Himalaya Region

The Himalayas span a vast geography that and western Nepal are Hindu. Small communi- includes regions within the present-day countries ties of Sikhs, Buddhists, Muslims, and Christians of Afghanistan, → Pakistan, India, China, → Nepal, do exist in these areas, but they are vastly out- and Bhutan. The highest snow peaks are mostly numbered by Hindus. For instance, the town of situated along the southern border of Tibet, Dharamshala in Himachal is the present-day seat though some run through → Kashmir. These snow of the Tibetan government in exile and therefore peaks demarcate the northernmost extent of has a large Tibetan Buddhist population. How- purely Hindu cultural practice. Beyond them, in ever, Buddhist populations in regions nearby are Tibet and in parts of Kashmir and Himachal, extremely limited. Much farther to the east, in Tibetan Buddhist practices predominate. In this central and eastern Nepal, Buddhist populations way, Hindu populations are largely limited to the are again significant, although the majority popu- southern fringe of the Himalayas as located in the lation is still Hindu. To the east of Nepal, the countries of India and Nepal. region of Sikkim, which is in present-day India, Distinctions between Hinduism and Buddhism, in many ways reflects the Nepali situation, with a however, are not easily made. In particular, a majority Hindu population mixed with Buddhist. blend of Buddhism and Hinduism (particularly Still farther to the east, the country of Bhutan is Śaiva traditions) is practiced by many Nepalese, largely Tibetan Buddhist, and beyond that, the particularly the Newari population, and this is Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh presents a dif- often referred to as Naipāladharma (religion). In ferent demography. As S. Blackburn (2007, 422) as much as Naipāla dharma specifically, and states, approximately 20% of the population is tantric practices (→ Tantrism) generally, are asso- Christian, and the rest of the population is either ciated with both Hindu and Buddhist practices as Buddhist or animist. Buddhists in the west are exemplified by Naipāla dharma, Buddhist prac- nominally Tibetan Buddhist, while those in the tices must be acknowledged within any discus- east are Burmese influenced. sion of Hinduism. Nonetheless, consideration of For Hindu residents of the Himalayas, geogra- Buddhist practices, which are strictly Tibetan, phy is critical to numerous beliefs and ritual prac- remain outside the scope of this article (see also tices. Many mountains and rivers have sacred → Hinduism and Buddhism). significance, and temples dedicated to local A useful overview of the Himalayas may be deities are an essential part of each village’s geog- gained by considering the geography and popula- raphy. From the perspective of pan-Hindu tradi- tions of subregions beginning in Kashmir and tions and beliefs, the region is a place of moving eastward. The population of western – or pilgrimage, not only for today’s people, but also Pakistan-controlled – Kashmir is almost exclu- for deities and characters from the great epics. sively Muslim. The indigenous population of The river→ Gangā̇ derives its sanctity largely Ladakh, which is in India-controlled Kashmir, because it is believed to emerge from → Śiva’s hair. practices Tibetan Buddhism. Similarly, northern Śiva and many other deities reside in the moun- areas of Himachal Pradesh, while sparsely popu- tains. Even in other parts of India, “the quality of lated, are also largely Buddhist. Moving south- sanctity of the Ganga and of the Himalaya seems ward across the highest snow peaks, however, the to have been transferred in part to other rivers demography changes. The majority of people liv- and other mountains respectively” (Bhardwaj, ing in the Srinagar Valley and the surrounding 1973, 86). hills are Muslim. However, a significant Hindu This article examines not only the unique prac- population also lives in India-controlled Kashmir, tices of Hindus in the Himalayas, but also the particularly in the southeastern area. By contrast, region’s symbolic significance for Hindus else- the majority of people who live in the lower where in the world. The article presents a broad Himalayan regions of Himachal, Uttarakhand, overview of local practice and situates this within

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2009 BEH, vol. I Also available online – www.brill.nl 74 Himalaya Region the unique geography of the Himalayas as well as central Nepal, a person’s Khasa identity may still within broader Hindu practices and beliefs. be known and is still sometimes used as a label. More-detailed information on the specific subre- This fact continues to add a subtle dynamic to gions of Kashmir and Nepal can be found else- caste hierarchy in the region. where in this volume. The dominant caste groups in the Himalayas are the land-owning Ksatriyas,̣ whether of plains heritage or Khasa heritage. Brahmans are fewer Aspects of Village-Level Caste in number but of course higher in caste status. As Structure C. Tingey (1994, 88) states, Caste structure among the rural population of The caste system of the Indo-Nepalese Hindus Hindus in the Himalayas has some significant dif- absorbed all the ethnic groups as the middle rungs of the social ladder [Ksatriya],̣ so that ferences to that of the plains. In as much as such even when interacting with non-Hindus the caste designations influence ritual action and reli- status of the Indo-Nepalese occupational castes gious practice, they are important to a discussion [Śilpkār] is still depressed. of religion in the region. Though demographic generalizations always run the risk of excluding In this sense, caste structure in the Himalayas specific subregional variation, the overview pro- might best be viewed as being dominated by the vided here is useful to illustrate how the rural majority population of land-owning Ksatriyas,̣ population of the Himalayas is different from who maintain a patronage relationship with high- other rural areas of the subcontinent. caste Brahman priests on the one hand and There are many cultural groups in the Himala- low-caste service groups – such as carpenters, yas who trace their heritage to various periods builders, artisans, blacksmiths, tailors, and musi- and patterns of migration. Some of these are asso- cians – on the other. Largely absent from rural ciated with different kingdoms that held power locations are the merchant caste