DOCSLIB.ORG

The Encyclopedia of in American History

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Encyclopedia of in American History . THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF IN AMERICAN HISTORY AARON BRENNER BENJAMIN DAY IMMANUEL NESS EDITORS c:Jv.f.E.Sharpe Armonk, New York London, England Copyright© 2009 by M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without written permission from the publisher, M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 80 Business Park Drive, Armonk, New York 10504. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data I I The encylopedia of strikes in American history I Aaron Brenner, Benjamin Day, Immanuel Ness [editors]. p.cm. 1 Includes bibliographical references and index. 1 ISBN 978-0-7656-1330-1 (cloth: alk. paper) I 1. Strikes and lockouts-United States-Encyclopedias. I. Brenner, Aaron. H. Day, Benjamin, 1979- III. Ness, Immanuel. HD5324.E39 2008 , 331.892'97303-dc22 2007036072 Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z 39.48-1984. MV (c) 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 Publisher: Myron E. Sharpe Vice President and Editorial Director: Patricia A. Kolb Executive Editor: Lynn Taylor Production Director: Carmen Chetti Production Editor: Angela Piliouras Editorial Assistants: Kathryn Corasaniti and Nicole Cirino Typesetter: Nancy Connick Cover Design: Jesse Sanchez ATTORNEY STRIKES AT THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY OF NEW YORK CITY Michael Z. Letwin In 1970, Legal Aid attorneys in New York City representation in New York City, conditions did becan1e the first lawyers in the United States to go not change; politicians, judges, Wall Street lawyers, on strike, and they did so again in 1973,1974,1982, and Legal Aid management simply did not feel and 1994. Despite expectations to the contrary (and compelled to change them. for reasons that cannot be fully explored here) few ln 1968-69, these public defenders took mat­ lawyers elsewhere have followed their example. ters into their own hands by founding the As­ It is clear, however, that Legal Aid strikes in sociation of Legal Aid Attorneys (ALM), which New York City took place in the wake of Gideon v. conducted five major strikes between 1970 and Wainwright (372 U.S. 335, 1963), in which the U.S. 1994. Although widely decried as" unprofessional" Supreme Court dramatically expanded the right of by the city's political, judicial, and corporate elites, counsel for indigent criminal defendants. Instead these strikes were catalysts for systemic improve­ of establishing a public defender office to meet the ment of indigent criminal representation in New obligations imposed by Gideon, New York City's York City, including continuity of representation municipal government contracted with the Legal (assignment of the same triallpwyer throughout Aid Society, a privately funded charity established a given case), retention of experienced attorneys in 1876, as its primary public defense provider. 1b through higher compensation, workload limits, fulfill its city contract, the Society hired hundreds affirmative action, and health and safety. of public defenders. Thus, for more than three decades, labor rela­ Despite Gideon, however, New York City's tions in New York City's criminal justice system criminal justice system dealt contemptuously with have been characterized by a recurring cycle of poor defendants. Grossly inadequate city funding accumulated grievances, strikes, and their after­ for indigent defense meant low salaries and impos­ math. sible caseloads, turning the attorneys into glorified production workers who could offer only perfunc­ Industry Background (1876- tory representation for an overwhelming number 1966) of clients, nearly all of them African American and Latino. This assembly line was epitomizeCl by In 1876, Der Deutsche-Rechtsschutz-Verein was fragmented representation in which clients were established to provide free legal assistance to seen by a different attorney on each of many court German immigrants, primarily in civil matters. appearances in the same case. In 1896, under the auspices of leading members By the late 1960s, the civil rights movement of the private bar, it was renamed the Legal Aid had condemned such poor-quality indigent de­ Society. