Chile: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
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Notes on the Ontology of Design
Notes on the Ontology of Design Arturo Escobar University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Contents 1. Introduction ………………………………………………………. ……….. 2 2. Part I. Design for the Real World: But which world? what design? what real? ………………………….. …. 4 3. Part II. In the background of our culture: The rationalistic tradition and the problem of ontological dualism……… 16 4. Part III. Outline of ontological and autonomous design ……………….. 34 5. Part IV. The politics of relationality. Designs for the pluriverse ………. 57 6. Some provisional concluding remarks ………………………………….. 74 7. References ………………………………………………………………….. 78 Note to readers: This ‘paper’ ended up being actually the draft of a short book; the book is likely to have one more chapter, dealing with globalization, development, and environment issues; it is also likely to have examples, and to be written in a less academic manner, or so I hope. I’ve had several tentative titles over the past few years, the most recent one being The Ecological Crisis and the Question of Civilizational Transitions: Designs for the Pluriverse. I’ve been reading, and working with, most of this material for a long time, but some of it is new (to me); this is particularly true for Part I on design. I suspect the text is quite uneven as a result. Part IV is largely cut-and-paste from several texts in English and Spanish, particularly the long preface to the 2nd ed. of Encountering Development. This part will need additional re/writing besides editing and reorganizing. The references are somewhat incomplete; there are a few key design references of which I have been made aware very recently that are not, or not significantly, included (e.g., on participatory design, postcolonial computing, and human-computer interaction). -
1 DRAFT: Please Do Not Cite Without Permission Prepared for the 2018
DRAFT: Please do not cite without permission Prepared for the 2018 WPSA Meeting, San Francisco, CA, March 29-31, 2018 Resolving a Participatory Dilemma in Chile Nancy D. Lapp CSU Sacramento1 “I was wrong… I thought that there was a greater civic spirit but the evidence is that they voted because it was obligatory” -Chilean President Michele Bachelet, December 20172 Introduction During her first term in office, Chilean president Michele Bachelet approved of a law that solved a long-time dilemma: that since the end of the Pinochet regime, voting had remained compulsory, while voter registration was voluntary. While this situation had been universally condemned, a resolution took over twenty years to achieve. Modeling the problem, albeit loosely, as a Prisoner’s Dilemma helps illustrate the difficulty as well as how the stalemate was broken. In brief, changing the system necessitated two steps: changing voter registration and changing compulsory voting. The two major party coalitions each feared the worst possible 1 Early versions of this article have been presented at the Western Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Oakland, March 17-19, 2005 and at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, PA, August 30th-September 3, 2006. Research support included a summer research grant from the UCLA Latin American Center, funds from the CSUS Center for Teaching and Learning, and the CSUS Political Science Department (formerly Government Department). 2 CNN Chile, “Michelle Bachelet por voto voluntario: ‘Yo me equivoqué’” December 17, 2017 Http://www.cnnchile.com <accessed Dec. 30, 2017> This and other translations done by the autor. -
South America List of Political Parties
Manifesto Project Dataset: South America List of Political Parties [email protected] Website: https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ Version 2017b from December 11, 2017 Manifesto Project Dataset: South America - List of Political Parties Version 2017b 1 Coverage of the Dataset including Party Splits and Merges The Manifesto Data Collection: South America covers parliamentary and presidential elections in South America. The following list documents all the parties, candidates and elections contained in the dataset. The list includes the name of the party or (candidate) alliance in the original language and in English, the party/alliance abbreviation, the name of the presidential candidate (if this applies) as well as the corresponding party identification number. In the case of an alliance, it also documents the member parties it comprises. Within the list of alliance members, parties are represented only by their id and abbreviation if they are also part of the general party list. If the composition of an alliance has changed between elections this change is reported as well. If parliamentary and presidential elections occur at roughly the same time (not necessarily on the same date but within a time frame of one or two months) parties and candidates usually run on the same manifesto. In these cases we report the party/alliance that backed a candidate and the candidate’s name. The same information is provided for presidential elections. If a parliamentary election occurred independently from a presidential election we only report parties and alliances but no candidates. Furthermore, the list records renames of parties and alliances. It shows whether a party has split from another party or a number of parties has merged and indicates the name (and the party id if it exists) of this split or merger parties. -