groups – the over parts of the region at different times. Any Vaiśya varṇa – of other parts of the Hindu world. modern-day vision of caste that tries to fit the The situation in larger towns and cities is quite population into the four varṇas (→ caste) of Vedic different. The presence of a number of ethnically Hinduism runs the risk of ignoring these histori- distinct groups in the Nepalese Himalayas, cal, political, and cultural dynamics of the region. including people such as the Newaris, Sherpas, Nonetheless, ideas of caste structure as under- Gurungs, Bhotias, and others, adds complexity to stood by Hindus from the plains are influential. the situation. Immigrant groups largely from the Ksatriyạ Nonetheless, in a tripartite view of Himalayan varṇa, who moved into the region from India caste groups, the ritual well-being of the domi- over a period of centuries beginning possibly as nant middle caste (Ksatriya/Rajput)̣ is maintained early as the 12th century CE, became dominant by high-caste priests as well as some low-caste and began to assimilate earlier residents into caste ritual specialists like shamans and musicians. categories defined by wider Hinduism. For While low-caste musicians clearly have a depressed instance, the Khasa dynasty, whose center of status in society, they undertake crucial ritual power was in Jumla in western Nepal, controlled functions at specific events like weddings, deity all of western/central Nepal, Uttarakhand, and → processions, and particular festivities associated parts of Himachal from about 1000 CE until with village deities. about 1400 CE. Over time, as Indian Ksatriyạ (Rajput) immigrants gained power, earlier Khasa residents sought higher status through claiming Geography identity equal to that of the immigrants. In Nepal the Muluki Ain (1854) of Jang Bahadur Rana Few communities in the Himalayas actually attempted to codify the different caste groups of reside on mountain peaks. The highest snow- Nepal on the basis of concepts of → purity and covered mountains are inhospitable, and even impurity suggested in Sanskrit texts. Khasa iden- many of the lower peaks are not suitable for year- tity was largely subsumed within a Sanskritized round living. Most villages are therefore located version of social structure. However, in many in places near permanent water sources well areas of Himachal, Uttarakhand, and western/ below the permanent snow line. Mountain peaks Himalaya Region 75 themselves, however, are often part of a sacred who is also a form of Śakti, or Devī – has moun- geography that is associated with deities and rit- tains named after her, too, including Nandā Devī ual practice in various ways. Many higher snow (“Goddess Who Bestows Bliss”) in Uttarakhand, peaks carry names that link them to stories, his- and Annapūrnạ̄ (“Goddess of the Harvests”) in tories, or implements of specific deities. Lower Nepal. Names of rivers also reflect an association peaks, too, frequently become the location for with the goddess – the Pārvatī River flows temples of regional significance. In this way through Himachal, the Kālī along Nepal’s western sacredness is often reflected in the relative eleva- border with India, and the Nandākinī flows tion of a location. Higher altitudes are associated into the Ālaknandā from near the base of Nandā with an intensified sense of purity, while lower Devī herself. altitudes are associated with less purity. Pilgrim- age, whether to temples of local significance or to places of pan-Hindu significance, requires an Pilgrimage Sites of Pan-Hindu upward journey to a location of heightened Significance purity. High-caste members of a village commu- nity commonly live in the higher part of their vil- Many hundreds of thousands of Hindus travel lage, while low-caste residents live lower down. each year to pilgrimage sites in the Himalayas Other geographical features of the mountain- (→ tirtha). The pilgrimage site that is most fre- ous terrain also influence the location of sacred quently referred to in religious texts and epics is sites and ritual practice. Thermally heated springs Kailash-Manasarovar. Kailash is the home of Lord are considered to be locations of spiritual power Śiva and, for many, it is understood to be the and are regarded with respect, as are the sources earthly manifestation of Mount Meru – the great of major rivers. High mountain lakes can also mountain mentioned in the → Mahābhārata. It is become associated with specific deities and also understood to be a physical representation of thereby become sites for temples and/or pilgrim- Śiva’s → lingȧ . At its base is the holy lake of Mana- age. Similarly, the confluence of two rivers is often sarovar. viewed as a site of spiritual significance. In this way, mountains and rivers are often deified, In Hindu mythology, Mount Meru is a fabulous becoming as much a spiritual landscape as a mountain, for on it is situated Svarga – that is, physical one. heaven – the place with the cities of gods, and The Himalayas are most closely associated, the habitations of celestial spirits. The sun, among the deities of the Hindu pantheon, with moon, and stars are supposedly turning around the mountain, and above the king of mountains Śiva and Devī (→ Mahādevī). Consequently, Śaiva is heaven. (Chamaria, 1996, 24) and Śākta traditions influence many aspects of Hindu practice and places of worship. A number The site is also sacred to Buddhists and Jains. Of of Hindu and Buddhist tantric traditions, which all pilgrimages, it most clearly maps an actual phys- are in some sense Śaiva, or which incorporate ical space onto the conceptual notion of moving worship of the goddess in her various forms, may upwards to a more sacred location. At the end of be found in the Himalayas. The vast majority of the Mahābhārata, the Pānḍ avạ brothers all renounce temples in the region are dedicated to either or the world and wander into the Himalayas. Even- both of these deities. Local deities, while main- tually the eldest brother, Yudhisṭ hira,̣ bathes in taining a unique localized history and personal- the Gangā̇ and enters heaven (Sax, 2002, 19). ity, will often be associated with one or the other Mount Kailash is located in southwestern of these major Sanskritic deities, whether in their Tibet, about 250 km (by road) north of the Indian fierce or benevolent personas. While Vaisṇ avạ and Nepalese borders. The journey involves not traditions exist, these are by no means as numer- only a lengthy trip by motor vehicle but also ous or as widespread as Śaiva traditions and many days of trekking. The 52 km circumambu- places of worship. Śiva – the ultimate ascetic – lation (parikrama) around the base of the moun- resides on Mount Kailash, which is located in tain and the 75 km circumambulation of the lake Tibet, and his stories and name are associated are the final aspects of the pilgrimage. Hindu with numerous mountains including Shivling pilgrims traveling from India must acquire spe- (“Śiva’s Phallus”), Nilkantha (“Blue Throat”), Tri- cial permits to cross into China through the shul (“Trident”), and more. His wife → Pārvatī – 5,000-meter-high Lipu Lekh pass near where the 76 Himalaya Region