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth fense as just another reflection--alongside police centuries, criminal defense representation was brutality and discriminatory sentencing-of in­ typically provided by private solo practitioners, stitutional racism throughout the criminal justice often members of immigrant communities,· for a system. But despite a series of official reports and fee. During the Progressive Era, however, the legal mass inmate protests that sharply criticized such elite came to regard such attorneys as an impedi- 665 666 STRIKES IN THE PRIVATE SECTOR, SECTION 3 ment to swift and sure deterrence of immigrant Most major cities responded to Gideon by crime. Lawyers for the rich were also concerned establishing or expanding a governmental public that poor immigrants felt "that they were being defender office. Instead, New York City govern­ denied redress, protection and equality before the ment contracted with the already-existing Legal law," particularly in regard to ineffective criminal Aid Society to serve as its primary public defender defense representation. The resulting political organization. To fulfill this contract, the Society radicalization, warned Legal Aid Society president hired hundreds of young public defenders, many Charles Evans Hughes in a 1920 speech before the of them heavily influenced by the civil rights, stu­ American Bar Association, threatened to "open de-nt, and anti-war movements. a broad road to Bolshevism" in the United States. These new defenders were appalled by the Although initially concerned that the "public contrast between Gideon's lofty promise and the defender movement" was a socialist plot designed grim reality of daily Legal Aid practice. As Gerald to undermine private profit, the legal elite ulti­ Lefcourt recounted in a 1994 interview with the mately agreed with other reformers "to accept author, when he joined the Society in 1968: the replacement of private lawyers in indigent [criminal] cases, because they feared that assigned I had no training at all. There was no orientation. counsel gave the poor legitimate grievances that ... There were no mock trials. We did arraign­ contributed to social unrest and presented an on-· ments for a month, and then we were thrown going impediment to the efficient administration into battle. I had no clue as to what the right thing of criminal justice." In 1914, the first such indigent was to do. We had no research tools ... no real public defender office was established in Los An­ offices, no telephones. We couldn't call witnesses. geles. Subsequent years witnessed a national shift There was no anything. I never interviewed a to such agencies, the public or private character of defendant except in the prison or on the floor which depended on the influence of the organized of the hallway right before a hearing or trial. In bar in a particular jurisdiction. the back of my mind, I knew that I should do an These early reformers, the legal elite, and investigation, but there were only one or two institutional defenders all agreed that public de­ investigatorsoperating out of Manhattan for the fense institutions should adopt a nonadversarial whole [Legal Aid] Society. approach. In the words of one leading public de­ fender advocate, the prosecution and defense Moreover, clients (mostly African American or worked together to ensure that "no innocent man . Latino) saw different Legal Aid lawyers (mostly may suffer or a guilty man escape." WithotJ.t the white males) at each court appearance. financial incentive to prolong a case, it was argued,· Lefcourt and others responded by organizing public defenders would encourage most defen­ the Association of Legal Aid Attorneys, an indepen­ dants to plead guilty, if necessary by seeking to dent union that was certified as the lawyers' exclu­ withdraw from cases in which" guilty" clients were sive bargaining representative in December 1969. intransigent. Rather than seeking "technical" de­ (The Association of Legal Aid Attorneys affiliated fenses or go to trial, public defenders encouraged with District 65, an independent general union in their clients to testify, thereby ensuring that only 1978, and the union became a local of the United an innocent person was acquitted, and appeals Auto Workers [UAW] in 1996.) Several months were brought only on merit. later, city jail inmates rebelled, in part to protest Pursuant to this model, the New York Legal the poor quality of Legal Aid representation. The Aid Society gradually took on a growing but still Society responded by threatening to terminate limited number of criminal defense assignments. its contract with the city to defend criminals un­ This qualitatively changed only as a result of the less it received more funding. After briefly toying U.S. Supreme Court's 1963 decision in Gideon, with the idea of a public defender system, the city which greatly broadened the right of counsel to provided a small amount of additional money. criminal defendants, regardless of their ability to Regarding this as merely a token gesture, on May hire a lawyer. 