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'New Era' Should Have Ended US Debate on Beijing's Ambitions
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on “A ‘China Model?’ Beijing’s Promotion of Alternative Global Norms and Standards” March 13, 2020 “How Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’ Should Have Ended U.S. Debate on Beijing’s Ambitions” Daniel Tobin Faculty Member, China Studies, National Intelligence University and Senior Associate (Non-resident), Freeman Chair in China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies Senator Talent, Senator Goodwin, Honorable Commissioners, thank you for inviting me to testify on China’s promotion of alternative global norms and standards. I am grateful for the opportunity to submit the following statement for the record. Since I teach at National Intelligence University (NIU) which is part of the Department of Defense (DoD), I need to begin by making clear that all statements of fact and opinion below are wholly my own and do not represent the views of NIU, DoD, any of its components, or of the U.S. government. You have asked me to discuss whether China seeks an alternative global order, what that order would look like and aim to achieve, how Beijing sees its future role as differing from the role the United States enjoys today, and also to address the parts played respectively by the Party’s ideology and by its invocation of “Chinese culture” when talking about its ambitions to lead the reform of global governance.1 I want to approach these questions by dissecting the meaning of the “new era for socialism with Chinese characteristics” Xi Jinping proclaimed at the Communist Party of China’s 19th National Congress (afterwards “19th Party Congress”) in October 2017. -
A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and the Dangers of Shamelessness
religions Article Article Article A ConfucianA Confucian Defense Defense of Shame: of Shame: Morality, Morality, Self-Cultivation, Self-Cultivation, A Confucian Defense of Shame: Morality, Self-Cultivation, and theand Dangers the Dangers of Shamelessness of Shamelessness and the Dangers of Shamelessness Mark BerksonMark Berkson Mark Berkson Department of Religion,Department Hamline of Religion, University, Hamline St. Paul, University, MN 55104, St. USA;Paul, [email protected] 55104, USA; [email protected] Department of Religion, Hamline University, St. Paul, MN 55104, USA; [email protected] Abstract: ManyAbstract: philosophers Many and philosophers scholars in and the scholars West have in the a negative West have view a negative of shame. view In muchof shame. In much of Abstract: Many philosophers and scholars in the West have a negative view of shame.of post-classical In much ofpost-classical Western ethical Western thought, ethical shame thought, is compared shame is negativelycompared negatively with guilt, with as shame guilt, isas shame is asso- post-classical Western ethical thought, shame is compared negatively with guilt, asassociated shame is asso- withciated the “outer”, with the how “outer”, one appears how one before appears others before (and othe thusrs is (and merely thus a is matter merely of a “face”), matter of “face”), and ciated with the “outer”, how one appears before others (and thus is merely a matterand of “face”), guilt is and associatedguilt is associated with the “inner”with the realm “inner” of therealm conscience of the conscience and soul. and Anthropologists soul. Anthropologists and and philoso- guilt is associated with the “inner” realm of the conscience and soul. -
China's Place in Philology: an Attempt to Show That the Languages of Europe and Asia Have a Common Origin
CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT Of CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF IB76 1918 Cornell University Library P 201.E23 China's place in phiiologyian attempt toI iPii 3 1924 023 345 758 CHmi'S PLACE m PHILOLOGY. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023345758 PLACE IN PHILOLOGY; AN ATTEMPT' TO SHOW THAT THE LANGUAGES OP EUROPE AND ASIA HAVE A COMMON OKIGIIS". BY JOSEPH EDKINS, B.A., of the London Missionary Society, Peking; Honorary Member of the Asiatic Societies of London and Shanghai, and of the Ethnological Society of France, LONDON: TRtJBNEE & CO., 8 aito 60, PATEENOSTER ROV. 1871. All rights reserved. ft WftSffVv PlOl "aitd the whole eaeth was op one langtta&e, and of ONE SPEECH."—Genesis xi. 1. "god hath made of one blood axl nations of men foe to dwell on all the face of the eaeth, and hath detee- MINED the ITMTIS BEFOEE APPOINTED, AND THE BOUNDS OP THEIS HABITATION." ^Acts Xvil. 26. *AW* & ju€V AiQionas fiereKlaOe tij\(J6* i6j/ras, AiOioiras, rol Si^^a SeSafarat effxarot av8p&Vf Ol fiiv ivffofievov Tireplovos, oi S' avdv-rof. Horn. Od. A. 22. TO THE DIRECTORS OF THE LONDON MISSIONAEY SOCIETY, IN EECOGNITION OP THE AID THEY HAVE RENDERED TO EELIGION AND USEFUL LEAENINO, BY THE RESEARCHES OP THEIR MISSIONARIES INTO THE LANGUAOES, PHILOSOPHY, CUSTOMS, AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS, OP VARIOUS HEATHEN NATIONS, ESPECIALLY IN AFRICA, POLYNESIA, INDIA, AND CHINA, t THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. -
