Disability History Association Podcast Interview with Ravi Malhotra May 2021
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Corporate Governance and Impossibilism
CRESC Working Paper Series Working Paper No. 48 Corporate governance and impossibilism Ismail Erturk, Julie Froud, Sukhdev Johal. Adam Leaver, David Shammai, Karel Williams CRESC, The University of Manchester January 2008 For further information: Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC) Faculty of Social Sciences, The Open University, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes, MK7 6AA, UK Tel: +44 (0)1908 654458 Fax: +44 (0)1908 654488 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Web: www.cresc.ac.uk The authors acknowledge the support of the ESRC under a Business Engagement Scheme award where CRESC and KPMG are partners. David Shammai works for KPMG and Karel Williams is co- director of CRESC. Ismail Erturk, Julie Froud and Adam Leaver teach at Manchester Business School while Sukhdev Johal teaches at Royal Holloway Management School. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and not the organizations they work for . CRESC Working Papers Corporate Governance and Impossibilism Corresponding Author: Karel Williams ESRC Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC) 178 Waterloo Place The University of Manchester Oxford Road Manchester M13 9PL United Kingdom Fax: +44 (0)161 275 8986 Tel: (mobile UK) 0777 55 14173 [email protected] Abstract This paper presents a mixed methods analysis of proceduralised corporate governance as a technical practice which is “ impossibilist” because it not only inflates expectations but sets fundamentally unattainable objectives. An initial review of the systematic empiricist literature shows how disappointment with corporate governance is justified empirically because changes in procedure and new mechanisms (such as the insistence on more independent NEDS) have little ascertainable positive effect on shareholder value and firm performance. -
Green Questions
Debating Green Strategy—6 lola seaton GREEN QUESTIONS s time rolls on and the ipcc’s deadlines for reducing the rise in global temperatures get closer, the prospect of climate catastrophe looms larger, and the problem of how to avert it becomes ever more pressing. This is the question that has Abeen under discussion in recent numbers of nlr. The debate has fea- tured interventions from a number of distinct positions, on both sides of the Atlantic and across different political generations. Herman Daly, a pioneer in the field of ecological economics, was quizzed on his pro- gramme for a steady-state system by Benjamin Kunkel, n+1 founding editor and author of Buzz. Canadian environmental historian Troy Vettese argued for a pollution-shrinking ‘half-earth’ project of natural geo-engineering and eco-austerity. Taking the opposite tack, the radical economist Robert Pollin called for massive global investment in renew- able energy. In the current number, uk-based scholar-activists Mark Burton and Peter Somerville reply with a defence of ‘degrowth’. Still to come are contributions from an eco-feminist perspective and from the global South.1 At this mid-point in the debate, it may be helpful to pause and take stock. As well as putting forward their own solutions, the contributors have responded—sometimes with assent, but often in the form of rebuttals or correctives—to each other’s. The result of this direct engagement is that, reading the texts in sequence, one feels one has witnessed a con- versation. Yet, in a conversation stretched across twelve months and congealed in text, the latest voices can become the loudest—having both the opportunity to respond to everything that has come before, and the privilege of going temporarily unanswered. -
At the Parting of the Ways, by Hermon Titus
Titus: At the Parting of the Ways [April 8, 1905] 1 At the Parting of the Ways by Hermon F. Titus Published in The Socialist [Toledo, Ohio], whole no. 237 (April 8, 1905), pg. 2. Unsigned article attributed to editor Hermon Titus. The almost simultaneous occurrence of two re- taken, now and for all time. cent incidents has brought the Socialist Party sharply, but not unexpectedly, to the parting of the ways. We Enough of Impossibilism. say “not unexpectedly” because those who have kept close watch upon party affairs have foreseen that, The Socialist movement of America has had sooner or later, the party would be confronted with enough of impossibilism, whether it come clothed in the alternative of continuing along the straight road the garb of a DeLeon, a [Thomas J.] Hagerty, or what which a working class Socialist Party must travel in else. We have been surfeited by its propaganda of exple- order to achieve its mission, or of taking one of the tives, of misrepresentations, of meaningless mouthings two roads leading either to the impassable heights of of revolutionary phrases which have almost fallen into impossibilism or the treacherous mire of opportun- disrepute through misuse and distortion. ism. It has taken years of unceasing labor to overcome The two incidents alluded to are the Berger com- some of the ruinous effects of the DeLeon policy, the promise in Milwaukee and the Hagerty affair at San policy which closed the ears of the organized working Francisco, both outrages against the party principles class to Socialist agitation and blinded them to the and integrity. -
Class Struggle in Any Depth
https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ Theses Digitisation: https://www.gla.ac.uk/myglasgow/research/enlighten/theses/digitisation/ This is a digitised version of the original print thesis. Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW A Critical Contribution to an Understanding of the Nature of Soviet Society s j with Special Reference to Working Class Self-Assertion I I' © Neil C. Fernandez June 1995 Institute of Russian and East European Studies A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ProQuest Number: 10391333 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10391333 Published by ProQuest LLO (2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. -
“Impossibilism.”