3-6, 1970, amid international protest against the ATTORNEY STRIKES AT THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY OF NEW YORK CITY 667 U.S. invasion of Cambodia, Legal Aid attorneys News, that "in the next five years we will represent in Manhattan conducted the first lawyers' strike one million indigent clients. We are determined in the United States. to create conditions under which they can be The legal establishment reacted with hostil­ represented justly and effectively.... This strike ity. The New York Law Journal cited "authoritative will be won when no longer will you hear a judge sources" who "blame[ d) the strike on the increas­ ask a defendant: 'Do you want a lawyer or do you ing number of so-called 'militant' attorneys who want legal aid?'" have joined the society in recent years ..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Voting Rights in New York City: 1982–2006
    VOTING RIGHTS IN NEW YORK CITY: 1982–2006 JUAN CARTAGENA* I. INTRODUCTION TO THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT At the time of the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and the continuation of Section 5 coverage to three counties in New York City, the city was at a major crossroads regarding faithful compliance with the mandates of the Act. Just one year earlier in the largest city in the United States, the largest municipal election apparatus in the country was brought to a screeching halt when the federal courts enjoined the Septem- ber mayoral primaries—two days before Election Day—because the city failed to obtain preclearance of new (and discriminatory) city council lines and election district changes.1 The cost of closing down the election was enormous, and a lesson was painfully learned: minority voters knew how to get back to court, the courts would not stand by idly in the face of obvious Section 5 noncompliance and business-as-usual politics would no longer be the same. Weeks later, the Department of Justice (DOJ) would not only of- ficially deny preclearance to the city council plan, but would find that its egregious disregard of the burgeoning African-American and Latino voting strength in the city had a discriminatory purpose and a discriminatory ef- fect.2 In this context, the 1982 extension of Section 5 to parts of New York City should not have seemed so anomalous to a country that continued to * General Counsel, Community Service Society. Esmeralda Simmons of the Center for Law and Social Justice, Medgar Evers College, Margaret Fung of the Asian American Legal Defense and Educa- tion Fund, Jon Greenbaum of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and Debo Adegbile of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund assisted in editing this report.
    [Show full text]
  • Welcome Home
    ROBERT M. MORGENTHAU DISTRICT ATTORNEY Upper Manhattan Reentry Task Force WELCOME HOME A Resource Guide for Reentrants and Their Families Harlem Community Justice Center Fair Chance Initiative st 170 East 121 Street New York County District New York, NY 10035 Attorney’s Office 212-360-4131 HOTLINE: 212-335-9435 www.courtinnovation.org HOW TO USE THIS GUIDE If you are returning to Upper Manhattan, welcome home! This guide is intended to support you and your family as you re-integrate into your community. Most of the resources in this guide can be found in Upper Manhattan, although we have included organizations in other parts of New York City as well. If you have a particular interest, you can search the table of contents on page 4 for organizations addressing that interest in the following categories: Staying Stress-Free – Mental Health Services Living a Sober Life – Substance Abuse Services Finding a Job – Employment Services Building Skills – Educational Services Living Strong – Health and Wellness Services Coming Home – Housing Services Connecting with Loved Ones – Family Services Presenting Your Best Self – Clothing Services Getting More Information – Online Resource Guides Special Segment – Section 8 Housing Information You can also search the entire alphabetical listing of organizations, starting on page 9, if you are trying to get information about a specific agency. Please let us know what you think about this guide – your feedback will make it the best resource possible! The Harlem Community Justice Center is located at: 170 East 121 st Street between Lexington and Third Avenues New York, NY 10035 Tel. 212-360-4131 This resource directory can also be located on our website, found at: www.courtinnovation.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Guide to the Petra Allende Papers
