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IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin 3 3 IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin JANUARY 2010 by N’Zita tiago, an exiled FLeC leader in Luanda, António Bembe blamed Angola: Cabinda’s living in Paris. Any violent clashes the attack on a group of criminals, were now regarded as acts of crimi- only to change his statement later by miscalculations nal groups and the FLeC ceased to accusing FLeC/FAC (Frente de Liber- be recognized. Beyond this self-as- tação do Enclave de Cabinda / Forças ANdRé MoNteiRo sured stance, the CAN was designed Armadas de Cabinda), based in Paris Researcher, iPRiS to symbolize national unity, peace under N’Zita tiago, of carrying out and progress, so the central govern- the attack. the attack was claimed Since the end of the civil war in 2002, ment wanted to promote Cabinda as a by another faction as well, the FLeC/ Angola has been well on its way to be- peaceful region freely integrated with PM (Frente de Libertação do Estado de coming a strong, stable and respect- the rest of the country. Cabinda / Posição Militar), led by Rod- able state led by the ruling MPLA the attack on the togo national team’s rigues Mingas, also living abroad. Party and, above all, the Presidency. bus in early January proved those pre- Although the attackers claimed they the legitimacy of these perceptions sumptions wrong. Worse, it highlight- had no intention of targeting foreign- is premised on the basic assumption ed that the situation in Cabinda was ers, they obviously knew who they that Angola lives in peace. However, never dealt with honestly. in trying to were attacking. this was meant to at- the end of a war and the beginning of portray a strong, united and peaceful tract foreign attention and it achieved peace do not always coincide. Angola, the government consistently its goals: a mostly unknown conflict the Coupe d’Afrique des Nations (CAN) downplayed security risks. However, for the last three-decades suddenly football tournament, held in January an analysis of the political and secu- vaulted onto the world’s front pages. in Angola, was meant to be the culmi- rity situation in the oil-rich province this obviously embarrassed the An- nation of eight years of peace, almost would never support such assertions. golan government, but it managed to like a collective catharsis and a golden Following the end of the civil war, the move forward with the tournament, opportunity to showcase the country government established military oc- even in Cabinda. to outsiders. Along with Luanda, Ben- cupation of the province and used the Luanda’s reaction was swift and guela and Lubango, the city of Cab- usual methods of bribing and co-op- strong. it sent in military reinforce- inda was selected to be a host of the tation to buy off potential adversaries. ments, arrested civil-rights cam- competition. Why choose Cabinda, an Moreover, it viewed one FLeC official paigners and urged France, where enclave besieged by a decades-long – António Bembe – as a spokesman FLeC leaders are exiled, to act against low-intensity separatist conflict? for the whole organization. it was pure these “terrorists”. it turned an em- on one hand, the central government wishful thinking to assume that FLeC, barrassing situation into an occasion did not acknowledge any tensions in which was formed in 1963 from three to be shown as a member of the fight the region. the conflict officially end- separate liberation movements, was against terrorism, with the blessing ed in 2006 when António Bembe, a a single and coordinated entity. of the international community, thus leader of the FLeC/Renovada (Frente indeed, at first the source of the attack managing to reinforce its internation- de Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda / on the togo bus was not clear. the al legitimacy. Renovada), signed a peace deal with Angolan military in the region identi- if the attack did cast a light on the Luanda, though this was denounced fied the attackers as FLeC members. Cabinda situation, this conflict will IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin | 2 soon return to the backburner. How- Bilateral relations between Russia and with several African countries. this is ever, Luanda should address Cab- many African countries have devel- why Russian President dmitry Medve- inda’s problems openly. it is clear that oped within the previous framework dev and more than 100 Russian busi- the province will never gain independ- of cooperation with the Soviet Union. nessmen were ‘on tour’ in Africa in the ence. Most critically, it holds the oil Beginning in the 1950’s, colonial Af- summer of 2009, targeting oil, gas, di- that guarantees the Presidency’s grip rica was transformed into an intense amonds and uranium, in a tour which over the country. Nonetheless, this ideological battleground between the included high profile meetings in An- should be no excuse to avoid address- ‘scientific socialism’ of the