Amarnath Srinagar

Himachal Pradesh

Dharamsala

Kullu

Yamunotri Yamuna GGangotriangotri

Bhagirathi KKedarnathedarnath BBadrinathadrinath DDeoprayageoprayag Mandakini Mount Kailas RRishikeshishikesh Alaknanda Rudraprayag NandadeviNandadevi MMountainountain Haridwar

Uttarakhand

three national borders of India, Nepal, and China Among the most significant pilgrimage sites in meet. Other routes to the site do exist, but are the Indian Himalayas are those associated with even lengthier. Consequently, the number of the sources of the Gangā̇ and → Yamunā Rivers Hindu pilgrims who visit Mount Kailash and in the state of Uttarakhand. There are three desig- Lake Manasarovar is small. Even though it nated sources (with associated temples) for the remains out of reach for most Hindus, it is the Gangā̇ and one for the Yamunā. Together they are quintessential ascetic pilgrimage – one that sym- referred to as the Chār Dhām. Farthest to the west bolizes the ultimate expression of devotion to is Yamnotri – the source of the Yamunā. Traveling Śiva through a long and arduous journey of hard- eastward, one finds Gangotri at the source of the ship and renunciation. For many Hindus, how- Bhagīrathī River, Kedarnath at the source of the ever, traveling upwards to other sites in the Mandākinī River, and Badrinath at the source of Himalayas and thence to the “sky” is figuratively the Ālaknandā. The Mandākinī flows into the like traveling to Kailash. Ālaknandā at the confluence known as Rudra Himalaya Region 77

Mount Kailas as seen from Lake Manasarovar (photo by Phil Colley).

Prayag, where there is a temple dedicated to the first day of the lunar month ofbaisākh (Apr– Rudra (→ Vedic gods), a fierce form of Śiva. Lower May), which usually occurs in mid-April – and down, the Ālaknandā meets the Bhagīrathī at closes on the same day as the → festival of dīvālī Deoprayag, perhaps the most sacred confluence (usually the end of Oct; Saili, 1996, 4). Temples of two rivers in the mountains. From here, the are closed in the winter, and deities are taken in river is officially referred to as Gangā.̇ It exits the processions to residences at lower altitudes. Dur- Himalayas at the city of Rishikesh, and it finally ing the warmer months, most pilgrims travel to travels through the last foothills at the city of the main sites by either bus or car. A two-day Haridwar. Both Rishikesh and Haridwar are holy journey from Haridwar is required to reach one cities with numerous temples located on the of the main temples. A few pilgrims, usually banks of the river. Most pilgrims from the plains sannyāsins who have renounced the world, will of India stop in these cities before traveling into walk the complete Chār Dhām pilgrimage, but the mountains and upwards to one or more of the this takes several months. People living in Uttara- Chār Dhāms. Haridwar is also one of the loca- khand will sometimes make these pilgrimages. tions for the kumbhamelā, during which time More frequently, however, they maintain a closer millions of pilgrims come to bathe in the Gangā.̇ association with temples and deities in their own The Yamunā River joins the Gangā̇ much farther local area. Consequently, deities and practices are downstream at Allahabad, another site for the more localized in places farthest from the main kumbhamelā. pilgrim routes. Pilgrims from the plains rarely Because of cold weather during winter, the offi- travel far from the main roads. cial pilgrim season occurs during the summer A number of myths surrounding the creation months. The season opens on bikhpantsaṃ krānt – of the Gangā,̇ as well as the travels and exploits of 78 Himalaya Region the Pānḍ ̣ava heroes from the Mahābhārata epic, Bhagirath went to the Himalayas vowing to do are particularly notable for their relevance to penance and bring the river to earth. For a thou- the Uttarakhand region. A story involving the sand years he meditated, until finally the Gangā̇ Pānḍ ̣avas and Śiva illustrates the significance of agreed to descend. However, in order to protect these deities to the region. the earth from the force of her water, Śiva used At the end of the Mahābhārata, when the his hair to cushion her descent. In this way her Pānḍ ̣ava brothers were accused of fratricide, waters were spread throughout the region. Many the only way they could atone for their sins was smaller tributary streams in the region, like the to become ascetics and worship Śiva. They Rām Gangā,̇ Bal Gangā,̇ Dhaulī Gangā,̇ and oth- renounced the world and went to the Himalayas ers, carry her name in recognition of the many to find him. Traveling up the Ālaknandā River, places where she descended to earth. Gangotri, they caught sight of him at Rudra Prayag. Farther however, is the primary source. upstream, at a place called Guptakashi, Śiva dis- One of the most sacred Himalayan pilgrimage appeared before the Pānḍ ̣avas could catch him. sites dedicated to the mother goddess is the tem- Arriving at Kedarnath, they again caught sight of ple of Vaisṇ ọ Devī situated in Kashmir. Unlike the Śiva, who assumed the form of a buffalo and Uttarakhand temples that are located near river dived into the earth. Before he could fully escape, sources high in the mountains, Vaisṇ ọ Devī is in a Bhīma, the strongest of the five brothers, caught holy cave at a much lower altitude. Vaisṇ ọ Devī’s him by his hind legs. Thus his legs are at Kedar- persona is further refined to incorporate those nath, while the rest of his body surfaced in four of Mahākālī, Mahālaksmī,̣ and Mahāsarasvatī – separate parts at four other locations. Together, different manifestations of the one goddess. the five temples at these locations form a second- Vaisṇ ọ Devī is said to be the only shrine in India ary subpilgrimage referred to as the “five Kedārs.” where