    Guide to the Petra Allende Papers Petra Allende and Oliver Rios Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños Hunter College, CUNY 2180 Third Avenue @ 119th St., Rm. 120 New York, New York 10035 (212) 396-7877 www.centropr.hunter.cuny.edu Descriptive Summary Resumen descriptivo Creator: Petra Allende Creador: Petra Allende Title: The Petra Allende Papers Título: The Petra Allende Papers Inclusive Dates: 1926-2004 Años extremos: 1926-2004 Bulk Dates: 1970-2001 Período principal: 1970 - 2001 Volume: 17 cubic feet Volumen: 17 pies cúbico Repository: Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Repositorio: Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños Abstract: Community activist and senior citizen Nota de resumen: Defensora de los ciudadanos advocate. This collection documents the history of various envejecientes y activista comunitaria. Esta colección East Harlem/ El Barrio organizations specially those documenta la historia de varias organizaciones del Este dealing with the concerns of senior citizens. Includes de Harlem, conocido como “El Barrio”, especialmente correspondence, articles, minutes, local newspapers, aquellas que tratan con los problemas de los clippings, publications, programs, photographs and envejecientes. Incluye correspondencia, artículos, actas, memorabilia. periódicos locales, recortes de periódico, publicaciones, programas, fotografías y recordatorios. Administrative Information Información administrativa Collection Number: 2003-03
    [Show full text]
  • Voting Rights in New York 1982-2006, LEP Language Access
    VOTING RIGHTS IN NEW YORK 1982-2006 A REPORT OF RENEWTHEVRA.ORG PREPARED BY JUAN CARTAGENA MARCH 2006 VOTING RIGHTS IN NEW YORK 1982-2006 1 JUAN CARTAGENA TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction to the Voting Rights Act 2 I. Section 5 Preclearance Activity 4 A. Section 5 Objections 4 B. DOJ More Information Requests 10 II. Deployment of Federal Observers 12 III. Language Assistance Litigation & Compliance Issues 13 A. Language Assistance Litigation and Compliance Issues Outside of NYC 17 IV. Voting Rights Litigation 18 V. Racially Polarized Voting in New York 20 Conclusion 26 1 General Counsel, Community Service Society. Esmeralda Simmons (Center for Law & Social Justice, Megar Evers College), Margaret Fung (Asian American Legal Defense & Education Fund), Jon Greenbaum ((Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law) and Debo Adegbile (NAACP Legal Defense Fund) assisted in editing this report; and Glenn Magpantay (Asian American Legal Defense & Education Fund), Gabriel Torres, Walter Fields (Community Service Society) and Paul Wooten were instrumental in collecting materials relied upon in this report. 1 INTRODUCTION TO THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT At the time of the 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act and the continuation of Section 5 coverage to three counties in New York City, the city was at a major crossroads regarding faithful compliance with the mandates of the Act. Just one year earlier in the largest city in the United States, the largest municipal election apparatus in the country was brought to a screeching halt in September 1981 when the federal courts enjoined the mayoral primaries – two days before Election Day – because the city failed to obtain preclearance of new (and discriminatory) city council lines and election district changes.2 The cost of closing down the election was enormous and a lesson was painfully learned: minority voters knew how to get back to court, the courts would not stand by idly in the face of obvious Section 5 noncompliance, and business-as- usual politics would no longer be the same.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Party
    Statement and Return Report for Certification Primary Election 2010 - 09/14/2010 Crossover - Democratic Party Democratic United States Senator - 2 Year Unexpired Term Citywide Vote for 1 Page 1 of 45 BOARD OF ELECTIONS Statement and Return Report for Certification IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK Primary Election 2010 - 09/14/2010 PRINTED AS OF: Crossover 10/5/2010 8:07:22PM Democratic Party Democratic United States Senator - 2 Year Unexpired Term (Citywide), vote for 1 New York County PUBLIC COUNTER 114,445 EMERGENCY 136 ABSENTEE/MILITARY 2,586 FEDERAL 1,588 AFFIDAVIT 1,628 KIRSTEN E GILLIBRAND 79,136 GAIL GOODE 21,723 0 (WRITE-IN) 1 ABDUL MUJIO MANNAN ESQ (WRITE-IN) 1 ADAM CLAYTON POWELL IV (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIAN (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIAN ESPAILAT (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIAN ESPAILLAT (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIAN ESPALLAT (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIANA ESPAILLAT (WRITE-IN) 2 ADRIANE ESPALLAT (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIANO (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIANO ESPAILLAT (WRITE-IN) 8 ADRIANO ESPAILLO (WRITE-IN) 1 ADRIANO ESPALLAT (WRITE-IN) 5 ADRIANO ESPILLAT (WRITE-IN) 2 AHKILAH JOHNSON (WRITE-IN) 1 AL DOYLE (WRITE-IN) 1 AL FLUCKS (WRITE-IN) 1 AL GORE (WRITE-IN) 2 AL SHARPTON (WRITE-IN) 1 ALAN GERSON (WRITE-IN) 1 ALEC BALDWIN (WRITE-IN) 2 ALI H. MIRZA (WRITE-IN) 1 ALICE YURKE (WRITE-IN) 1 AMTLUR WIECEIFELD (WRITE-IN) 1 ANDREW CANBO (WRITE-IN) 1 ANDREW CROMO (WRITE-IN) 1 ANGELA SACINA (WRITE-IN) 1 ANTHONY WEAVER (WRITE-IN) 1 ANTHONY WEINER (WRITE-IN) 4 ANYONE (WRITE-IN) 3 ANYONE ELSE (WRITE-IN) 1 ARIANO ESPALLAR (WRITE-IN) 2 ARMANDO RICHARDS (WRITE-IN) 1 ASTRO (WRITE-IN) 1 B GOLDWATER (WRITE-IN) 1 BARBARA
    [Show full text]
  • Examining Turnover in the New York State Legislature: Ethical
    Examining Turnover in the New York State Legislature: Ethical Misconduct Increasingly the Cause for Legislators Leaving Framework for Reform to Address Misconduct, Special Elections, and Redistricting Research and Policy Analysis by Citizens Union Foundation Prepared and Published by Citizens Union Written by: Dick Dadey Executive Director Rachael Fauss Policy and Research Associate DeNora Getachew Director of Public Policy & Legislative Counsel Andrea Senteno Program Associate With assistance from: Christina Wong Endorsed by: Common Cause/NY League of Women Voters/N.Y.S. New York Public Interest Research Group (NYPIRG) Citizens Union of the City of New York 299 Broadway, Suite 700 New York, NY 10007-1976 phone 212-227-0342 • fax 212-227-0345 • [email protected] • www.citizensunion.org Peter J.W. Sherwin, Chair • Dick Dadey, Executive Director I. Executive Summary Over the past ten years, 139 elected state legislators have left office for any number of reasons ranging from ethical or criminal misconduct to dying in office. This report, researched by Citizens Union Foundation, finds that a state legislator in New York State is more likely to leave office because of ethical misconduct than either being redistricted out of one’s seat or even death. Over the past ten years, fourteen legislators left their office because of ethical misconduct, criminal charges, or similar issues. Only seven died while in office, and eight left due to redistricting. In fact, one of every fifteen seats in the legislature turned over in the past ten years because of ethical or criminal misconduct or related issues. This does not even count those who are still in office and under investigation or whose fates are currently being decided.
    [Show full text]
  • Manhattan State Senate District Map
    MANHATTAN STATE SENATE DISTRICT MAP 46 MANHATTAN STATE ASSEMBLY DISTRICT MAP 47 MANHATTAN STATE LEGISLATIVE RACES • MANHATTAN STATE SENATE RACES • District 25 NO ENDORSEMENT MARTIN CONNOR - DEM Has returned questionnaire; responses on page 15 Occupation: Senator, NYS Senate Education: Catholic University of America (BA, JD) Martin Connor, a practicing election law attorney, was first elected to the New York State Senate in a 1978 special election. Connor highlights his role in the passage of an increase in the Earned Income Tax credit and in making New York’s school tax relief pro- gram more equitable for seniors and homeowners. Because lower Manhattan is increas- ingly attracting young families and single residents, Connor proposes the construction of new playgrounds, schools, daycare centers and parks to meet the growing needs of his changing district. Connor believes that instituting four-year staggered legislative terms, instead of the current two-year terms, would allow the members to act more independ- ently and be more attentive to their legislative duties as it would reduce the burden placed on legislators to fundraise and campaign every two years. Connor co-sponsored Senator Liz Krueger’s bill that advocates tighter controls on how campaign contributions can be spent, but has himself been embroiled in an ethical discussion over the use of campaign funds to purchase a car that he reportedly uses primarily for business and then reimburses the expense when it is used for personal reasons. Connor’s continued per- sonal pursuit to kick his opponent off the ballot after the courts had certified him as eli- gible to run is one example of how incumbents use ballot access requirements to create obstacles to competitive challengers, thereby draining their competitors’ campaign resources by fighting to stay on the ballot.