Algunos Responsables De La Represión En Chile. Juan
Algunos responsables de de la represión en Chile Juan Montecino. Estas 38 personas son requeridas por delitos de genocidio, terrorismo, torturas y detención ilegal seguida de desaparición. Ante la gravedad de las imputaciones, los querellantes piden al juez que se decrete prisión provisional sin fianza y se dicte, a través de Interpol, una orden internacional de busca y captura en contra de las personas nombradas en la lista. Sergio Arredondo González: Teniente coronel del Ejército chileno en 1973. Formó parte de la "Caravana de la Muerte," comitiva militar que en octubre de 1973 viajó en helicóptero a Los Cauquenes, La Serena, Copiapó, Antofagasta y Calama, donde dio muerte a 72 presos políticos. Detenido unos días en los EE.UU. en agosto de 1987, tras una petición de familiares de ejecutados políticos. Entre 1976 y 1978 fue agregado militar en Brasil. Según la investigación de la periodista Patricia Verdugo, Arredondo habría sido el encargado de la DINA-Brasil y hombre importante en el aparato exterior de la DINA. Compañero de curso de Manuel Contreras. Sergio Arellano Stark: General del Ejército en 1973 de tendencia politica DC . Comandó la "Caravana de la Muerte" que ejecutó a 72 presos políticos en el norte de Chile. Eugenio Ruiz Tagle Orrego y primo del Presidente Frei Ruiz Tagle , gerente de Inacesa en Antofagasta hasta el golpe militar, fue una de las 72 víctimas de la comitiva comandada por Arellano Stark. El 21 de octubre, la madre de Ruiz Tagle Orrego vio el cadáver de su hijo en el ataúd:"Le faltaba un ojo, el izquierdo. -
The Voices of the Disappeared: Politicide in Argentina and Chile
THE VOICES OF THE DISAPPEARED: POLITICIDE IN ARGENTINA AND CHILE A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Evin Hessel December, 2019 i ii ii Thesis written by Evin Hessel Approved by _____________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Anthropology Accepted by ___________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………...…….....iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………….vi CHAPTERS I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...………1 i. Chile……………………………………………………...………..2 ii. Argentina…………………………………………………………..6 iii. Genocide or Politicide?..................................................................10 iv. Morality…………………………………………………………..12 II. THE ABDUCTED………………………………………………………….…....16 i. Secret Detention Centers……………………..…………….…….19 III. TORTURE……………………………………………………………………….24 i. Medical Involvement…………………………………………….28 ii. Anti-Semitism…………………………………………...……….30 IV. EXECUTION ……………………………………………………………………32 V. DISPOSAL………………………………………………………………………39 i. Mass Graves……………………………………………………...41 ii. Death Flights……………………………………………………..44 iii. Other Methods…………………………………………...………45 VI. THE AFTERMATH……………………………………………………………..48 i. The Fall of Pinochet……………………………………………..48 ii. Videla Steps Down………………………………………………51 iii. Excavations………………………………………………………53 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………..56 i. Politicide -
Centros De Detencion, Prision Politica Y Tortura. Vii Region
CHILE 1973 - 1990: CENTROS DE DETENCION, PRISION POLITICA Y TORTURA. VII REGION VII Región - MAULE Antigua Biblioteca de Talca (VII Región) Cárcel de Cauquenes (VII Región) Cárcel de Chanco (VII Región) Cárcel de Constitución (VII Región) Cárcel de Curicó (Curicó; VII Región) Cárcel de Linares (Linares; VII Región) Cárcel de Molina (VII Región) Cárcel de Parral (Parral; VII Región) Cárcel de San Javier (VII Región) Cárcel de Talca (Talca; VII Región) Casa de Parral, Carrera Pinto No 262 (VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Constitución; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Curicó; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Linares; VII Región) Casa el Buen Pastor (Talca; VII Región) Casa en Camino a Los Niches (VII Región) Colonia Dignidad (Parral; VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 1, Constitución (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 1, Linares (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 3, Talca (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros Nº 4, Talca (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros "Armando Alarcón del Canto" (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Cauquenes (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Chanco (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Curepto (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Curicó (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Licantén (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Linares (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Molina (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Panimávida (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Parral (Parral; VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Romeral (VII Región) Comisaría de Carabineros, Sagrada Familia (VII Región) -
9789566095170.Pdf