VOL. 6, NO. 138. NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1905. ONE CENT. EDITORIAL “IMPOSSIBILISM.” By DANIEL DE LEON N the answer to a correspondent, calling upon it to define its attitude toward the Industrial Workers of the World, the Los Angeles privately-owned II Common Sense admits that “craft unionism has been playing into the hands of the enemy,” on account of which it “hails with the spirit of true comradeship a truly Socialist economic organization such as is the Industrial Workers of the World,” and thereupon proceeds to qualify its hail by declaring that it would “rather see it (the identical I.W.W.) die than live, and that quickly” if it is to be “used as a means of revivifying and bolstering up an impossibilist political party that does more damage to the cause of Socialism than good, and if it seeks to be a means of rupture of the Socialist party itself.” “Impossibilism” is a term that means different things in different countries. Its meaning in each instance is to be gathered from the things that are considered impossible by those who set up the term “Impossibilism,” and are considered possible and necessary by those against whom the term is hurled. Here in America “Impossibilism” is the name that has been given to the following code of principles: “First. A Socialist political organization is a kite without a tail, a gun loaded with powder and no bullet, noise, signifying nothing, unless it is the conscious and direct reflex of a class-conscious, that is, a Socialist economic organization, upon which it is banked, and through which its aspirations to take and hold the administration of the land can be realized. -
The Style and Mythology of Socialism: Socialist Idealism, 1871-1914 Pdf, Epub, Ebook
THE STYLE AND MYTHOLOGY OF SOCIALISM: SOCIALIST IDEALISM, 1871-1914 PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Stefan Arvidsson | 324 pages | 05 Jul 2019 | Taylor & Francis Ltd | 9780367348809 | English | London, United Kingdom The Style and Mythology of Socialism: Socialist Idealism, 1871-1914 PDF Book The sudden uncontrolled proliferation of high rise office buildings, many of them incredibly ugly and completely out of proportion to the rest of the city, brings in its wake devastating social and economic consequences. Skip to main content. The hammer and sickle is a symbol meant to represent proletarian solidarity — a union between the peasantry and working-class. Book Summary: In this collection of excerpts from the essential works of Hendrik de Man , Peter Dodge reinstates in historical consciousness this pioneer sociologist of the European socialist movement and of labor in industrial society. The causes and consequences of cultural developments which made the most tragic period of German history possible are reflected upon in this outstanding work. Please enter a valid ZIP Code. Emblem of the Hungarian People's Republic — It was first adapted during the Russian Revolution, the hammer representing the workers and the sickle representing the peasants. We became a nation of free men not serving political masters but ourselves, free to pursue our happiness without interference from the state, with the greatest liberty of individual action ever known to man. Revolution In Psychology by Ian Parker. Please note the delivery estimate is greater than 4 business days. The weakness of a critical socialist tradition in America cannot be explained altogether by the success of capitalism or the repression of socialism but is in part due to those features of American culture and American myth that we have been examining. -
Pol Itical E Con Omy Re Se Arc H Institute
POLITICAL ECONOMY POLITICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE Post-American Moments in Contemporary Global Financial Governance Ilene Grabel January 2021 (Updated) WORKINGPAPER SERIES Number 511 Post-American Moments in Contemporary Global Financial Governance Ilene Grabel* Distinguished University Professor Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver; Denver, CO 80208, USA Email: [email protected] January 2021 Abstract It is difficult to find much to celebrate about the current conjuncture, marked as it is by deeply destructive incoherence. The best that can be said is that we are in an interregnum. But I suggest that today’s incoherence also includes productive and even transformative moments. I argue that incoherence in global financial governance should be understood as productive in several respects. It is creating and widening alternative spaces in