the three cosmic → śaktis (of Brahmā, Visṇ u,̣ His navel is located at one temple, at another his and Śiva) are naturally manifested. It is also sig- hands, at a third his face, and at the last his hair. nificant that the middle piṇḍī (stone outcrop- The idea of one deity’s dismembered body parts ping), Mahālaksmị̄ (→ Śrī Laksmī),̣ is most closely becoming dispersed to different locations is a identified with Vaisṇ ọ Devī, since Mahālaksmị̄ theme that recurs in other stories from the region not only governs the episode of the Devīmāhātmya and is reminiscent of the śaktipīthaṣ (goddess in which the demon Mahisạ (→ Durgā) is slain but shrines) associated with goddess worship. also is said to be the original manifestation of In contrast to the Śiva temple at Kedarnath, the śakti (Erndl, 1993, 39). Indeed, in her form as temple at Badrinath is revered most by those who Mahālaksmī,̣ she is regarded as Visṇ u’ṣ wife. regard → Visṇ ụ as their supreme deity. Pilgrims While present-day practices and charter myths might choose to visit Badrinath instead of Kedar- tend to stress her benevolent, vegetarian form as nath, depending on their personal preference Mahālaksmī,̣ K.M. Erndl (1993, 43) cites several for one tradition or the other. It is believed that sources that illustrate an earlier emphasis on her the Vedantic philosopher → Śaṅkara established Mahākālī (→ Kālī) form. Such an emphasis may Badrinath as a pilgrimage site when he traveled indicate a closer affinity to Śākta beliefs, which to the Himalayas at the beginning of the 9th cen- are more common in the hills and are associated tury CE. Located below Badrinath is the town of with pre-Vaisṇ avạ traditions. Stories that empha- Joshimath, which is one of four matḥ s (a place of size her Mahākālī form include that in which she residence for ascetics; → monasteries) established is chased by the demon-god Bhairoṅnāth. Vaisṇ ọ by Śaṅkara in various parts of India. Even today, Devī took refuge in the cave before assuming her the head priest of the Badrinath temple is a Mahākālī form and killing Bhaironnāth.̇ Ulti- Nambutīri (Namboodiri) Brahman (→ priests) mately, her manifestation in three forms at the from → Kerala in South India, the birthplace of Vaisṇ ọ Devī Temple allows for a broader appreci- Śaṅkara. In this way the present-day temple ation among a wider group of devotees. maintains a link to its South Indian heritage. Another Hindu pilgrimage site located in the The Gangotri temple is located between Yamnotrī Kashmir Himalayas is the cave of Amarnāth. This to the west and Kedarnath and Badrinath to the cave, dedicated to Śiva, is located much farther east. The Bhagīrathī River that flows from north and at a higher altitude (3,800 m) than the Gangotri takes its name from one of the cosmog- Vaisṇ ọ Devī Temple. Within the cave there exists onic myths associated with the river Gangā.̇ King an ice stalactite that represents Śiva’s lingȧ – the Himalaya Region 79 main object of devotion for visitors. Other ice However, as K.M. Erndl (2004, 154) states, “not forms within the cave represent Pārvatī and Śiva’s all Tantrics are Śākta and not all Śākta are son, Ganeśạ (→ Ganapati/Gaṇ eśa).̣ Tantrics.” Nonetheless, in many Hindu philo- Far to the east, in the Kathmandu Valley of sophical traditions, including the Tantra litera- Nepal, Śiva is worshipped in another form as ture, there is a connection between Śaiva and Paśupatināth (“Lord of Domesticated Animals”). Śākta cults. In many cases a distinction cannot be His temple near Kathmandu is one of the most drawn between the two. For instance, K.M. Erndl sacred Hindu sites in Nepal. It is situated on the (2004, 154) suggests that in one form of Tantrism, banks of the Bāgmatī River and is visited by the supreme Devī is worshiped in a beautiful pilgrims from both Nepal and India. There are form under the names Lalitā, Śrī, or Tripurasun- many cremation sites next to the temple on the dari. She is the active and dynamic aspect of the banks of the river, and, like the city of Varanasi, supreme reality, the Śakti, who, while main- the area is viewed as a particularly important loca- taining pre-eminence on the cult, is in eternal tion for cremation. As at other temples to Śiva, a union with her consort Śiva, who represents the → statue of Nandī the bull – Śiva’s vehicle ( sacred sentient and eternal reality. animals) – is located at the entrance, while a lingȧ resides in the inner sanctum. The temple yard Broadly speaking, two schools of Śākta Tantrism → around the sanctum is large enough to allow many ( Tantrism) exist – one is focused on the fiercer pilgrims to circumambulate the sanctum. form of the goddess, and the other on her more There are numerous other pilgrimage sites else- benevolent form. The former consists of a num- where in the Himalayas, some that are visited by ber of different cults and tends not to be associ- Hindus from the plains, and others that are vis- ated with any canon of texts, while the latter is → ited only by local residents. As suggested earlier, exemplified by the Śri Vidyā tradition, which is the majority of these reflect an overarching prev- most notable in its Kashmiri and South Indian alence of Śaiva and Śākta traditions in the moun- traditions (Erndl, 2004, 154). tains. Such traditions pervade the region and Kaśmir Śaivism has a lengthy textual heritage influence not only pilgrimage sites of pan-Hindu stretching back to at least the 10th century CE. significance, but also local mythology, local tem- The tradition has come to be referred to as Kaśmir ples, and a variety of ritual practices. Śaivism because it “emerged, developed, and flourished most brilliantly in Kashmir, or [was] associated with this region” (Padoux, 1990). The Examples of Śaiva and Śākta tradition is, in fact, associated with numerous early Hindu philosophers and is by no means Worship limited in practice to the Himalayan region. However, in as much as it carries the name Kash- Ritual and worship in tantric, Śaiva, and Śākta mir, it is clearly associated with the region. N. traditions are frequently interrelated and are an Isayeva (1995, 137–138) summarizes the philo- important element of Hindu and Buddhist prac- sophical basis of the tradition as follows: tice. The body of Sanskrit literature known as the → Tantras encompasses many texts within Hindu- Actually, the main idea, shared by all schools of ism, Buddhism, and Jainism. As G. Flood (2004, thought within the fold of nondualist Kashmir 