Russian Intelligence Services and Special Forces
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Annual Report and Accounts 2018-19
National Crime Agency Annual Report and Accounts 2018-19 HC 2397 National Crime Agency Annual Report and Accounts 2018-19 Annual Report presented to Parliament pursuant to paragraph 8(2) of Schedule 2 to the Crime and Courts Act 2013. Accounts presented to the House of Commons pursuant to Section 6(4) of the Government Resources and Accounts Act 2000. Accounts presented to the House of Lords by Command of Her Majesty. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 22 July 2019. HC 2397 © Crown copyright 2019 This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3. Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication is available at www.gov.uk/official-documents. Any enquiries regarding this publication should be sent to National Crime Agency, Command Suite, Unit 1, Spring Gardens, Tinworth Street, London, SE11 5EN. ISBN 978-1-5286-1296-8 CCS0519221654 07/19 Printed on paper containing 75% recycled fibre content minimum. Printed in the UK by the APS Group on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Contents Foreword by the Home Secretary 7 Part Two – Accountability Report Part One – Performance Report Corporate Governance Report 43 Directors’ Report 43 Statement by the Director General 9 Statement of Accounting Officer’s Who we are and what we do 10 responsibilities 44 How -
Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq
Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq MICHAEL KNIGHTS POLICY FOCUS 137 Rebooting U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq MICHAEL KNIGHTS THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2015 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Design: 1000colors Photo: A Kurdish fighter keeps guard while overlooking positions of Islamic State mili- tants near Mosul, northern Iraq, August 2014. (REUTERS/Youssef Boudlal) CONTENTS Acknowledgments | v Acronyms | vi Executive Summary | viii 1 Introduction | 1 2 Federal Government Security Forces in Iraq | 6 3 Security Forces in Iraqi Kurdistan | 26 4 Optimizing U.S. Security Cooperation in Iraq | 39 5 Issues and Options for U.S. Policymakers | 48 About the Author | 74 TABLES 1 Effective Combat Manpower of Iraq Security Forces | 8 2 Assessment of ISF and Kurdish Forces as Security Cooperation Partners | 43 FIGURES 1 ISF Brigade Order of Battle, January 2015 | 10 2 Kurdish Brigade Order of Battle, January 2015 | 28 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My thanks to a range of colleagues for their encouragement and assistance in the writing of this study. -
Inside Russia's Intelligence Agencies
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu PUTIN’S HYDRA: INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES Mark Galeotti For his birthday in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin was treated to an exhibition of faux Greek friezes showing SUMMARY him in the guise of Hercules. In one, he was slaying the • Russia’s intelligence agencies are engaged in an “hydra of sanctions”.1 active and aggressive campaign in support of the Kremlin’s wider geopolitical agenda. The image of the hydra – a voracious and vicious multi- headed beast, guided by a single mind, and which grows • As well as espionage, Moscow’s “special services” new heads as soon as one is lopped off – crops up frequently conduct active measures aimed at subverting in discussions of Russia’s intelligence and security services. and destabilising European governments, Murdered dissident Alexander Litvinenko and his co-author operations in support of Russian economic Yuri Felshtinsky wrote of the way “the old KGB, like some interests, and attacks on political enemies. multi-headed hydra, split into four new structures” after 1991.2 More recently, a British counterintelligence officer • Moscow has developed an array of overlapping described Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) as and competitive security and spy services. The a hydra because of the way that, for every plot foiled or aim is to encourage risk-taking and multiple operative expelled, more quickly appear. sources, but it also leads to turf wars and a tendency to play to Kremlin prejudices. The West finds itself in a new “hot peace” in which many consider Russia not just as an irritant or challenge, but • While much useful intelligence is collected, as an outright threat. -
The Atlantic Council and Bellingcat Are Guilty of War Propaganda. As