On Hegel's Conception of Modern Philosophy
PROBLEMI INTERNATIONAL,The ATEIZEMTime vol. 4,of 2020; Philosophy PROBLEMI, vol. 58, no. 11-12, 2020 © Society for Theoretical Psychoanalysis The Time of Philosophy: On Hegel’s Conception of Modern Philosophy Zdravko Kobe In the Preface to the Elements of the Philosophy of Right, Hegel included a couple of iconic formulations, which have agitated his readers ever since. As regards the relationship between phi- losophy and its time, he famously referred to the now proverbial figure of Minerva’s owl: When philosophy paints its grey in grey, a shape of life has grown old, and it cannot be rejuvenated, but only recognized, by the grey in grey; the owl of Minerva begins its flight only with the onset of dusk. (GW 14, p. 16; EPR, p. 23)1 But nothing compares to the notorious Doppelsatz: What is rational is actual; and what is actual is rational. (GW 14, p. 14; EPR, p. 20) The two quotations are often read as Hegel’s vindication of philosophical quietism and conformism. Since every philosophy is “its time comprehended in thought,” and since it appears “only 1 In general, Hegel’s works are cited here according to the reference editions Gesammelte Werke (Hegel 1968f.) and Vorlesungen (Hegel 1983f.), whereas the letters are cited according to the Hoffmeister edition (Hegel 1952f.). The available English translations are used and cited after the semicolon. 73 Zdravko Kobe at a time when actuality has […] attained its completed state,” philosophy simply cannot turn its gaze to the future, let alone assume any significant role in transforming the world. Quite the contrary, by comprehending what is, philosophy is bound to ac- knowledge the rationality of the actual, to bring about reconcili- ation with it, and as such, to conform to the existing order. -
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021 Xi Jinping Comrades and friends, Today, the first of July, is a great and solemn day in the history of both the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese nation. We gather here to join all Party members and Chinese people of all ethnic groups around the country in celebrating the centenary of the Party, looking back on the glorious journey the Party has traveled over 100 years of struggle, and looking ahead to the bright prospects for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. To begin, let me extend warm congratulations to all Party members on behalf of the CPC Central Committee. On this special occasion, it is my honor to declare on behalf of the Party and the people that through the continued efforts of the whole Party and the entire nation, we have realized the first centenary goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This means that we have brought about a historic resolution to the problem of absolute poverty in China, and we are now marching in confident strides toward the second centenary goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects. This is a great and glorious accomplishment for the Chinese nation, for the Chinese people, and for the Communist Party of China! Comrades and friends, The Chinese nation is a great nation. With a history of more than 5,000 years, China has made indelible contributions to the progress of human civilization. -
Decoding China's Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia
freeman chair in china studies Decoding China’s Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia By Christopher K. Johnson Contributing Authors: Ernest Z. Bower, Victor D. Cha, Michael J. Green, and Matthew P. Goodman May 5, 2014 Principal Investigator: Mr. Christopher K. Johnson Senior Advisor and Freeman Chair in China Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 775-7321 Email: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The course charted by China’s reemergence as a great power over the next few decades represents the primary strategic challenge for the U.S.-Japan security alliance and for the East Asian security landscape writ large. If China’s economic, military, and geopolitical influence continues to rise at even a modest pace during this period, we will witness the largest shift in the global distribution of power since the rise of the United States in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. And, if China in the next 10-15 years surpasses the United States in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms as the world largest economy, it will mark the first time in centuries that the world’s economic leader will be non-English speaking, non- Western, and non-democratic. Of course, these are some pretty big ifs. To stay on the path toward realizing this new global balance of power, China’s leaders will have to successfully navigate the many challenges they face both at home and abroad. They will have to demonstrate sufficient foresight and flexibility to respond to immediate tactical concerns while always staying mindful of their geostrategic long game. -