which some of the values, practices, tools, objectives, and goals associated with embedded liberalism can be rearticulated in a world in which there is no “order,” American-led or otherwise. The silver lining of incoherence is that it creates space for experimentation and innovation unconstrained by an overarching “ism.” Incoherence is creating exits or leakages from noxious national and global policy environments, rendering it less poisonous than it would be in the absence of ideational aperture and contestation, competing policies, institutions, networks, and poles of power. The abdication by the US of its traditional role of global coordination and discipline, as exerted under the post-war embedded liberal or the neoliberal American-led orders, is creating opportunities for more permissive and varied “reembededness” and diverse forms of economic integration. The emerging regime reflects neither your grandmother’s American-led order 1.0 or 2.0. -
Social Structures of Disaccumulation: a 101 on the Rate of Profit and the Cause of Crisis
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Social Structures of disaccumulation: a 101 on the rate of profit and the cause of crisis Freeman, Alan Geopolitical Economy Research Group September 2015 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/69649/ MPRA Paper No. 69649, posted 22 Feb 2016 14:58 UTC SOCIAL STRUCTURES OF DISACCUMULATION A 101 ON THE RATE OF PROFIT AND THE CAUSE OF CRISIS Alan Freeman Sunday, August 2, 2015 Abstract These educational notes were prepared for a summer camp organised by Ideas Left Out at Elbow Lake, Ontario in the summer of 2015. I suggested to the organisers that I could produce a fairly simplified introduction to the discussion which would be pluralist, in the sense that it would introduce the various conflicting ideas about the cause of crisis and the special role that the rate of profit plays within it. I promised, after the discussion, that I would make the notes available for those who expressed interest but could not attend. Here they are. This article contains a shameless amount of self-reference. This is not just because the referenced articles of my own contain more explanation than is reasonable in a 101 introduction, but because these articles also contain bibliographies which will allow the reader to explore the subject in her own chosen way and at her own chosen pace. 1 | P a g e INTRODUCTION: WHY IS THE PROFIT RATE CONTROVERSIAL? The profit rate has been a controversial issue in economics, especially Marxist economics, since the turn of the last century. However, in the nineteenth century it was not, which is a puzzle. -
Doctrinal Purity
DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 WHY IS THERE NO SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES? Robert A. Rosenstone To be published in Reviews in American History HUMANITIES WORKING PAPER 17 November 1978 WHY IS THERE NO SOCIALISM IN THE UNITED STATES? Robert A. ltosenstone Milton Canton, The Divided Left: American Radicalism 1900-1975, (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978), 248 pp., Bibliography and index. $11.95. Why is there no socialism in the United States? The question may be old, but it is one made new for each generation. Posed in this form, it was the title of a 1906 book by German sociologist Werner Sombart. Now, three major periods of radical upheaval later, it remains timely. Partly this is because it is a more general question than the word "socialism" might indicate, broader even than the fuzzier notien of "radicalism." The question really implies an inquiry into the nature of U.S. history and society -- not just social, political and economic arrangements, but also into that elusive but significant area of "consciousness," which includes values, life-goals, allegiance and self-definition of individuals and groups. To ask the question is to assume Karl Marx was on to something when he pointed to class struggle as the engine of history and advanced capitalist orders as most ripe for socialism. To attempt to answer it is not just to admit that Marx was wrong after all, Marxist revolution has come only to underdeveloped 2 countries -- but to explain why he was so far wide of the mark with regards to the United States. -
Poland by Andrzej Krajewski