125–126) states, Śaivism, was that of the cosmic union between two entities . . . As it is said in Abhinavagupta’s The majority of the Tantric corpus is concerned Parātriṃ śikāvivaraṇa, “it is impossible to con- with ritual of some kind, and the texts follow ceive any difference, which could [separate] a common ritual structure . . . for the purpose Śakti from Śiva.” At the same time, this union is of attaining liberation and, above all, magical an expression of the two aspects of conscious- power and pleasure in higher worlds. These ness: on the one hand, consciousness is the rituals involve the enacting of elaborate hierar- pure, quiet light of contemplation (prakāśa), chical cosmologies and are concerned with the symbolized by Śiva; while, on the other, con- divinization of the body, with divine energy or sciousness is already endowed with a whole power (śakti), and with possession (āveśa) and range of inner potencies, with the dynamic self- exorcism. awareness as the “will to know,” with the inner urge to transgress its own limits (this aspect is 80 Himalaya Region called vimarśa and is represented by the inner Śiva is thus torn between two poles: One tran- dynamism of Śakti). And it is this dynamic, ever scendental, in conformity with most of the evolving aspect of the reality, which comes to be puranic mythology, and the other, local, refor- identified with “Speech” vāk( ), ever present at mulated in Tantric terms and adapted to autoch- the source and origin of every creation. thonous values. (Toffin 1991–1992, 339) The connection among sound, speech, and cre- The→ Nāth Sampradāya is an esoteric doctrine of ation alluded to above may be traced back to ear- the Nāths, who clearly revere Śiva as their pri- lier traditions and ideas associated with the mary deity. Their activities and philosophies illus- Vedas. Nonetheless, they remain current and trate the complex nature of ascetic and tantric became associated with Kaśmir Śaivism in many practices. Followers of the Nāth Sampradāya are aspects of its development and emphasis. also referred to as Gorakhpanths – followers of The Himalayan region is therefore clearly a Gorakhnāth – and are particularly associated region in which Śaiva and Śākta traditions are with the Himalayas. There is also a considerable significant. This may be seen not only in the following throughout parts of → Uttar Pradesh in lengthy Kashmiri Śaiva tradition but also through India as well as the Terai region of Nepal. Not the existence of Buddhist tantric texts and surprisingly, a monastery for Gorakhpanths is through numerous local, nontextual Śaiva or located near the Paśupatināth Temple in Nepal, Śākta traditions. Śaiva, Śākta, and tantric worship and a Gorakhnāth Temple is situated in the town are by no means unique to the Himalayas, but the of Gorkha, northwest of Kathmandu. Gorakh- particular character of the deities as well as some panths are also referred to as → Kānphatạ̄ – or esoteric forms of worship are an important part “split earlobe” – yogins. As Bharati (1982, 873) of the region’s identity. states, the Kānphatạ̄ yogins are The character of, and practices surrounding, squarely part of the overarching tantric, i.e., the deities of the Newar people of Nepal illustrate Śaivaite and Śākta traditions . . . In addition to a pre-Sanskritic approach to worship overlaid by their dual provenance, Kānphatāṣ straddle the Brahmanical transcendentalism. G. Toffin (1991– Śaivite-Vajrayana (Buddhist Tantric) fence in 1992, 341) describes the character and practices Nepal and are hence core representatives of surrounding Newari deities and illustrates the Naipala dharma. prevalence of those associated with Śiva. P.R. Sharma (1973, 251–252) illustrates the It appears that the cult of Śiva-Mahādeva in clear connection between Śiva worship and the the Kathmandu valley is located at the inter- Kānphatāṣ of western Nepal: section of a Brahmanic tradition and a tribal autochthonous heritage. It is split between a Bhairav is a well known form of Siva. Bhairav is transcendental aspect, coupled with asceticism also a very popular deity in the Dailekh district and a local aspect connected to kingdom, vil- where there are many shrines of this deity. The lage, and other more or less well defined territo- priests in these shrines are everywhere people rial units. belonging to the Kānphatṭ ạ order i.e. ascetics with pierced ears. Western Nepal has a large Consequently, deities may have local relevance population of the Kānphatṭ as,̣ who are married and personalities that are not always the same and live a household life. The Kānphatṭ aṣ may as their more broadly accepted character. have been the people instrumental in popularis- Paśupatināth, who is clearly Śiva and therefore ing Bhairav Nāth in this area. visited by thousands of pilgrims from India, is viewed as the great ascetic. As G. Toffin (1991– Bhairava is indeed popular in many places 1992, 341) states, the main priests of his temple throughout the Himalayas, not just in Nepal. That are Brahmans from South India. Some other the Kānphatāṣ were responsible for this popular- forms of Śiva, which represent a more mundane ity may in fact be conjecture. Nonetheless, local and less ascetic character, remain outside the temples to Śiva in various forms, including his temple and are attended by Newari tantric form as → Bhairava, are common. Some temples Karmachārya priests. Thus, two forms of Śiva – in the Uttarakhand region have an association one transcendental and ascetic, the other more with the Kānphatās,̣ but not to the extent that down to earth – coexist near each other. The dual- Sharma suggests for western Nepal. ity of such deities is also replicated near other The Kānphatạ̄ yogins also seem to have a curious temples in the region. indirect link to lower-caste drummers through Himalaya Region 81 their association with sonic theology. In part, this the physical and economic welfare of a village. may be seen to result from the order’s disregard Beḍās left their hair long, honored Śiva as their for normal Hindu caste structures. However, it personal deity, and imitated the life of an ascetic is not hard to see the connection between the while remaining householders. In this way they Gorakhpanths’ metaphysical explanation of sound were not dissimilar to Kānphatās.