DOCSLIB.ORG

Europe and Central Asia Overview

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Europe and Central Asia Overview EUROPE AND CENTRAL ASIA OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments The long-anticipated outbreak of violence in the province of KosovoCwith war crimes committed primarily by Yugoslav government forces against the civilian ethnic Albanian populationCand the dramatic deterioration of Russia=s economy that pushed the country to the verge of chaos were the most notable developments in the region in 1998. Both cases underscored the threat posed when human rights and the rule of law are downplayed in order to promote interests such as territorial integrity, regional security, or economic gain. While the international community touted the need for regional stability and a regional approach to security concerns, governments such as the United States and the member states of the E.U. often ignored the regional security threat posed by human rights violations and indicated no recognition that the failure to insist on accountability for atrocities in one country or region often fueled abuses in another. There was a distinct deterioration of the human rights situation in Belarus, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. And while President Saparmurat Niyazov was being unconditionally welcomed at the White House by President Clinton, the government of Turkmenistan continued to deny its citizens virtually all civil liberties. Other areas of concern in the region included a growing problem of religious persecution, attempts to intimidate or shut down the independent press, widespread ethnic discrimination, and a continuing problem of police brutality that often reached the level of torture. Sporadic fighting occurred in the Abkhazia region of Georgia and in Tajikistan, although cease-fire agreements remained in force in both countries, and numerous abuses continued to be perpetrated by both sides in the conflict in southeastern Turkey, although at a lesser intensity than during the mid-1990s. On a positive note, a peace agreement was reached and overwhelmingly approved by public referendum in Northern Ireland, bringing an official end to the conflict. Almost ten years of repression, systematic discrimination, and widespread police brutality against ethnic Albanians finally erupted into armed conflict in Kosovo in 1998. Less than three years after the Dayton Peace Agreement ended the war against civilians in Bosnia and Hercegovina, the Yugoslav Army and special police units carried out a military offensive in Kosovo in which civilians were the primary victims. Yugoslav government troops committed extrajudicial executions, systematically destroyed civilian property, and forced thousands of people to flee their homes. For much of 1998, the international community wrung its hands but remained inactive as the death toll in Kosovo rose and the number of displaced persons and refugees from the conflict grew exponentially. As the Kosova Liberation Army (KLA) grew in strength, the international community, especially the United States and the European Union (E.U.), were reluctant to take any step that might be construed, in the words of Secretary of Defense Cohen, Aas lending support, either moral or military, to those seeking independence.@ Pointing to the need for protecting international borders and the destabilizing effect an independent Kosovo would have on the region, it closed its eyes to the instability created by unchecked human rights violations. It was only after the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) government had carried out a highly abusive offensive in Kosovo during the months of July, August, and September that seriously weakened the KLA, that the international community intensified pressure and negotiated the framework of an agreement intended to end the conflict and create a large monitoring mission to verify compliance with the terms of the agreement. As of this writing, it remained unclear whether the October agreement would truly end the fighting in Kosovo and ensure the safety and security of those living there. The conflict in Kosovo exacerbated ethnic tensions in Macedonia between the majority population and the ethnic Albanian minority, yet the international community, which has invested great political and financial resources to maintain Macedonia=s stability, rarely criticized the Macedonian government=s human rights record, including the mistreatment of the ethnic Albanian minority, apparently viewing human rights protection and regional stability as an either-or proposition. By failing to insist on minority rights and the rule of law, it missed an important opportunity to help dispel the frustrations caused by ethnic discrimination that sometimes foster secessionist movements. The conflict in Kosovo also contributed to an increase in ethnic tensions in neighboring Bosnia and may have played a role in the electoral success of hardline nationalists in the September elections. Provocative statements by hard-line nationalists in Serbia regarding the conflict in Kosovo fueled a series of hostile statements by nationalists during the electoral campaign in Bosnia. The arrival of several thousand ethnic Albanian refugees from Kosovo further strained Bosnia=s already limited resources. As the world negotiated a treaty for an International Criminal Court during the year, the promise of and the obstacles to an effective system of international criminal justice were nowhere more evident than in the Former Yugoslavia. Although significant progress was made during 1998 in transferring indicted