Soviets and gola, egypt, Namibia and Nigeria, the ing the legitimate grievances of the the open markets of the West, leading longest ever business mission in the people of Cabinda. if Angola aspires both blocs to support several anti-im- short history of the new Russia. to be a modern state, why not recog- perialist movements in the former eu- in Angola, Russia is fighting to capture nize the problem? Spain and the Unit- ropean colonies. Angola in particular market share alongside many emerg- ed Kingdom had similar separatist is- was the stage of ‘gives and takes’, a ing economies and older developed sues and managed to solve them, by continuous jockeying for influence be- ones. Although primarily concerned and large. Unless local development tween the two powers. today, the Rus- with resources, Russian investments is taken seriously, the government sian Federation, heir by default to the in Angola reach far beyond mineral is only handing arguments to FLeC various legacies of the Soviet Union, is wealth, directed at both state owned splinter cells to act violently. playing the West’s game, by entering and private Angolan companies. dur- Placing a stadium in the province did into capitalist competition in this post- ing the summer tour in 2009, both not solve anything. this was the most Cold War era. However, like any open Medvedev and Angolan President recent miscalculation in a series of market, African resources are subject José eduardo dos Santos made the errors, the gravest ones being hiding to fierce state competition, especially priorities for the future exceptionally the real issues and failing to address among the BRiC (Brazil, Russia, india clear: mining, energy, transportation, legitimate local concerns. Peace has and China) nations. telecommunications, military-techni- many faces, but those who have her- Russia and China are doomed to have cal cooperation, education and health. alded peace in Angola, both within conflicting geopolitical interests in of particular import was Medvedev’s and outside the country, may want to Africa, as the two countries have an US$300 million loan to support the think twice. economic expansionist agenda and Angolan Satellite Communications colossal financial reserves to invest in System (Angosat) project, one way in the continent’s economy. While Rus- which Russia has sought to surpass sia intends to expand its investments its competitors. by focusing primarily on resources, But where there is smoke, there might China views the exploitation of these be incendiary fires. Russia and China’s markets as inevitable, as its soil is immense cash reserves could prove to BRICing Angola: deprived of resources and its domes- have devastating effects in a country tic market famished. one of the core with one of the highest corruption lev- Russia steps in reasons for Russian interest in Africa els in all of Africa. Ranking 142nd out of is to safeguard its market shares in 163 countries in transparency inter- the european gas sector. By invest- national’s Corruption index, a massive VASCo MARtiNS ing in Nigeria, Russia’s state-owned inflow of capital into Angola would Gazprom is eager to check europe’s further perpetuate this disastrous way Researcher, iPRiS political attempts to avoid a situation of conducting business – especially of gas dependency on Russia. invest- in an open market – and continue to in 1999 while still in office, Yevgeny ment in the future trans-Saharan gas submerge the country in debilitat- Primakov, one of Boris Yeltsin’s prime pipeline, which is planned to pump ing corruption. Notwithstanding Rus- ministers and the predecessor of gas from Nigeria to Algeria and from sia’s same predisposition for corrup- Vladimir Putin, an avid proponent of there to europe, will allow Moscow to tion, private investment between both multilateralism, advocated a doctrine reinforce its position as a major sup- countries could become a haven for based on the countering of U.S. hege- plier of gas and control part of this mismanaged funds and resource ex- mony and the expansion of Russian new supply. ploitation without any practical gains influence towards the Middlee ast and But Russia’s overall trade with Africa to each country’s civil society. the former Soviet countries. ten years is minimal compared with China’s. in- Angola is not choosing any political later, the Kremlin is attempting to re- deed, African countries might not be sides and nor are its investors. While assert itself as a global actor and to very enthusiastic about making deals opening its markets to autocratic Chi- expand its influence further afield, to with Russia when the three other BRiC na and Russia, oil-rich Angola main- the resource-rich lands of Africa. nations have held high-level summits tains a “business as usual” stance IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin | 3 with all the other Western democra- interconnected ways: first, promot- investments from private Brazilian cies.
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