̣ The most dra- and their interest in ritual drumming. matic entertainment they provided included a The main musician caste groups of the region lengthy and dangerous rope-sliding trick over are primarily responsible for playing drums at a local cliff. By undertaking the acrobatic feat ritual occasions. They perform at weddings, pro- and surviving, they ensured the well-being of cessions with deities, group dances, and outdoor the village. religious events involving possession. The musi- Clearly, Śiva’s persona as the quintessential cal repertoire of these specialist drummers is Himalayan ascetic has influenced Hinduism in organized around specific ritual activities and is the Himalayas in many important ways, as the designed, among other things, to create an auspi- examples here illustrate. Equally significant, how- cious environment. C. Tingey (1994) describes ever, are the numerous practices and locations the repertoire of the Damāi caste group in Nepal, associated with various forms of the goddess. She while G.M. Wegner (1986) describes the esoteric is Pārvatī in her benevolent form as Śiva’s consort, compositions of drummers in Bhaktapur. In Kālī or Durgā in her fierce form, or simply Devī. Himachal and Uttarakhand, drummers frequently Some temples, like the one in the Kathmandu refer to a book called the Ḍhol Sāgar in which Darbār, are dedicated to the Śiva-Pārvatī combine. they believe all the mystical aspects of their rep- Others, like the Vaisṇ ọ Devī Temple in Kashmir, ertoire are explained (Dabral, 1989). No such are simply dedicated to the goddess in one or sev- complete book actually exists, though fragments eral of her forms. The Jvālāmukhī Temple in Kan- clearly indicate a connection to Śaiva-Śākta gra district of Himachal is well known as a tantric practices. In the fragments that do exist, śaktipīthạ where the goddess’ tongue is housed as Śiva is questioned by his wife Pārvatī about the an eternal flame in the shrine. Also in Himachal main drum and its repertoire. He responds in are the Kāngrewālī̇ Devī and Nainā Devī Temples, esoteric ways, hinting at – but not really explain- the latter of which is also included in the ing – the role of the drum and its connection to śaktipīthạ scheme. In Uttarakhand the Surkhanḍ ̣ā linguistic structures (Dabral, 1989). Devī, Chandrabadnī, Dunāgirī, and Jvālpā Devī The fact that Śiva and Pārvatī feature promi- Temples are well known. In the Kathmandu nently in the existing fragments of the Ḍhol Sāgar Darbār there is the temple to the living goddess. is not surprising. The connection among Śiva’s In this temple a young girl – chosen at birth as creative → dance as explained in the → Vedas, the the living form of Devī – lives and is worshipped sounds of the Sanskrit language, and the existence as the goddess until she reaches puberty, when a of the universe are all linked in Kashmiri Śaiva new earthly manifestation must be chosen. literature. The emergence of similar themes in a Individual and local forms of worship of Devī book explaining esoteric drum language and rep- can take a variety of forms. The events, stories, ertoire indicates a link between Tantra texts on and rituals surrounding Bhūṅkhāl Devī, who is the one hand and narrative oral practices of low- found in Pauri district of Uttarakhand, provide caste musicians on the other. The occasional men- examples of localized practice with connections tion of Gorakhnāth in the existing fragments of to Devī/Durgā worship elsewhere. The climax of the Ḍhol Sāgar further reinforces its connection the bhūnkhāl̇ (festival) is a ritual sacrifice of to Śaiva worship. Anuragi (1983–1984) clearly numerous buffalos and goats to the deity at her ascribes the creation of the Ḍhol Sāgar to the fol- temple on the Bhūṅkhāl promontory. W.S. Sax lowers of Gorakhnāth – the Kānphatạ̄ yogins. (1991, 127–59) describes buffalo sacrifice elsewhere Śiva is also prominent in the lives of another in Uttarakhand and illustrates a number of aspects musician caste group of entertainers called Beḍās. that are unique to the Uttarakhand myths sur- While Beḍās no longer perform publicly today, rounding the ritual. All stories surrounding Devī there are written accounts of their activities that are linked in some way to Durgā’s defeat of the indicate clear connections to Śaiva practices. As demonic buffalo-child who incestuously insists G.D. Berreman (1961) describes, in the past, on marrying her. Bhūṅkhāl Devī, however, has a Beḍās were invited to provide acrobatic and musi- personal and local identity that reiterates the cal entertainment at villages in order to ensure character of the goddess in a local environment. 82 Himalaya Region In the Indian Himalayas over the past 30 years, goddesses appear through their mediums. The an antisacrifice lobby has gained such strength dancing that occurs during the celebrations is that the frequency and publicity surrounding buf- loud and raucous until such time as Devī appears, falo sacrifices have diminished. Nonetheless, buf- at which point she becomes the center of atten- falo sacrifice is still a significant part of a number tion. Her arrival is a chance for all to view her, of local festivals. In Nepal, the buffalo sacrifice in make offerings, and seek her blessing. Bhaktapur is well known. Not surprisingly, The headman or a prominent Rajput from each Bhūṅkhāl Devī’s myth has a connection with of the villages purchases one or two young, uncas- Nepal. trated male buffalos. Other residents might pur- chase goats in preparation for the sacrifice. The There was once a deaf and dumb girl who was headman’s animals are made to circumambulate teased incessantly by the men of her village. One the village and thereby absorb all dangerous and day, as she was cutting grass, the young men evil entities/essences that may exist. Thus, the vil- raped her and placed her in a pit at Bhūṅkhāl. lage is purged of potentially threatening or inaus- She appeared to her parents in a dream, telling picious things. On the final day, the animals are them where she was buried and asking them taken on a noisy journey, accompanied by drums to rescue her. They came with a large party of and dancing, from each village to the Devī’s tem- men and carried her back in a palanquin. When ple, where they are sacrificed. The animal is they reached their village, she insisted on being beheaded over the kālīyantra (→ manḍ ̣alas and taken back to Bhūṅkhāl and requested that an yantras) so that all the village’s threats and mis- open-air temple be built for her. No roof was to be included since this would be too reminiscent fortunes go into it with the blood of the animal. of her