personsCwhether by arrest or by surrenderCto the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague, the highest ranking persons indicted for atrocities in the region were not arrested and others believed responsible for war crimes remained unindicted. The failure to arrest Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic undermined efforts to secure a lasting peace in Bosnia, damaged the credibility of the tribunal, and compromised the deterrent effect the tribunal might have had in Kosovo. Serious violations of the laws of war were also committed in Georgia and Tajikistan, where efforts to transform fragile cease-fires into a lasting peace remained unsuccessful. More than 200 people were reportedly killed when violence erupted in the Abkhaz region of Georgia in May, and scores of civilians were killed in Tajikistan when fighting broke out on several occasions during the year. In both countries, the fighting resulted in a campaign against civilians, including summary executions, rape, torture, and the looting and destruction of civilian homes and property. Armed insurgency groups in Kosovo, Northern Ireland, and Turkey were also linked to serious violations of the laws of war and other abuses during the year. The most hopeful note in 1998 came in April when the political leaders and citizens of Northern Ireland, with the active engagement of the governments of Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, reached an historic agreement to end the conflict. Human rights concerns featured prominently in the peace agreement, which acknowledged the need to address, among other things, the abusive conduct of the police. However, the government of Tony Blair moved slowly to address key human rights concerns during the year, and, in the wake of the August 15 Omagh bombing that killed twenty-nine people, strengthened the already draconian emergency legislation that has often been condemned by human rights organizations. Armed conflict continued to produce forced displacement in the region. The fighting in Kosovo caused at least 300,000 persons to flee their homes, and in Georgia more than 30,000 people were displaced by the May fighting. The reluctance of many refugees and internally displaced persons to return to their homes was often a consequence of an incomplete transition from war to peace that did not include accountability for past and on- going abuses. The Ayear of return@ in Bosnia and Hercegovina produced few so-called Aminority returns@Creturns to areas where the post-war majority is of a different ethnicity than the returnee. In many cases, the return of refugees and displaced persons was impeded by the ongoing presence and influence of police and government authorities with a history of abuse, the atmosphere of impunity that surrounded police misconduct and ethnically motivated violence, as well as by the government=s failure to grant equal access to the law in relation to property return and other administrative issues. The absence of a final peace agreement in the Nagorno Karabakh conflict caused at least 750,000 Azeri refugees to remain homeless and destitute in Azerbaijan. An internationally praised Croatian government plan for the return of displaced persons and refugees did little to alter the pattern of official discrimination against and harrassment of ethnic Serbs in the country. As a result, the exodus of ethnic Serbs from Eastern Slavonia continued, while few of the more than 300,000 Serb refugees who had earlier fled Croatia were willing to return. A number of states adopted policies that undermined the refugee protection that is required by international law. The European Union was particularly eager to ensure that displaced persons stayed as close to their homes (and as far away from the E.U.) as possible, even if regions and countries bordering the conflict zone were ill-equipped to provide refuge and were themselves still reeling from the aftermath of war. In August, the republican government of Montenegro (an autonomous province of FRY)Cwhich had
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Croatia 07/2018
    Monitoring Implementation of the Council of Europe Recommendation to the member states on measures to combat discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity CM/Rec(2010)5 DOCUMENTATION REPORT ON THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA 07/2018 Prepared by ZAGREB PRIDE web: www.zagreb-pride.net email: [email protected] ++385(0)1 580 65 60 Skype: zagrebpride Social media: @zagrebpride _________ TABLE OF CONTENT INTRODUCTION 4 About Zagreb Pride 4 About the Report 4 Political System and Demographics 4 Executive Summary 5 Methodology 8 Acknowledgements 9 RECOMMENDATIONS 10 Section 1 – Implementation of the Recommendation 18 Section 2 – Implementation of the specific provisions in the Appendix 21 2.1. Right to life, security and protection from violence 21 2.1.A. “Hate crimes” and other hate-motivated incidents 21 2.1.A.1 Hate crime legislation 21 2.1.A.2 Underreporting of homophobic and transphobic hate crimes 22 2.1.A.3 Documenting and reporting hate crimes 24 2.1.A.4. Zagreb Pride’s compiled data on hate crimes 25 2.1.A.5. Hate crimes – case studies 27 2.1.B. “Hate speech” 31 2.1.B.1. Hate speech – case studies 33 2.2. Freedom of association 38 2.3. Freedom of expression and peaceful assembly 41 2.4. Right to respect for private and family life 46 2.4.1. Legal gender recognition 46 2.4.2. Legal recognition of same sex couples 47 2.4.3. Institutional and political discrimination of same-sex life partners 48 2.4.4. Discrimination of informal same-sex life partners – case studies 50 2.4.5.