An essential dimension of humanitarian work is human rights investigations to identify violations and crimes. Human rights investigation organizations, in the digital age, are taking advantage of the growing prevalence of online citizen evidence and extractable data from what they often refer to as ‘open sources’ and social media TheThe AtlanticAtlantic CouncilCouncil andand BellingcatBellingcat areare guiltyguilty ofof warwar propaganda.propaganda. AsAs @ian56789@ian56789 wrotewrote toto mee in in a amessage: message: “The“The membersmembers ofof thethe AtlanticAtlantic CouncilCouncil andand DFRLabDFRLab shouldshould bebe indictedindicted asas accomplicesaccomplices toto WarWar Crimes,Crimes, forfor providingproviding actualactual materialmaterial supportsupport toto alal--QaedaQaeda terrorists,terrorists, andand forfor TreasonTreason (actively(actively supportingsupporting officialofficial enemiesenemies ofof thethe USUS && UK).UK). TheyThey shouldshould bebe spendingspending thethe restrest ofof theirtheir liveslives inin jailjail andand finedfined everyevery pennypenny they'vethey've got.”got.” AndAnd thosethose abusingabusing andand exploitingexploiting BanaBana alal--AbedAbed inin theirtheir ongoingongoing warwar propagandapropaganda shouldshould joinjoin themthem.. FromFrom https://www.rt.com/ophttps://www.rt.com/op--ed/431128ed/431128--banabana--alabedalabed--bellingcatbellingcat--atlanticatlantic--councilcouncil EvaEva Bartlett,Bartlett, JuneJune 29,29, 2018.2018. platforms. For the purpose of this discussion, we make use of the term ‘open source’ as it is specifically used by the organizations discussed here – we acknowledge that ‘open source’ as a term is often used in problematic ways in place of what is simply extractable, publicly available data – the term open source refers to accessible and editable software source code and in this paper’s context the term often misleadingly refers to datasets that have come at a high cost to the organization that procured them. -
The Fifth User January 28
UNCLASSIFIED The Fifth User January 28 Project VENONA is now well known publicly. VENONA refers to Soviet espionage messages that were solved in part or in whole by the U.S. cryptologic services. The Soviet cryptosystem was based on a one-time pad that was misused, and therefore vulnerable to American cryptanalysts. The cryptosystem was used by the USSR’s diplomatic service and its office for acquiring lend-lease equipment from the United States during World War II. This Soviet system was in use from 1941 to 1945, but was not solved until the late 1940s, after the war, and the most usable product based on the decrypts was issued in the 1950s. In addition, the cryptosystem was used by the espionage organization best known as the KGB. When people think of VENONA decrypts, they most often mean KGB communications. However, there were other users of the flawed system. The fifth user of the cryptosystem was known in English as GRU-Naval. Its communications referred to espionage operations controlled by the Naval Intelligence headquarters in Moscow. The senior representative in the U.S. was Captain, later Commodore, I. A. Egorichev, the USSR’s naval attaché in Washington. During his career he had commanded a destroyer in the Soviet’s Baltic fleet, and had served as naval attaché in Tokyo. In addition to legal duties in his overt position, Captain Egorichev conducted intelligence activities against the United States. The GRU-Naval cryptosystem worked in the same way the KGB and GRU systems did. Message text was encoded into numbers from a codebook, then the numbers were superenciphered with numbers from a one-time pad. -
Summer 09.Qxd
David Lewis, senior research fellow in the Department of Peace Studies at the University of Bradford, England, served previously as director of the International Crisis Group’s Central Asia Project, based in Kyrgyzstan. High Times on the Silk Road The Central Asian Paradox David Lewis In medieval times, traders carried jewels, seems like a major threat to the region, spices, perfumes , and fabulous fabrics along since it is so inextricably linked to violent the legendary Silk Route through Central crime and political instability in many other Asia. Today, the goods are just as valuable, parts of the world . More people died in but infinitely more dangerous. Weapons and Mexican drug violence in 2009 than in Iraq. equipment for American troops in Afghan- In Brazil , the government admits about istan travel from west to east, along the 23,000 drug-related homicides each year— vital lifeline of the Northern Supply Route. some ten times the number of civilians In the other direction, an unadvertised, but killed in the war in Afghanistan . And it ’s no less deadly product travels along the not just Latin America that suffers. On same roads, generating billions of dollars in Afghanistan’s border with Iran, there are illicit profits. As much as 25 percent of regular clashes between Iranian counter- Afghanistan’s heroin production is exported narcotics units and drug smugglers. Hun - through the former Soviet states of Central dreds of border guards have been killed Asia, and the UN’s drug experts express over the past decade in fights with heroin grave concerns . Antonio Maria Costa, head and opium traffickers. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