original burial. As the party arrived, she Buffalos are never eaten, while goats may be asked that a young male buffalo be sacrificed to consumed as a kind of edible grace that has been her. She was now a form of Devī, and her mūrti blessed by the deity. The sacrifice serves to protect (idol) was placed on this spot. the villages of the area from misfortune in the coming year, and the rituals and celebrations The story has a particularly unique twist in rela- serve to reinforce a number of local theological tion to the Gorkha (Gurleha) invasion of the area, perspectives as well as a number of social which took place at the beginning of the 19th structures. century. As the Gorkhas prepared to attack, Bhūṅkhāl Devī appeared to numerous people at once and warned them of the imminent arrival of Other Aspects of Village-Level the invading armies. Many hundreds of local resi- Ritual dents were able to hide and avoid capture. When the Gorkhas arrived, they saw her idol and were Most villages in the Himalayas maintain an asso- determined to remove her to Nepal. However, ciation with a particular deity or group of deities the mūrti (idol) was immovable, and consequently like those described for Bhūṅkhāl. In this way, the Gorkhas were only able to remove her torso, residents of the Himalayas have a special affinity leaving the lower portion behind. To this day, res- with a village deity (grāmdevtā) in ways similar to idents of the area are convinced her head rests in the rest of India. As W. Harman (2004, 105) states, Kathmandu, while her feet remain in Bhūṅkhāl. villagers “are likely to understand such deities as The present-day celebration, which is held in responsible for the physical health and welfare of honor of the Devī, occurs during the auspicious [their village].” In the mountains, local temples month of mangseṙ (Nov–Dec) and is set by a are often situated on promontories near groups of Brahman priest from one of the key villages in the villages. Stories regarding the history and charac- area. Celebrations occur in all the surrounding ter of the deity usually reinforce a local identity villages over four days and three nights. The based around local geographical points, local bhūnkhāl̇ festival is a time for those who are concepts of history, and local social networks. working outside the village to return and reconnect Not surprisingly, circumambulation and proces- with their village. Every night, villagers gather for sions through a terrain are an important aspect of communal dancing in each village square (maṇdāṇ ̣). many rituals that help reinforce the connection Dancing continues throughout the night, during between specific deities and their geographies. which time Devī and other local gods and Worshippers at Mount Kailash trek around the Himalaya Region 83 base of the mountain and the lake as part of come to them with problems, be they physical, their pilgrimage. Numerous rituals among the mental, or economic. The shaman undertakes a Newar in Bhaktapur incorporate procession and journey to the spiritual realm, where he consults circumambulation (see Toffin, 1999; Greene, 2003). with deities regarding the well-being of his cli- Worshippers circumambulate the lingȧ within ents. In Uttarakhand, as A.C. Fanger (1990) the Paśupatināth Temple sanctuary in Nepal. describes, a shaman requires the assistance of a Deities themselves are often taken out on proces- medium who becomes possessed and thereby sion as, for instance, in the rāj jāt yātrā of Nandā may be questioned directly regarding the client’s Devī (Sax, 1991). Deities have their space, and ailment. Remedies may take a variety of forms, rituals serve to reinforce their presence in those including specific acts of penance or offerings to geographies. the deity. In Uttarakhand, some shamans are also Rituals involving → possession like that described entertainers who sing or tell lengthy folk epics of for Bhūṅkhāl Devī are common throughout the heroes from the past. Because of their special Himalayas. Specific deities are known to possess connection with the spiritual realm, even enter- particular mediums, who then take on the physi- tainment of this kind may involve possession cal and personal characteristics of their deity. In when characters come to life in the bodies of par- most cases, possession is seen as a positive aspect ticular audience members. of worship and is frequently associated with Thepān ̣ḍavalīlā is a unique ritual of the Uttara- musical sound. Deities possess their mediums khand region that provides an insight into the because they enjoy the music and come to share region’s religious practices. Though pāṇḍavalīlās the ritual occasion with human participants. The only occur in a limited area of central and west- ritual activity, which usually involves drumming ern Uttarakhand, they incorporate the kinds of and the singing/recitation of incantations and ritual practices and attitudes that may be found stories, is said to awaken the deities, who conse- elsewhere in the Himalayas. These include pos- quently arrive among the ritual participants. If a session, communal village-level celebration, and malevolent deity or ghost possesses a person, local interpretations of pan-Hindu deities and however, this is viewed quite differently from myths. W.S. Sax (2002) provides the most com- other forms of possession. Negative possession of prehensive description of the pāṇḍavalīlā to date. this kind does not occur in ritual circumstances A pāṇḍavalīlā is a dramatic or dance presenta- and is viewed as an illness requiring exorcism. tion of episodes from the Mahābhārata. Specifi- Various forms of shamanism are prevalent cally, it is the play (→ līlā) of the Pānḍ ̣avas, the throughout the Himalayas, not only for the pur- five heroes from the epic. On the one hand, it is poses of healing and exorcism, but also for divi- entertainment, in that people come to watch or nation and specific communication with the participate in the event for enjoyment and excite- spiritual realm. Shamans are usually lower-caste ment. On the other hand, as W.S. Sax (2002) sug- members who offer an alternative access to the gests, it is also an efficacious ritual that serves an divine for local populations who may not have essential religious and social purpose. It is not access through more-orthodox ritual practice. surprising that the Pānḍ ̣avas and their shared In this way shamans can act as low-caste religious wife, → Draupadī, are the central characters