Poland by Andrzej Krajewski Capital: Warsaw Population: 38.3 million GDP/capita: US$13,996 Ethnic Groups: Polish (96.7%), German (0.4%), Belarusian (0.1%), Ukrainian (0.1%), other and unspecified (2.7%) The economic and social data on this page were taken from the following sources: GDP/capita, Population: Transition Report 2006: Finance in Transition (London, UK: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2006). Ethnic Groups: CIA World Fact Book 2007 (Washington, D.C.: Central Intelligence Agency, 2007). Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 1999 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Electoral Process 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.50 1.50 1.75 1.75 2.00 Civil Society 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.50 Independent Media 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.75 1.75 1.50 1.75 2.25 Governance* 1.75 1.75 2.00 2.00 2.00 n/a n/a n/a National Democratic 3.25 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 2.50 2.75 Local Democratic 2.25 Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 2.00 2.00 Judicial Framework 2.25 and Independence 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 1.50 2.00 2.25 Corruption 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.50 2.50 3.00 3.25 3.00 Democracy Score 1.58 1.58 1.63 1.75 1.75 2.00 2.14 2.36 * With the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Chapter 1 Chapter 2
Notes CHAPTER 1 1. '. the relation between wage labor and capital determines the entire character of the mode of production. The principal agents of this mode of production itself, the capitalist and the wage worker, are to that extent merely personifications of capital and wage labor' (Marx, 1919 (vol. 111) p. 1025). 'Capital and wage-labour (it is thus we designate the labour of the worker who sells his own labour power) only express two aspects of the self-same relationship' (Marx, 1979, p. 1006). 2. 'Where the state is itself a capitalist producer, as in the exploitation of mines, forests, etc., its product is a "commodity" and hence possesses the specific character of every other commodity' (Marx, 1972, p. 51). In volume 11 of Capital Marx also refers in passing to 'state capital, so far as governments employ productive wage-labor in mining, railroading, etc., and perform the function of capitalists' (Marx, 1919 (vol. 11), p. 110). 3. For instance, James Burnham: 'Capitalist economy is a system of private ownership, of ownership of a certain type vested in private individuals, of private enterprise' and 'A capitalist is one who, as an individual has ownership interest in the instruments of production; who, as an individual, employs workers, pays them wages, and is entitled to the products of their labour' (Burnham, 1945, pp. 92 and 103 -emphasis in original). Burnham inherited this position, which was also that of Trotsky, from the orthodox Trotskyist movement from which he came. It is still the position of orthodox Trotskyism as well as of the official ideology of the Russian state. -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY GENERAL ISSUES SOCIAL THEORY AND SOCIAL SCIENCE BEYERSTEDT, HORST-DIETER. Marxistische Kritik an der Sowjetunion in der Stalinara (1924-1953). Peter Lang, Frankfurt/M., Bern, New York 1987. 618 pp. S.fr. 85.00. The present doctorate thesis (Mainz 1985) describes the development of marxist critiques of the Soviet Union from Lenin's death till the demise of Stalin. The author treats a large number of theories, but apparently is not well acquainted with the relevant British contributions to the debate (e.g., Tony Cliff). Crucible of Socialism. Ed. by Louis Patsouras. Humanities Press Interna tional, Inc., Atlantic Highlands (N.J.) 1987. xvi, 410 pp. 111. $ 49.95. The twelve chapters in this collection treat four currents of thinking: An archism, Marxism and Communism, Democratic Socialism, and Anti-So cialism, approaching them from a biographical angle. Dealt with are, among others, Michael Bakunin (James G. Chastain), Rudolf Rocker (William J. Fishman), Friedrich Engels (Marti E. Berger), Leon Trotsky (Morris Sla- vin), Bukharin (Stephen F. Cohen), Fidel Castro and Marmaduke Grove (Jack Ray Thomas). The editor has contributed essays on Leon Blum and Jean Grave, the second of which covers over one third of the book. GRONOW, JUKKA. On the Formation of Marxism. Karl Kautsky's Theory of Capitalism, the Marxism of the Second International and Karl Marx's Critique of Political Economy. The Finnish Society of Sciences and Letters, Helsinki 1986. 253 pp. International Review of Social History, XXXII (1988), pp. 70-103 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.14, on 24 Sep 2021 at 16:30:41, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.