14819/06 DCL 1 /Dl GSC.SMART.2.C Delegations Will Find Attached The
Council of the European Union Brussels, 1 August 2018 (OR. en) 14819/06 DCL 1 SCH-EVAL 177 FRONT 221 COMIX 916 DECLASSIFICATION of document: ST14819/06 RESTREINT UE/EU RESTRICTED dated: 10 November 2006 new status: Public Subject: Schengen evaluation of the new Member States - POLAND : report on Land Borders Delegations will find attached the declassified version of the above document. The text of this document is identical to the previous version. 14819/06 DCL 1 /dl GSC.SMART.2.C EN RESTREINT COUNCIL OF Brussels, 10 November 2006 THE EUROPEAN UNION 14819/06 RESTREINT UE SCH-EVAL 177 FRONT 221 COMIX 916 REPORT from: the Land BordersEvaluation Committee to: the Schengen Evaluation Working Party Subject : Schengen evaluation of the new Member States - POLAND : report on Land Borders TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 3 2. Management summary ............................................................................................................... 4 3. General information .................................................................................................................... 5 3.1. Strategy ............................................................................................................................. 5 3.2. Organisational (functional) structure ................................................................................ 9 3.3. Operational effectiveness ............................................................................................... -
024682/EU XXVI. GP Eingelangt Am 05/06/18
024682/EU XXVI. GP Eingelangt am 05/06/18 Council of the European Union Brussels, 5 June 2018 (OR. en) 8832/1/06 REV 1 DCL 1 SCH-EVAL 78 FRONT 89 COMIX 408 DECLASSIFICATION of document: ST8832/1/06 REV 1 RESTREINT UE/EU RESTRICTED dated: 20 July 2006 new status: Public Subject: Schengen evaluation of the new Member States - POLAND: report on Sea Borders Delegations will find attached the declassified version of the above document. The text of this document is identical to the previous version. 8832/1/06 REV 1 DCL 1 /dl DGF 2C EN www.parlament.gv.at RESTREINT UE COUNCIL OF Brussels, 20 July 2006 THE EUROPEAN UNION 8832/1/06 REV 1 RESTREINT UE SCH-EVAL 78 FRONT 89 COMIX 408 REPORT from: the Evaluation Committee Sea Borders to: the Schengen Evaluation Working Party Subject : Schengen evaluation of the new Member States - POLAND: report on Sea Borders This report was made by the Evaluation Committee Sea Borders and will be brought to the attention of the Sch-Eval Working Party which will ensure a report and the presentation of the follow-up thereto to the Council. 8832/1/06 REV 1 EB/mdc 1 DG H 2 RESTREINT UE EN www.parlament.gv.at RESTREINT UE TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 4 2. Management summary ............................................................................................................... 5 3. General information ................................................................................................................... -
The Right to Privacy and the Future of Mass Surveillance’
‘The Right to Privacy and the Future of Mass Surveillance’ ABSTRACT This article considers the feasibility of the adoption by the Council of Europe Member States of a multilateral binding treaty, called the Intelligence Codex (the Codex), aimed at regulating the working methods of state intelligence agencies. The Codex is the result of deep concerns about mass surveillance practices conducted by the United States’ National Security Agency (NSA) and the United Kingdom Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ). The article explores the reasons for such a treaty. To that end, it identifies the discriminatory nature of the United States’ and the United Kingdom’s domestic legislation, pursuant to which foreign cyber surveillance programmes are operated, which reinforces the need to broaden the scope of extraterritorial application of the human rights treaties. Furthermore, it demonstrates that the US and UK foreign mass surveillance se practices interferes with the right to privacy of communications and cannot be justified under Article 17 ICCPR and Article 8 ECHR. As mass surveillance