the federal government should establish and maintain economic enterprises. -
Disquisition on Government 373
DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT 373 DISQUISITION ON GOVERNMENT JOHN C. CALHOUN (1782–1850) U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA (1832–1843, 1845–1850) The Calhouns arrived in America in 1733, part of the large migration from Scotland via Ulster. They eventually settled in the South Carolina highlands and were a large, influential clan by the time of Jefferson’s Presidency. John Caldwell Calhoun was born with brains, good looks, and a fierce will not uncommon among the men of the southern uplands. An old prayer in the region went, “Lord, grant that I may always be right, for You know I am hard to turn.” He transformed himself from a rough frontiersman into the model of a gentleman and aristocrat. Yale provided much of his formal education, classical and literary, but he became a political philosopher out of his determination to defend both South Carolina and the Union. Calhoun became one of America’s greatest public men. He served in the House, Senate, Cabinet, and Vice-Presidency over the course of thirty- nine years, during which time he saw the balance of power in the United States tip northward and toward the national government. He undertook to defend state sovereignty by defending the South, and to defend the South by defending slavery. To do this he knew he had to confront the dominant political faith of his age: Equality. Calhoun’s “disquisitions and discourses” were published the year after his death. In them he tried to solve the great problem of American political life: how to protect and preserve local (or regional) communities against centralized democratic power. -
Protracted Occupation That Leads to De Facto State Creation: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, an International Legal Evaluation
Global Journal of Politics and Law Research Vol.8, No.2, pp.30-64, March 2020 Published by ECRTD-UK ISSN: ISSN 2053-6321(Print), ISSN: ISSN 2053-6593(Online) PROTRACTED OCCUPATION THAT LEADS TO DE FACTO STATE CREATION: THE TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTHERN CYPRUS, AN INTERNATIONAL LEGAL EVALUATION Sanford R. Silverburg, Ph.D Professor Emeritus Department of History and Politics Catawba College Salisbury, NC [email protected] ABSTRACT: The history of Cyprus is replete with foreign invasions and occupation. Modern history has Great Britain in control over the island, betwixt a long-term period of antagonism and hostility over the island’s control between Greece and Turkey. Greek Cypriots have for many years sought enosis, or union with Greece, while the minority Turkish community’s ethnic community goal has been taksim (partition) between the two ethnic groups. A crucial temporal dividing point came in 1974 when following a coup d’etat against the Greek Cypriot leadership leading to some instability which was then followed by a Turkish military invasion in order to protect the island’s Turkish population. Once order was restored and with Ankara’s backing, the Turkish Cypriots created the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Because of the manner in which the political action occurred, only Turkey provided diplomatic recognition, thus bringing up the legal issue of non-recognition and a discussion of the use of force to achieve a political objective. KEY WORDS: Cyprus, Turkish republic, northern Cyprus, Turkish foreign policy, Greek foreign policy, occupation, international law, de facto state INTRODUCTION Occupation in its varied forms1 has taken on increased interest in the post-World War II era, at multiple legal2 and political levels.