National People's Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No.14 National People’s Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession Lyman Miller At its annual meeting in March 2005, China’s parliament formally transferred former top leader Jiang Zemin’s last official post to his successor Hu Jintao. The transfer completes an unprecedented process of orderly leadership succession that began two and a half years ago. Since the National People’s Congress (NPC), Jiang has assumed a nearly invisible public posture consistent with those of other retired elders among the Chinese leadership. Meanwhile, Hu has been depicted as moving carefully in new policy directions while maintaining continuity with the policies associated with Jiang Zemin. During the March 5–14, 2005, third annual session of the 10th National People’s Congress, Jiang Zemin formally resigned as chairman of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Central Military Commission (CMC), his last official post. 1 On March 8, the NPC accepted a letter of resignation from Jiang, and on March 13 Hu Jintao was elected by the full NPC session to replace him. Hu’s succession as chairman of the PRC CMC completes the transfer of the top party, state, and military leadership positions previously held by Jiang Zemin that began at the 16th Party Congress in November 2002. At the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee’s First Plenum the day after the party congress closed, Hu was elected party general secretary. At the 10th NPC’s first annual session in March 2003, he assumed Jiang’s post as PRC president, the top state post in the Chinese political order. -
Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: the Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative
OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 About the Ash Center The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. The Ford Foundation is a founding donor of the Center. Additional information about the Ash Center is available at ash.harvard.edu. This research paper is one in a series published by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innova- tion at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The views expressed in the Ash Center Policy Occasional Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series are intended to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. About the Author Jason Wu is a J.D. candidate at Harvard Law School and an A.M. graduate from the Regional Studies: East Asia program at Harvard University. -
The Political Economy of Chinese State Capitalism
The Political Economy of Chinese State Capitalism Li Xing and Timothy M. Shaw∗ Abstract: The paper intends to provide a framework of understanding the political economy of Chinese state capitalism in which China transformed from an economy owned and controlled by the state to one supervised and regulated by the state in combination with market mechanisms. It explores how China is able to combine political, economic and socio- cultural innovations in developing state capitalism with “Chinese characteristics”. It argues that the uniqueness of Chinese state capitalism can be conceptualized from the perspectives of: 1) understanding China as a “civilization-state” (vis-à-vis Western “nation-state”) that has a unique type of political culture and rationality; 2) examining the resilient capacity of Chinese culture and the Chinese party-state in sinicizing and internalizing foreign ideas and practices; 3) analyzing the Chinese state-market relationship in which institutional innovations, commodification of state power, and marketization of public resource play a positive role in securing a certain level of state-market-society embeddedness. But the paper also indicates the potential challenges and limitations of Chinese state capitalism. Introduction One of the puzzling questions facing many scholars of social sciences and especially those engaged in Chinese studies is how to comprehend and interpret China’s historical transformations shaped by fundamental changes and great successes in the past three decades. What are the internal driving forces and the external influences behind these transformations? There is a general consensus that China’s success in moving from an economy owned and controlled by the state (state socialism) to one supervised and regulated by the state through combining legal means with market mechanisms cannot be achieved without an active role by the Chinese state in attaining macro-policy independence and socio-political stability. -
China As a "Cyber Great Power": Beijing's Two Voices In