1 2 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) 3 4 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) Olga Ulianova, Alessandro Santoni, Raffaele Nocera 5 Un protagonismo recobrado: la Democracia Cristiana chilena y sus vínculos internacionales (1973-1990) Olga Ulianova, Alessandro Santoni, Raffaele Nocera ISBN: 978-956-6095-17-0 Santiago de Chile, junio 2021 Primera edición https://doi.org/10.26448/ae9789566095170.3 Fotografía de portada: propiedad de Casa Museo Eduardo Frei Montalva, entidad a la que agradecemos la deferencia Diseño portada: Matías Villa Gestión editorial: Ariadna Ediciones http://ariadnaediciones.cl/ Obra bajo Licencia Creative Commons Atribución by Este libro cuenta con el auspicio del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Santiago de Chile 6 Índice Agradecimientos………………...………………………....………9 Prólogo……………………………………………………………11 Introducción…...…………………………………………………13 Capítulo I Los años del aislamiento, 1973-75 El Partido Demócrata Cristiano después del golpe…………………25 Las tensiones con la DC italiana y la UMDC……………………….27 La posición de la CDU alemana……………………………………39 Estados Unidos, la financiación al PDC y la gira a Europa…………46 Un partido dividido. La acción del ala disidente…………………….51 Capítulo II El giro hacia la oposición, 1975-77 El PDC bajo la represión………...…………………………………57 La reanudación de las relaciones con la DC italiana….……………...59 La batalla por los Derechos Humanos y la relación con EE.UU……64 -
The Assassin Next Door © 1999 New Times Inc
The Assassin Next Door © 1999 New Times Inc. All rights reserved. November 18 - 24, 1999 Chile's infamous undercover operative Armando Fernandez Larios has lived a quiet life in Miami. But his past is about to catch up with him. By Douglas Grant Mine URL: http://www.miaminewtimes.com/issues/1999-11-18/feature.html After more than a decade of suburban, middle-class existence in a Kendall condominium, Armando Fernandez Larios has lately felt obliged to resume his secret-agent ways. The former undercover operative for Chile's National Intelligence Directorate in the bloody postcoup years of the mid-Seventies does not live where he says he lives, and the corporation he set up to provide himself an occupation does nothing at all. His home telephone number does not ring at his house but relays calls to a cell phone. Answering that phone, a man with a Chilean accent responds to the salutation, "Señor Fernandez?" by asking who is calling, then invariably saying that Señor Fernandez is out of town. His Miami lawyer says Fernandez works at an auto-body repair shop, though he won't name the establishment. If it's true he is in the business of repairing damaged automobiles, and if you believe life finds winding ways to exhibit an odd sort of congruence, such a thing would credit your hypothesis. For 23 years ago Armando Fernandez Larios helped blow up a car, a sky-blue Chevrolet Chevelle, as it drove through traffic a few blocks from the White House in Washington, D.C., in the only assassination of a foreign diplomat ever to take place on U.S. -
Abstracts of Plenaries WOSC 2014
Our self-organising world: from disruption to reparation Systems and cybernetics applied to technology, design, governance and power Keynote Abstracts and Congress Schedule Dear All, WOSC 2014 will offer both strong foci on systemic thinking and on structures for effective policy processes. It is more than 40 years since Fernando Flores invited Stafford Beer to work with the Chilean Government in the implementation of a democratic socialist economy. Beer created Project Cybersyn in the context of Allende’s Chile. In addition to introducing his work to a young generation of local scientists and professionals he made of Norbert Weiner and Ross Ashby familiar names. In parallel to Beer’s work Humberto Maturana was working from the Universidad de Chile, in collaboration with Francisco Varela, the theory of autopoiesis. Heinz von Foerster, father of second order cybernetics, joined them during part of this period. These are all names shaping the contributions to WOSC 2014. Beer’s vision of the early 1970s, particularly his vision of an economy in real-time, has grown in maturity, not only through the extraordinary technological developments of the past four decades but also through the increasing relevance of cybernetics as an applied epistemology to governance. Together with the extraordinary potentials of digital technology in real-time, the epistemologies of systemic embodiment, ecological networks, organisational closure, self-organisation offer new insights and avenues to deal with the driving topic of this Congress: “Our Self- organising World: from disruption to reparation”. This narrative is offered by the following contributions of our keynote speakers. Abstracts for Plenaries 1. Fernando Flores An Encounter with Cybernetics in the Chile of the 1970's: A personal story In the Chile of the early 1970's I had the opportunity to work with Stafford Beer in the Cybersyn project. -
Fernando Flores Wants to Make You an Offer