    [Show full text]
  • UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
    UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11.
    [Show full text]
  • Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia (FYROM) and Kosovo International Assistance to Media
    R E P R E S E N TATIVE ON FREEDOM OF THE MEDIA Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia (FYROM) and Kosovo International Assistance to Media A Report by Mark Thompson Vienna 2000 The cover is a drawing by the German author and Nobel Prize laureate (1999), Günter Grass, “Des Schreibers Hand” (The writer’s hand). He gave his kind permission for its use as the logo of the publications of the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media. The drawing was created in the context of his novel Das Treffen in Telgte, dealing with the literary authors at the time of the Thirty Years Wa r. This report was possible due to the financial support of the European Commission © Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) Office of the Representative on Freedom of the Media 2000 Kärntnerring 5/7, Top 14, 2. DG A-1010 Vienna, Austria Te l . +43-1 512 21 450 F a x +43-1 512 21 459 p m - f o m @ o s c e . o r g Design: WerkstattKrystianBieniek, Vi e n n a Printed by Eugen Ketterl, Vi e n n a C o n t e n t s Freimut Duve, 4 Foreword, 5 Slovenia, 8 Croatia, 13 Bosnia and Herzegovina, 3 2 Macedonia (FYROM), 5 0 Kosovo, 6 1 Conclusions and Recommendations, 7 5 The Author, 9 5 P r e f a c e This extensive report by Mark Thompson, author and prominent expert, to my knowledge, is probably the first of its kind. When my office came to the conclusion that an overview on the media activities of international organi- zations in the post-Yugoslav world would be useful to governments and to those international organizations, which are involved in the post-war assis- tance, I had no trouble identifying the author with the relevant regional expe- rience and the necessary expert approach.
    [Show full text]
  • Serbia by Misha Savic
    Serbia by Misha Savic Capital: Belgrade Population: 7.2 million GNI/capita, PPP: US$11,430 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’sWorld Development Indicators 2014. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Electoral Process 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 Civil Society 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.50 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.25 Independent Media 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 National Democratic Governance 4.00 4.00 3.75 4.00 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 Local Democratic Governance 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.50 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 Corruption 5.00 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 Democracy Score 3.75 3.71 3.68 3.79 3.79 3.71 3.64 3.64 3.64 3.64 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights in Croatia: Overview of 2019 Publisher: Human Rights House Zagreb Selska Cesta 112 A/C, 10000 Zagreb
    OVERVIEW OF 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS IN CROATIA Human Rights in Croatia: Overview of 2019 Publisher: Human Rights House Zagreb Selska cesta 112 a/c, 10000 Zagreb www.kucaljudskihprava.hr For the publisher: Ivan Novosel Editorial board: Tina Đaković and Ivan Novosel Research team: Ivan Buljan, Tea Dabić and Klara Horvat Translation: Klara Horvat Design and layout: Radnja Printing: ACT Printlab d.o.o. Circulation: 300 ISSN: 1848–8994 Zagreb, March 2020 Human Rights House Zagreb is a Knowledge Centre active in the field of protection and promotion of human rights as part of the Development Cooperation with the National Foundation for Civil Society Development. This publication is funded with the support of the National Foundation for Civial Society Development. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of the Human Rights House Zagreb and does not necessarily reflect the views of the National Foundation for Civil Society Devel- opment. Human Rights House Zagreb is a human rights organisation established in 2008 as a network of civil society organi- sations with the goal of protecting and promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms. The HRH’s vision is to build a democratic, pluralist and inclusive society founded upon the values of human rights, the rule of law, social justice and solidarity. The HRH contributes to the protec- tion, promotion, developing and advancing human rights and fundamental freedoms through research, monitoring, public advocacy and education. By publishing annual hu- man rights overviews, thematic reports