seems set to continue unabated, the article supports the calls from the Council of Europe to ban cyber espionage and mass untargeted cyber surveillance. The response to the proposal of a legally binding Intelligence Codexhard law solution to mass surveillance problem from the 47 Council of Europe governments has been so far muted, however a soft law option may be a viable way forward. Key Words: privacy, cyber surveillance, non-discrimination, Intelligence Codex, soft law. Introduction Peacetime espionage is by no means a new phenomenon in international relations.1 It has always been a prevalent method of gathering intelligence from afar, including through electronic means.2 However, foreign cyber surveillance on the scale revealed by Edward Snowden performed by the United States National Security Agency (NSA), the United Kingdom Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) and their Five Eyes partners3 1 Geoffrey B. -
Mass Surveillance
Thematic factsheet1 Update: July 2018 MASS SURVEILLANCE The highly complex forms of terrorism require States to take effective measures to defend themselves, including mass monitoring of communications. Unlike “targeted” surveillance (covert collection of conversations, telecommunications and metadata by technical means – “bugging”), “strategic” surveillance (or mass surveillance) does not necessarily start with a suspicion against a particular person or persons. It has a proactive element, aimed at identifying a danger rather than investigating a known threat. Herein lay both the value it can have for security operations, and the risks it can pose for individual rights. Nevertheless, Member States do not have unlimited powers in this area. Mass surveillance of citizens is tolerable under the Convention only if it is strictly necessary for safeguarding democratic institutions. Taking into account considerable potential to infringe fundamental rights to privacy and to freedom of expression enshrined by the Convention, Member States must ensure that the development of surveillance methods resulting in mass data collection is accompanied by the simultaneous development of legal safeguards securing respect for citizens’ human rights. According to the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, it would be counter to governments’ efforts to keep terrorism at bay if the terrorist threat were substituted with a perceived threat of unfettered executive power intruding into citizens’ private lives. It is of the utmost importance that the domestic legislation authorizing far-reaching surveillance techniques and prerogatives provides for adequate and sufficient safeguards in order to minimize the risks for the freedom of expression and the right to privacy which the “indiscriminate capturing of vast amounts of communications” enables. -
The Annual Report of the Most Notable Human Rights Violations in Syria in 2019
The Annual Report of the Most Notable Human Rights Violations in Syria in 2019 A Destroyed State and Displaced People Thursday, January 23, 2020 1 snhr [email protected] www.sn4hr.org R200104 The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), founded in June 2011, is a non-governmental, independent group that is considered a primary source for the OHCHR on all death toll-related analyses in Syria. Contents I. Introduction II. Executive Summary III. Comparison between the Most Notable Patterns of Human Rights Violations in 2018 and 2019 IV. Major Events in 2019 V. Most Prominent Political and Military Events in 2019 VI. Road to Accountability; Failure to Hold the Syrian Regime Accountable Encouraged Countries in the World to Normalize Relationship with It VII. Shifts in Areas of Control in 2019 VIII. Report Details IX. Recommendations X. References I. Introduction The Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR), founded in June 2011, is a non-govern- mental, non-profit independent organization that primarily aims to document all violations in Syria, and periodically issues studies, research documents, and reports to expose the perpetrators of these violations as a first step to holding them accountable and protecting the rights of the victims. It should be noted that Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has relied, in all of its statistics, on the analysis of victims of the conflict in Syria, on the Syrian Network for Human Rights as a primary source, SNHR also collaborate with the Independent Inter- national Commission of Inquiry and have signed an agreement for sharing data with the Independent International and Impartial Mechanism, UNICEF, and other UN bodies, as well as international organizations such as the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons.