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Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early-Twentieth-Century Northern Sudan

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Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early-Twentieth-Century Northern Sudan University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Department of Near Eastern Languages and Departmental Papers (NELC) Civilizations (NELC) 1994 Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early-Twentieth-Century Northern Sudan Heather J. Sharkey University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Labor History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Sharkey, H. J. (1994). Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early- Twentieth-Century Northern Sudan. Northeast African Studies, 1 (2/3), 187-206. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/9 Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41931104 Conference Proceedings of the 12th Annual Sudan Studies Association Conference: 15-17 April 1993. Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. At the time of publication, author Heather J. Sharkey was associated with Princeton University. Currently, she is a faculty member at the University of Pennsylvania. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/9 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early- Twentieth-Century Northern Sudan Disciplines Islamic World and Near East History | Labor History | Political History Comments Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41931104 Conference Proceedings of the 12th Annual Sudan Studies Association Conference: 15-17 April 1993. Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. At the time of publication, author Heather J. Sharkey was associated with Princeton University. Currently, she is a faculty member at the University of Pennsylvania. This journal article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/nelc_papers/9 Luxury, Status, and the Importance of Slavery in the Nineteenth- and Early-Tiventieth-Century Northern Sudan HeatherJ. Sharkey PrincetonUniversity Almost immediatelyafter the officialabolition of slaveryin 1899, the Condominium administration began to worry about the exodus of slaves fromthe farmlandsof theirowners and the correspondingslump in the northernSudan's overall agriculturaloutput.1 In an influential articleentitled "Economic Developmentand the Heritageof Slaveryin the Sudan Republic," McLoughlin comments on this period's labor shortageand the hardshipthat it created.He explains thatthe pains of social and economic adjustmentwere not surprising,since "the Sudan has been a slave-basedeconomy for at least threemillennia."2 McLoughlin's portrayalof slaveryin the Sudan is open to question on two grounds: he suggeststhat slaves had indeed been the corner- stone of the Sudanese economyfor millennia, and implies that the de- mand for slaves over that time span had primarilyreflected a demand for theirproductive labor. Both conclusions, though containingsome truth,are essentiallyflawed. It is truethat the territoriesof the Sudan had exportedslaves formil- lennia. One of the earliest extant written sources, dating from the fourthmillennium B.c., indicates that Egyptians under the Pharaoh Seneferupenetrated Nubia up to the fourthcataract and collectedslaves fromthe area between Abu Hamad and Khartoum. Later Ptolemaic recordsmention the Sudanese ivoryand slave eunuchs whichwere sub- ject to duty at the port of Alexandria.3And so it continued,with the Sudan providing slaves and other exotic goods to the successive Pharaonic, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Early Islamic, Mamluke, Ot- ®Northeast African Studies (ISSN 0740-9133) Vol.1, Nos. 2-3 (New Series)1994, pp. 187-206 187 188 HeatherJ. Sharkey toman,and Turco-Egyptianempires of Egypt.In manyways one could argue that the currentboundaries of the Democratic Republic of the Sudan representthe legacyof that southwardpush forslaves and other luxurygoods.4 Nonetheless,the mere factthat slaves were a luxuryitem forexter- nal markets- on a par with ivory and ostrich feathers- in no way provesthe existenceof a widespreadinternal Sudanese demandfor that same item.In fact,the passage of timehas so thoroughlyobscured inter- nal slave-owningpractices of the past few millennia thatpositing any theorieson its overall social and economic impactbecomes futile.Yet, where sufficientlydetailed sources do begin to exist- namely,after the foundationof the Funj and Kayra sultanatesin the early 16thand early 17th centuryrespectively - it appears that slave-owningoperated on a minorscale. As O'Fahey and Spaulding have noted, slave-owning,by and large, remaineda prerogativeof the elite duringthe few centuriespreceding the Turco-Egyptianconquest of 1820. The practicewas limitedto