    [Show full text]
  • Becoming Ghosts: the Public Veiling of Puerto Ricans in New York City
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2017 Becoming Ghosts: The Public Veiling of Puerto Ricans in New York City Samantha Pina Saghera The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2085 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Becoming Ghosts: The Public Veiling of Puerto Ricans in New York City By Samantha Pina Saghera A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Sociology as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 SAMANTHA PINA SAGHERA All Rights Reserved ii Becoming Ghosts: The Public Veiling of Puerto Ricans in New York City by Samantha Pina Saghera This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Vilna Bashi Treitler Chair of Examining Committee Date Philip Kasinitz Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Richard Alba Philip Kasinitz THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Becoming Ghosts: The Public Veiling of Puerto Ricans in New York City By Samantha Pina Saghera Advisor: Dr. Vilna Bashi Treitler In recent years Puerto Ricans in New York City have become difficult to locate in the public realm. This is a paradox given that Puerto Ricans make up the largest Hispanic subgroup in the larger metropolitan region.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 22: List of Agencies and Organizations A. LIST of NOTIFIED
    Chapter 22: List of Agencies and Organizations This FEIS was widely distributed and available for review at libraries, community boards, and other locations. Copies of the document or Executive Summary or a notification of availability of the FEIS were distributed to a 1,500-person mailing list, including those listed below in section A. Section B provides a list of locations where copies of the FEIS are available for review. A. LIST OF NOTIFIED PARTIES FEDERAL AGENCIES Advisory Council on Historic Preservation Federal Energy Regulation Commission U.S. Army Corps of Engineers U.S. Department of Agriculture Natural Resources Conservation Service U.S. Department of Commerce National Marine Fisheries Service U.S. Department of Energy U.S. Department of Homeland Security Federal Emergency Management Agency U.S. Coast Guard Transportation Security Administration U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development U.S. Department of Interior Office of Environmental Policy and Compliance U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service National Park Service U.S. Department of Transportation Office of the Secretary of Transportation Federal Highway Administration U.S. Environmental Protection Agency NEW YORK STATE AGENCIES New York State Department of Environmental Conservation Commissioner Division of Environmental Permitting General Counsel Natural Heritage Program, Wildlife Resource Center Permit Administrator Region 2 Regional Director Region 2 22-1 Second Avenue Subway FEIS New York State Department of Law New York State Department of State Division of Coastal
    [Show full text]
  • Primary Election Tuesday, September 14, 2004
    Citizens Union VOTERS DIRECTORY A Non-Partisan Guide to Informed Voting PRIMARY ELECTION TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 2004 299 Broadway, New York NY 10007 www.citizensunion.org BOARD OF DIRECTORS Richard J. Davis, Chair John Avlon James J. Harrington H. Carl McCall Andrea Berger Roy Hastick, Sr. John G. Proudfit Henry T. Berger Gail Hilson Bruce Rabb Joel Berger Amabel B. James Luis O. Reyes Richard Briffault Robert M. Kaufman Alan Rothstein Lucy Cabrera, Ph.D. Robert G. M. Keating Peter J.W. Sherwin Lorraine Cortes-Vazquez Nathan Leventhal Paul Scott Sperry Christina R. Davis Harold Levy Phillip Thompson Gail Erickson Ogden N. Lewis Karen Washington Edythe W. First Mark Lieberman Charles Williams, III David L. Fogel Gena Lovett Luis Garden Acosta Malcolm MacKay LOCAL CANDIDATES COMMITTEE John Horan, Chair Miriam Adelman Gail Erickson Adam Kurtz Anne Perkins Scott Avidon Edythe First Sandra Lespinasse J.Robert Pigott Thomas Bach Martin Gallent Mark Lieberman John G. Proudfit Sally Barhydt Arthur Galub Perry Luntz Stephen Raphael Joel Berger Joseph Gapper Theodore Lynn Richard Ropiak David Brauner Sally Goodgold Kerry McCarthy Debra Samuelson Lucy Cabrera, Ph.D. Neal Haber Pat McHugh Claire Silberman Andrew Cantor Jim Harrington Bill Meehan Anthony Smith William Cantwell Susan Hinko Paul Melendres Harrison Snell Lorraine Cortes- John Johnson Andra Miller Robert Snyder Vazquez Rita Kardeman Alexander Moser Thomas Spencer Stephan Cotton Peter Killen Marc Norman Edward Strauss III Dennis DeLeon David Charles Klein Douglas Offerman Karen Washington