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights in Croatia
    Human Rights in Croatia: Overview of 2018 Publisher: Kuća ljudskih prava Zagreb (Human Rights House Zagreb) Selska cesta 112 a/c, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia www.kucaljudskihprava.hr Publisher represented by: Ivan Novosel Editorial board: Tina Đaković i Ivan Novosel Research team: Tea Dabić, Klara Horvat, Dženana Kalamujić, Sara Sharifi, Ivana Vejić Translated by: Hana Dvornik, Riječ i savjet (Word of Advice) Design and layout: radnja.hr Printed by: ACT Printlab d.o.o. Print-run: 300 ISSN: 1848-8994 Zagreb, March 2019 The Human Rights House Zagreb is a Knowledge Centre in the field of protection and promotion of human rights, within the framework of the Development Cooperation with the National Foundation for Civil Society Development. This publication was made possible by the financial support of the National Foundation for Civil Society Development. The content of this publication is the exclusive respon- sibility of the Human Rights House Zagreb and does not necessarily reflect the views of the National Foundation for Civil Society Development. The Human Rights House Zagreb is a human rights organ- isation established in 2008 as a network of civil society organisations with the goal of protecting and promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms. The HRH’s vision is to build a democratic, pluralist and inclusive society founded upon the values of human rights, the rule of law, social justice and solidarity. The HRH contributes to the protection, promotion, developing and advancing human rights and fundamental freedoms through research, mon- itoring, public advocacy and education. By publishing an- nual human rights reviews, thematic reports and petitions, we help to create better laws and public policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Idealism Or Realism in the Process of Eu Enlargement: the Case of Serbia
    East European Quarterly Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 265-289, December 2015 © Central European University 2015 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) IDEALISM OR REALISM IN THE PROCESS OF EU ENLARGEMENT: THE CASE OF SERBIA Aleksandra Cavoski Birmingham Law School University of Birmingham Abstract This article examines the ongoing process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union from a realist perspective. While much of the discourse surrounding European Union enlargement has celebrated the re-uniting of Europe, enlargement has been a success as it has mutually fulfilled the interests of EU member and accession countries. Thus, the motivation of Serbia as an accession country is to secure stability, modernization and economic growth. The process is best understood through a realist framework that can explain the motivations and incentives of actors. In this realist model EU member states are playing a two-level game where their interests are aggregated at the EU level. However, domestic constituencies and electorates in the EU have become less supportive of integration and enlargement. Furthermore, the key foreign policy challenges currently faced by the EU will not be resolved by enlargement. This questions its future utility for both member states and accession countries. Keywords: EU, Serbia, enlargement, accession, realism, two-level game Introduction The enlargement process has been described in rhetorical terms of reuniting Europe and restoring the continent undivided. However, the impetus of European Union (EU) accession in the case of Serbia has been driven by the interests of member states in a strategically important region. Similarly, the willingness of Serbia as a candidate country to undergo the rigors of the accession process is motivated by the understanding that accession will strengthen and consolidate a relatively weak state.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Events – a Brief History of Otpor PUBLISHED by CANVAS
    Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor PUBLISHED BY CANVAS Designed by Duda Nenad Petrovic RESISTANCE! Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor Chronology of Events – A Brief History of Otpor May 26, 1998 – University Act passed. November 4, 1998 – The concert organized by the ANEM (Association of Independent Electronic Media) under the October 20, 1998 – Media Act passed. slogan “It’s not like Serbs to be quiet” was held. Otpor ac- tivists launched a seven-day action “Resistance is the an- End of October 1998 – In response to the new Univer- swer”, within which they distributed flyers with provocative sity Act and Media Act, which were contrary to students’ questions relating to endless resignation and suffering of interests, the Student Movement Otpor was formed. all that we had been going through and slogans such as Among Otpor’s founders were Srdja Popovic, Slobodan “Bite the system, live the resistance”. Homen, Slobodan Djinovic, Nenad Konstantinovic, Vu- kasin Petrovic, Ivan Andric, Jovan Ratkovic, Andreja Sta- menokovic, Dejan Randjic, Ivan Marovic. The group was soon joined by Milja Jovanovic, Branko Ilic, Pedja Lecic, Sinisa Sikman, Vlada Pavlov from Novi Sad, Stanko La- zentic, Milan Gagic, Jelena Urosevic and Zoran Matovic from Kragujevac and Srdjan Milivojevic from Krusevac. In the beginning, among the core creators of Otpor were Bo- ris Karaicic, Miodrag Gavrilovic, Miroslav Hristodulo, Ras- tko Sejic, Aleksa Grgurevic and Aleksandar Topalovic, but they left the organization later. During this period, Nenad Petrovic, nicknamed Duda, a Belgrade-based designer, designed the symbol of Otpor – a clenched fist. In the night between November 2 and 3, 1998, four students were arrested for spraying the fist and slogans “Death to fascism” and “Resistance for freedom”: Teodo- ra Tabacki, Marina Glisic, Dragana Milinkovic and Nikola Vasiljevic.
    [Show full text]
  • Rights of People with Intellectual Disabilities in Croatia
    2005 Throughout Europe, people with intellectual disabilities face overwhel- Croatia Rights of People with Intellectual Disabilities ming stigma and prejudice and encounter significant barriers to realising their fundamental rights. EUMAP, the EU Monitoring and Advocacy Program of the Open Society Institute, in cooperation with the Open Society Mental Health Initiative, has monitored this situation in 14 countries throughout Europe, both EU members and candidate countries: Rights of People with Bulgaria; Croatia; the Czech Republic; Estonia; Greece; Hungary; Latvia; Lithuania; the Netherlands; Poland; Romania; Slovakia; Slovenia and the Intellectual Disabilities UK. Carried out by local experts and civil society groups, the monitoring focuses on the extent to which people with intellectual disabilities have Access to Education access to education and employment. This series of reports presents the findings of the monitoring and also makes recommendations for impro- and Employment ving the social inclusion of people with intellectual disabilities. The reports are also available at www.eumap.org. CROATIA Monitoring Report Hrvatska Prava osoba s intelektualnim tekoæama HRVATSKA Prava osoba s Diljem Europe osobe s intelektualnim tekoæama izrazito su stigmatizi- rane, suoèavaju se s predrasudama te nailaze na ogromne prepreke u intelektualnim tekoæama ostvarivanju svojih temeljnih prava. EUMAP, ( EU Program Monitoringa i zastupanja Instituta Otvoreno drutvo, u Pristup obrazovanju suradnji s Inicijativom za Mentalno zdravlje, pratio je poloaj ovih osoba u 14 zemalja Europe, kako èlanicama EU tako i zemljama kandidatki- i zapoljavanju njama: u Bugarskoj; Hrvatskoj; Èekoj; Estoniji; Grèkoj; Maðarskoj; Latviji; Litvi; Nizozemskoj; Poljskoj; Rumunjskoj; Slovaèkoj; Sloveniji i Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu). Monitoring kojeg su provodili lokalni struènjaci i organi- zacije civilnog drutva usredotoèen je na stvaran doseg pristupa ove skupi- ne osoba obrazovanju i zapoljavanju.