for a officiates when it is warranted by a situation. Himalayan event, since they are believed to have Because they are often from a low-caste group, traveled and ruled the area during their lengthy they can conduct orthodox ceremonies for low- exile from the plains. caste households when required. For instance, the Pāṇḍavalīlās are presented by residents of ritual bathing of a low-caste bride may be under- an individual village and are held over several taken by a low-caste ritual specialist – who may also weeks, usually in late autumn or early winter. be a shaman – if a Brahman priest is unavailable. Pāṇḍavalīlās are not held every year, but more Shamans take up their careers by choice and normally occur in a village every third year. The not because of a particular caste affiliation. Dei- central village square (maṇḍāṇ) is usually the ties accessed by shamans are, by and large, local location for all activity. The battle scene involving entities who have a direct connection with the the death of Arjuna’s son, Abhīmanyu, in a maze shaman or a local community. As R.R. Desjarlais (cakravyūha) may require a larger stage and (1992) describes, amongst the Yolmo in northern therefore is frequently enacted on a fallow field Nepal, shamans provide diagnoses for those who nearby. Each day, in the afternoon, drummers 84 Himalaya Region summon villagers together to participate in and the Himalayas. Possession, so much a feature of witness the event. A shrine dedicated to the village other rituals, is a regular and essential part of the god as well as to the Pānḍ ̣avas is located to the side pāṇḍavalīlā. The focus on the Pānḍ ̣avas, who are of the maṇḍāṇ where āratī (waving of light) takes said to have wandered and been rulers in the place at the beginning of and during the event. Himalayas, emerges as a part of other stories. The However, the majority of attention is focused on link to goddess worship through the female char- the characters who dance their roles in the central acters of the pāṇḍavalīlā is not surprising. The use square. of drums to induce possession and the inclusion Many pāṇḍavalīlās begin with a circle dance of dance as part of the ritual is common to many performed by the Rajput men of the village. All rituals. In these ways, the performance of the high-caste men may participate in this loosely pāṇḍavalīlā, while clearly limited to central choreographed dance. Drummers increase the Uttarakhand, is indicative of Himalaya-wide volume and speed of their rhythms as the dance practices. becomes faster and more dramatic. At some point On one level, the Pānḍ ̣avas are believed to in the ritual, the Pānḍ ̣avas and other characters be heroes who actually lived in the past. Their from the Mahābhārata possess their mediums. At posthumous deification is not abnormal within this moment the mediums continue to dance on the Himalayan context. The distinction between their own, while others leave the space. Though a heroic characters from the past and divine beings variety of procedures may follow, normally char- of the present is often nebulous. Heroic epic acters dance in small groups or individually to tales frequently have characters who on the illustrate their characters in various ways. Arjuna one hand are human, but on the other take on and Draupadī invariably dance together in a par- godlike characteristics. Audience members might ticularly dramatic warlike interaction. Arjuna even become possessed by such heroic gods. In also frequently dances with his son Nākarjuna. particular, mortals who meet an untimely death Bhīma and → Hanumān cross paths in a storyline might become ghosts. Heroes who die heroically twist that is frequently told in the Himalayas. might become deified. Both exist in the supernat- The Pānḍ ̣avas come on to their mediums because ural world alongside the natural world. Small they hear the celebrations and enjoy dancing. shrines are sometimes built to placate or honor Once they arrive, their presence is auspicious and these beings in places where people sense their provides villagers with the opportunity to view, presence. and be viewed by, the gods. The characters bless their audience not only by arriving in their midst, but also through other specific ritual actions. For Conclusion instance, frequently they grab handfuls of rice from their assistants and throw this on the audi- The Himalayas are a diverse region encompassing ence. At other times they place vermilion paste many diverse practices and beliefs. From the (pithāị ) on the foreheads of those worshippers perspective of Hindus from the plains, the who choose to come forward. Himalayan region symbolizes the ultimate ascetic Draupadī is a central figure in many episodes experience of the renunciant. Śiva, the quintes- of the performance. In most cases, she is per- sential yogin, resides in the Himalayas with his formed by a male medium. While in the wife Pārvatī. Both deities become transformed Mahābhārata she is primarily identified as the in local practice, taking on localized forms and common bride of the five brothers, her role in histories relevant to those who are permanent pāṇḍavalīlā performances is much broader. As residents of the Himalayas. Not surprisingly, W.S. Sax (2002, 135) states, “Draupadi is explicitly hundreds of thousands of pilgrims travel to many identified as Kali” and therefore in her different pilgrimage sites in the mountains possessed state often takes on the fiercer charac- each year. teristics of the latter. This is not surprising in the The great Hindu epics also mention the Himala- general context of Himalayan Śākta traditions. yas. In particular, the Pānḍ ̣avas of the Mahābhārata Devī, in her guise as Kālī, appears as Draupadī traveled to the Himalayas during and at the end within an event linked to the Mahābhārata. of their lives. For Hindus of the plains, their sto- Thepān ̣ḍavalīlā is clearly a ritual that resonates ries reinforce the notion of the Himalayas as a with customs and practices found elsewhere in destination of renunciation. One must travel Himalaya Region 85 beyond the world and its endless cycle of rebirth A.C. Fanger & C.W. Brown, eds., Himalaya: Past and by moving upwards to the Himalayas. For local Present, vol. I, 1990, 173–191. residents, stories of the Pānḍ ̣avas, Śiva, and Devī Flood, G., “Śaiva,” in: S. Mittal & G. Thurslog, eds., The Hindu World, New York, 2004, 199–139. permeate their everyday lives. 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