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Party
    Statement and Return Report for Certification Primary Election 2010 - 09/14/2010 New York County - Democratic Party Democratic United States Senator - 2 Year Unexpired Term Citywide Vote for 1 Page 1 of 25 BOARD OF ELECTIONS Statement and Return Report for Certification IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK Primary Election 2010 - 09/14/2010 PRINTED AS OF: New York County 10/5/2010 8:47:34AM Democratic Party Democratic United States Senator - 2 Year Unexpired Term (Citywide), vote for 1 Assembly District 64 PUBLIC COUNTER 6,577 EMERGENCY 31 ABSENTEE/MILITARY 128 FEDERAL 55 AFFIDAVIT 91 KIRSTEN E GILLIBRAND 4,723 GAIL GOODE 1,352 ANTHONY WEINER (WRITE-IN) 2 ARMANDO RICHARDS (WRITE-IN) 1 BARBARA SIMMONS (WRITE-IN) 1 C. RANGEL (WRITE-IN) 1 CAROLINE KENNEDY (WRITE-IN) 1 CAROLINE MALONEY (WRITE-IN) 1 CHARLES BARRON (WRITE-IN) 1 CHARLES SCHUMER (WRITE-IN) 1 CHRISTINE RHOLS (WRITE-IN) 1 DECLAN GALE (WRITE-IN) 1 DENA TOCKER (WRITE-IN) 1 EPHRAIN ROSENBAUM (WRITE-IN) 1 ERNEST KELLER (WRITE-IN) 1 GARY SHRADER (WRITE-IN) 1 ISAAC SASSON (WRITE-IN) 2 JENNIFER PASAHIAN (WRITE-IN) 1 JERARD NADLER (WRITE-IN) 1 JOHN STEWART (WRITE-IN) 1 JOSEPH PAMPILLONIA (WRITE-IN) 1 K.RICE (WRITE-IN) 2 LEV BEYLIN (WRITE-IN) 1 MARTY MARKOWITZ (WRITE-IN) 1 MICHAEL HALPERT (WRITE-IN) 1 MICKEY MOUSE (WRITE-IN) 1 NO NAME (WRITE-IN) 85 NONE OF THE ABOVE (WRITE-IN) 1 NYDIA VELASQUEZ (WRITE-IN) 1 RANDY CREDION (WRITE-IN) 1 ROBERT F. KENNEDY JR. (WRITE-IN) 1 ROBERT STEPANEK (WRITE-IN) 1 RON MILLER (WRITE-IN) 1 THIS IS BS (WRITE-IN) 1 Total Votes 6,194 Page 2 of 25 BOARD OF ELECTIONS Statement
    [Show full text]
  • Manhattan State Legislative Races Manhattan State
    MANHATTANMANHATTAN STATE STATE SENATE LEGISLATIVE DISTRICT RACES MAP 33 MANHATTANMANHATTAN STATE STATE ASSEMBLY LEGISLATIVE DISTRICT RACES MAP 34 MANHATTAN STATE LEGISLATIVE RACES • MANHATTAN STATE SENATE RACES • District 26 PREFERRED CANDIDATE – LIZ KRUEGER – DEM, WFP • Has returned questionnaire, responses on page 14 Age: 46 Occupation: Senator, NYS Education: Northwestern University (BA); University of Chicago (MA) Liz Krueger was elected to the State Senate in a special election in February 2002, and is currently the ranking Democratic member of the Housing, Construction and Community Development committee. She is a former Associate Director of the Community Food Resource Center and has also served as Chair of the New York City Food Stamp Task Force. Ms. Krueger is proud of her efforts to help pass the Women's Health & Wellness Act, which expands coverage for contraceptives and screening for osteoporosis and breast and cervical cancer, and legislation banning predatory lending. Ms. Krueger has made the fight for reform in Albany a central part of her agenda and has introduced bills to establish regular conference commit- tees when similar bills addressing the same issue are passed by each house, legislation to prohibit “empty seat” voting, and to establish public financing of campaigns. However, she plainly states that the best way to solve Albany’s dysfunction is by gain- ing Democratic control of the Senate, a troubling proposition as the Democratically controlled Assembly is arguably as dysfunctional as the Republican controlled Senate. While Citizens Union supports Senator Krueger’s re-election effort, we are concerned that her heavily partisan solution to solving Albany’s crisis is also part of the problem.
    [Show full text]