    [Show full text]
  • Illyrian Policy of Rome in the Late Republic and Early Principate
    ILLYRIAN POLICY OF ROME IN THE LATE REPUBLIC AND EARLY PRINCIPATE Danijel Dzino Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics University of Adelaide August 2005 II Table of Contents TITLE PAGE I TABLE OF CONTENTS II ABSTRACT V DECLARATION VI ACKNOWLEDGMENTS VII LIST OF FIGURES VIII LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS IX 1. Introduction, approaches, review of sources and secondary literature 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Rome and Illyricum (a short story) 2 1.3 Methodology 6 1.4.1 Illyrian policy of Rome in the context of world-system analysis: Policy as an interaction between systems 9 1.4.2 The Illyrian policy of Rome in the context of world-system analysis: Working hypothesis 11 1.5 The stages in the Roman Illyrian relationship (the development of a political/constitutional framework) 16 1.6 Themes and approaches: Illyricum in Roman historiography 18 1.7.1 Literature review: primary sources 21 1.7.2 Literature review: modern works 26 2. Illyricum in Roman foreign policy: historical outline, theoretical approaches and geography 2.1 Introduction 30 2.2 Roman foreign policy: Who made it, how and why was it made, and where did it stop 30 2.3 The instruments of Roman foreign policy 36 2.4 The place of Illyricum in the Mediterranean political landscape 39 2.5 The geography and ethnography of pre-Roman Illyricum 43 III 2.5.1 The Greeks and Celts in Illyricum 44 2.5.2 The Illyrian peoples 47 3. The Illyrian policy of Rome 167 – 60 BC: Illyricum - the realm of bifocality 3.1 Introduction 55 3.2 Prelude: the making of bifocality 56 3.3 The South and Central Adriatic 60 3.4 The North Adriatic 65 3.5 Republican policy in Illyricum before Caesar: the assessment 71 4.
    [Show full text]
  • BEYOND PROPAGANDA Exposing Falsehoods and Fake News TABLE of CONTENTS Features
    VOLUME 9, ISSUE 2, 2019 Journal of European Security and Defense Issues n BARRAGED BY DISINFORMATION n GUARDING AGAINST HOSTILE FORCES The Balkans are under assault Open discussions, a free press are key n SUBVERSION IN THE BALTICS PLUS Russia deploys its soft power How hybrid warfare destabilizes societies n THE KREMLIN’S INFORMATION WAR Countering false migration narratives Diverting attention from its own troubles Why the EU and NATO are prime targets BEYOND PROPAGANDA Exposing Falsehoods and Fake News TABLE OF CONTENTS features 10 Truth is the Best Medicine By Aleksandar Nacev, Ph.D., executive director, Center for Security Research Countering Russian propaganda in Macedonia. 18 Testing NATO Vulnerabilities By Irine Burduli, Georgia Ministry of Defence Russian soft power in the Baltics. 24 Making Russia Great Again? By Drew Ninnis, Ph.D., futures analyst, Department of Defence, Australia 10 Fake news and the future of the Federation. 32 Balkan Challenges By Jetish Jashari, Department of of Legal Issues and International Treaties, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kosovo Countering disinformation from Russia and radical Islamists. 40 The Scourge of Fake News By Judith Reid, Ph.D. Inoculating societies against propaganda. 48 Defending Against Hybrid Threats By Tamar Bazgadze Georgia needs institutional resilience in its national security decision-making. 56 Facing Migration By Rosław Jeżewski 18 Maintaining cohesive societies and countering false narratives. 24 32 departments in every issue 4 DIRECTOR’S LETTER 5 CONTRIBUTORS 7 VIEWPOINT 66 CALENDAR BOOK REVIEW 64 The Battle for Digital Supremacy Reviewed by per Concordiam Staff An examination of social media’s profound impact on conflicts in the 21st century.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil and Political Rights in Croatia
    Croatia Page 1 of 78 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS IN CROATIA Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch Copyright © October 1995 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 95-75413 ISBN 1-56432-148-7 Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch/Helsinki was established in 1978 to monitor and promote domestic and international compliance with the human rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords. It is affiliated with the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which is based in Vienna, Austria. Holly Cartner is the executive director; Erika Dailey, Rachel Denber, Ivana Nizich and Christopher Panico are research associates; Ivan Lupis is the research assistant; Anne Kuper, Alexander Petrov and Lenee Simon are associates. Jonathan Fanton is the chair of the advisory committee and Alice Henkin is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords.
    [Show full text]