Published: November 24, 2009 / Winter 2009 / Issue 57 Thought Leaders Fernando Flores Wants to Make You an Offer Having moved from political prisoner to cognitive scientist to Chilean senator, this uncompromising philosopher of communication is now educating business leaders for the world of social media. by Lawrence M. Fisher Spend any time with Fernando Flores and he will assess you. He may make an offer, which you are free to accept or decline. If you accept, he will make a commitment to fulfill his promise. These simple words, or “speech acts,” form the vocabulary of a set of practices that he has deployed across three continents. Their purpose is to help organizations realize improvements in productivity, coordination, and culture — by codifying and making effective the directives and agreements at the core of business conversation. Call it “commitment-based management,” “conversations for action,” or “ontological design”; Flores has used all three terms, never quite settling on a single name for his special blend of philosophy, neuroscience, and linguistics. His ideas may be rooted in dense texts most people don’t touch outside grad school, but companies as diverse as IBM, ABB, and the Mexican construction materials giant Cemex have found Flores’s insights quite useful in practice. But wait a minute; espérate. Who is Fernando Flores? Cue the biopic movie trailer and it’s 1970. An engineer, just 27 Fernando Flores in Viña del Mar, on the Chilean coast. Photographs by Tomás Munita years old, is tapped by Salvador Allende, Chile’s democratically elected socialist president, to be minister of finance. -
Curriculum Vitae, January, 1997
CURRICULUM VITAE PETER M. SIAVELIS February 2015 Department of Politics and International Affairs Tel. (336)-758-5451 Wake Forest University Box 7568 Fax (336) 758-6104 Kirby Hall 308 E-mail: [email protected] Winston-Salem, NC 27109-7568 Homepage: http://college.wfu.edu/politics/siavelis/ ResearchGate Profile: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Peter_Siavelis Google Scholar Profile: http://scholar.google.com/citations?user=HGTSACIAAAAJ&hl=en ACADEMIC APPOINTMENTS Professor, Department of Politics and International Affairs, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC (8/11-present). Associate Professor, Department of Politics and International Affairs, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC (8/02-present). Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and International Affairs, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC (8/96-7/02). Adjunct Assistant Professor of Government, Government Department, Georgetown University, Washington, DC (12/95-5/96). Lecturer, Government Department, Georgetown University, Washington, DC (5/94- 12/95). ADMINISTRATIVE APOINTMENTS Interim Chair, Political Science and International Affairs Department, Wake Forest University (7/14-6/15). Director, Latin American and Latino Studies Program, Wake Forest University (7/09- Present). Director, Wake Forest Santiago Study Abroad Program, Santiago, Chile (7/09-Present). Acting Director, Latin American Studies Program (Summer 2006). Director, Wake Forest University/Georgetown University Five Year BA/MA Joint Degree Program in Latin American Studies (1/97-Present). VISITING APPOINTMENTS Visiting Researcher, Area de Ciencia Política y de la Administración de la Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain (July 2008). 1 February 2015 2002007 Visiting Professor, Departamento de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Programa de Doctorado, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain (Summer 2006). Visiting Professor, Institute of Political Science, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile (3/92-7/93). -
The Defeat of the Concertación Coalition and the Alternation of Power in Chile (ARI)
Area: Latin America ARI 23/2010 (Translated from Spanish) Date: 5/3/2010 The Defeat of the Concertación Coalition and the Alternation of Power in Chile (ARI) Carlos Huneeus * Theme: The second round of the Chilean elections on 17 January 2010 handed victory to the opposition, putting an end to a run of four governments led by the centre-left Concertación por la Democracia coalition, in power since the end of the military regime of General Augusto Pinochet (1973-90). This is hugely significant because it signals the return of the right wing to the La Moneda presidential palace after no less than 52 years. Summary: In the second round of the elections held on 17 January 2010, Senator Eduardo Frei of the Christian Democrats (Democracia Cristiana, PDC), former President (1994-2000) and Concertación coalition candidate, was defeated by Sebastián Piñera of the National Renewal Party (Renovación Nacional, RN), leader of the centre-right Coalition for Change (Coalición por el Cambio), also encompassing the Independent Democratic Union (Unión Demócrata Independiente, UDI). Piñera received 51.6% of the vote, vs Frei’s 48.39%. In the first round on 13 December 2009, coinciding with the parliamentary elections, Piñera obtained 44% of the vote and Frei a low 29.6%, followed by the independent candidate Marco Enríquez-Ominami, with 20.1% and Jorge Arrate, backed by the Communist Party (PC), with 6.2%. The latter two had to leave the Socialist Party (PS) to compete for the Presidency. In the parliamentary elections, the Concertación coalition obtained a poor showing of 40.3%, a slump vs the results of the previous poll in 2005 (51.7%).