the sultans,petty chiefs, and feudalnoblemen of the Funj and Kayradynas- ties who settledslaves on entirevillages to farmthe royallands, who made slaves a prominent part of court life and the administrative hierarchy,and who reservedthe rightto bestow the privilegeof slave- owning on others.5O'Fahey speculates that the [Kayra] slave-owners were "the great,the rich,and the holy,"and indeed that slaves "were a symbolof power,wealth, or sanctity."6 By the early 19th century,within the power vacuum thathad been createdby the slow but steady demise of the Funj dynasty,prosperous tradersof the riverainareas began to acquire slaves.7But it was only with the Turco-Egyptianconquest of 1820 that a revolutionin slave- owningoccurred. One of Muhammad Ali's main reasons for launching the conquest was to obtain access to a cheap pool of slaves forhis armies.And so, he initiated massive slave hunts on an unprecedentedscale in the non- Muslim southernregions. Many slaves he incorporatedinto his armies, but countlessothers (including women and children)he sold in north- ern Sudanese marketsfor profit.8Independent slave-and ivory-traders followedin his path over the ensuing decades.9 Soon the marketwas Luxury, Status , and theImportance of Slavery 189 floodedwith slaves; cheap pricesmeant thatalmost all freenortherners became slave-owners. Thus Holroyd was able to write of Sennar in 1839 that"[m]ost of thelower orderspossess one or two slaves"10 The German geologist,Eduard Ruppell, estimated the number of slavesbetween Wadi Haifa and the fourthcataract of the Nile at around 4,500, or four percent of the total population, by 1820.11Up to that point, free cultivators predominated. All of this changed quickly. Spaulding estimates that by the end of the 19th century,slaves com- prised at least one-thirdof the population for that area and performed all of the agriculturalwork.12 Slave-owningon thisscale was a new developmentin theSudan. Own- ers,who now representeda wide socio-economicspectrum of the north- ern Sudanese populace, came to directthe labor of theirslaves toward much more than just agriculture:slaves became cooks, grain-grinders, blacksmithapprentices, caravan assistants, waiters, well-diggers, weavers, and muchmore. Female slavesoften bore thebrunt of theheavy labor, for it was theywho did such thingsas fetchingsupplies of waterfrom long distancesand luggingit back,building houses, and thelike.13 The explosion in the numberof slave-ownersduring the 19th cen- tury,and the concomitantdiversification of slave labor,might lead one to inferthat these slave-owningpatterns represented a sharpbreak from those of the Funj and Kayra periods. One thing,however, apparently stayedthe same in spite of all the change: a value systemthat under- pinned slave-owningand that bridged the slavery of Funj and Kayra timesto thatof the early20th century. The Funj and Kayra elites had relied on some slaves to farmtheir lands, thoughthey valued slaves as a whole fora loftierreason: the en- hancementof status and proofof power that the possession of slaves could bring.The clearestmanifestation of an owner's statusand power was the cultivationof leisure time and the shunningof physicallabor thatslave-owning permitted, as embodiedin a practicewhich Thorstein Veblencalled "conspicuousleisure"14 and in a social value which thisar- ticlecalls an "idleness ethic." In this regard,the slave-ownersof the post-conquestyears were no different.Indeed, the greatestservice that slaves may have providedto theirowners in the 19th and early 20th century- throughthe eyes of This content downloaded from 165.123.108.243 on Thu, 29 Oct 2015 18:08:06 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Luxury, Status , and theImportance of Slavery 189 floodedwith slaves; cheap pricesmeant thatalmost all freenortherners became slave-owners. Thus Holroyd was able to write of Sennar in 1839 that"[m]ost of thelower orderspossess one or two slaves"10 The German geologist,Eduard Ruppell, estimated the number of slavesbetween Wadi Haifa and the fourthcataract of the Nile at around 4,500, or four percent of the total population, by 1820.11Up to that point, free cultivators predominated. All of this changed quickly. Spaulding estimates that by the end of the 19th century,slaves com- prised at least one-thirdof the population for that area and performed all of the agriculturalwork.12 Slave-owningon thisscale was a new developmentin theSudan. Own- ers,who now representeda wide socio-economicspectrum of the north- ern Sudanese populace, came to directthe labor of theirslaves toward much more than just agriculture:slaves became cooks, grain-grinders, blacksmithapprentices, caravan assistants, waiters, well-diggers, weavers, and muchmore. Female slavesoften bore thebrunt of theheavy labor,
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