SECURITY, STRATEGY, AND ORDER APRIL 2021 CHINA AS A “CYBER GREAT POWER” BEIJING’S TWO VOICES IN TELECOMMUNICATIONS RUSH DOSHI, EMILY DE LA BRUYÈRE, NATHAN PICARSIC, AND JOHN FERGUSON CHINA AS A “CYBER GREAT POWER” BEIJING’S TWO VOICES IN TELECOMMUNICATIONS RUSH DOSHI, EMILY DE LA BRUYÈRE, NATHAN PICARSIC, AND JOHN FERGUSON EXECUTIVE SUMMARY External Chinese government and commercial messaging on information technology (IT) speaks in one voice. Domestically, one hears a different, second voice. The former stresses free markets, openness, collaboration, and interdependence, themes that suggest Huawei and other Chinese companies ought to be treated like other global private sector actors and welcomed into foreign networks. Meanwhile, domestic Chinese government, commercial, and academic discourse emphasizes the limits of free markets and the dangers of reliance on foreign technologies — and, accordingly, the need for industrial policy and government control to protect technologies, companies, and networks. Domestic Chinese discourse also indicates that commercial communication networks, including telecommunications systems, might be used to project power and influence offensively; that international technical standards offer a means with which to cement such power and influence; and — above all — that IT architectures are a domain of zero-sum competition. That external Chinese government and corporate messaging might be disingenuous is by no means a novel conclusion. However, the core differences between that messaging and Chinese internal discussion on IT remain largely undocumented — despite China’s increasing development of and influence over international IT infrastructures, technologies, and norms. This report seeks to fill that gap, documenting the tension between external and internal Chinese discussions on telecommunications, as well as IT more broadly. -
Threats to the US Research Enterprise: China's Talent Recruitment
United States Senate PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Rob Portman, Chairman Tom Carper, Ranking Member Threats to the U.S. Research Enterprise: China’s Talent Recruitment Plans STAFF REPORT PERMANENT SUBCOMMITTEE ON INVESTIGATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE Threats to the U.S. Research Enterprise: China’s Talent Recruitment Plans TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................. 1 II. FINDINGS OF FACT AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................... 7 III. BACKGROUND ................................................................................................ 14 A. China’s Goal to be the Science and Technology Leader by 2050 .................. 14 1. From Brain Drain to Brain Gain .............................................................. 15 2. China’s Systematic Targeting of Critical Technologies ........................... 17 3. China’s Military-Civilian Fusion Strategy .............................................. 18 4. China’s Strategic Plan for Talent Recruitment ....................................... 20 B. Congressional Testimony on Chinese Talent Recruitment Plans ................ 30 C. China Deletes References to the Thousand Talents Plan ............................. 32 D. After Implementation of Talent Recruitment Plans, More Chinese Students, Researchers, and Scientists are Returning to China .................................... 35 IV. EFFORTS TO SECURE U.S. RESEARCH ................................................. -
How Companies Perpetuate and Resist Chinese Government Censorship ∗
How Companies Perpetuate and Resist Chinese Government Censorship ∗ Jennifer Pany Tongtong Zhangz February 11, 2020 Please click here for the most up-to-date version of this paper Abstract Given China’s growing market power, can firms operating in China resist govern- ment pressures to censor political dissent? Firms were once regarded as a potential catalyst for authoritarian breakdown, but recent research suggests they can bolster authoritarian rule. We theorize that the material incentives of firms can lead them to perpetuate government censorship but also to resist pressures to penalize dissent. We test this theory with two large-scale experiments that measure how diverse firms operating in China penalize job candidates for dissent. We find that despite the lure of the Chinese market, firms operating in China do not converge in their behavior. Although candidates who express dissent are less likely to receive a callback than those who express political loyalty, the largest proportion of employers do not penal- ize dissent, and some employers favor candidates who express dissent because they believe dissenters have valuable characteristics and knowledge. Keywords: censorship, dissent, firms, experiment, China Word Count: 9,078 ∗Our thanks to Haotian Bu, Luchi He, Shixian Li, Lin Liu, Yongbo Liu, Beibei Tan, Xuewei Tian, Tianyi Wang, Yue Wang, Qiushi Yin, Ni Zeng, Kan Zhang, and many others for superb research assistance; David Broockman, Daniel Butler, Alex Coppock, Charles Crabtree, Ana De La O, Donald Green, Jens Hainmeuller, Gregory Huber, Shanto Iyengar, Holger Kern, Gary King, Peter Lorentzen, Eddy Malesky, Neil Malhotra, Kristin Michelitch, Brendan Nyhan, Jean Oi, Elizabeth Perry, Jonathan Rodden, Weiyi Shi, David Szakonyi, Georg Vanberg, Andrew Walder, Chenggang Xu, Yiqing Xu, Boliang Zhu for many helpful comments and suggestions; and to the Freeman Spogli Institute China Fund and Asia-Pacific Scholars Fund for research support.