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“The Palaepaphos Urban Landscape Project”: Theoretical Background and Preliminary Report 2006-2007

Maria Iacovou (University of )

INTRODUCTION Late Bronze and in the Iron Ages, is to this day poorly understood. Its few visible monuments Fieldwork initiated by the Archaeological —the secular structures in the localities Marchel- Research Unit of the University of Cyprus at Kouklia-Palaepaphos in 2006 has been designed lo, Hadjiabdoulla and Evreti, the sepulchral to meet the requirements of two interconnected projects. The first, to which the present article ______provides the theoretical background and explains 1. In my capacity as field director, I wish to thank the Director the 2006 and 2007 field targets, is “The Palaepa- of Antiquities of Cyprus Dr Pavlos Flourentzos for permis- phos Urban Landscape Project”.1 The second, sion to initiate the Palaepaphos-Marchello field project in 2006 and for the annual renewal of his permit. I extend my which is entitled “A long-term response to the gratitude to the Curator of Museums Dr Maria Hadjicosti for need to make modern development and the having encouraged me to consider a long-term excavation preservation of the archaeo-cultural record mutu- project at various key-sites in the vicinity of the sanctuary of ally compatible operations: Pilot application at Palaepaphos and for her sound advice on formal procedures. I thank most warmly the Curator of Monuments Dr Marina Kouklia-Palaepaphos” (“Palaepaphos Pilot Pro- Ieronymidou for her steadfast support of the different aspects ject”, for short), is a project concerned with the of our field operations (geophysical surveys and excavations) development of a framework of principles for the and her impeccable and timely handling of issues as sensitive as the declaration or expropriation of private land. Special management of archaeological landscapes as thanks are due to the Archaeological Officer of Dr extensive as that of Palaepaphos, which are des- Stathis Raptou for his collegial and collaborative spirit and tined to sustain modern development.2 It was for facilitating our work in every way. All participants of the 2006 and 2007 field seasons wish to thank the staff members submitted to the University of Cyprus in 2005, of the Kouklia Regional Museum and, in particular, following a call for applied research projects Onisiphoros Loukaides for ‘hosting’ us in the Medieval with a direct impact and significant benefit for Manor House. To Maro, Ntina, Savvas, Marina, Gianoulla, Cyprus. Based on the assessment of three anony- Giorgos and Michalis we extend our warmest thanks for mak- ing our stay in the ‘Chiftlik’ a memorable experience and for mous peer reviewers, the University Research their readiness to help us solve all kinds of problems and Committee decided to support and fund the pro- crises. We also wish to thank the mayor of Kouklia, Mr ject for three years (2007-2010). Christos Miltiadous and the municipal council of the com- munity for their assistance and hospitality. 2. Principal Investigator: Maria Iacovou, Department of Histo- THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ry and Archaeology, University of Cyprus. Members of Re- search Team: Dr Andreas Andreou, Department of Computer Kouklia-Palaepaphos is an extensive yet Science, University of Cyprus; Dr Stratos Stylianides, Visit- insufficiently defined landscape rich in sensitive ing Lecturer, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (Special archaeological data. How this landscape was Scientist); Dr Apostolos Sarris, Scientific Supervisor and Director of the Laboratory of Geophysical Ð Satellite Remote organised in antiquity, and especially how it was Sensing & Archaeo-environment, Institute for Mediterranean utilised by different urban components in the Studies (External Collaborator). 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 264

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monument (built tomb) known as “Spilaion tis doned. Only the sanctuary continued to receive Regainas” at Arkalou and, of course, its unparal- attention and, in fact, during the Hellenistic and leled sacred monument, the open-air sanctuary to Roman eras, its direct environs were heavily an aniconic deity who was to become known as remodelled to accommodate the needs of pil- — are scattered over an area of a cou- grims. Thus, the rest of the town, which soon ple of square kilometres (Fig. 1). Since they are after the move to Nea Paphos began to be spatially isolated from each other, it is not easy to referred to as Palaea and Palaeopaphos, appears guess how, or if, they interacted. In particular, the to have been spared the kind of extensive public temporal and institutional relationship and the projects that have obliterated (with the construc- physical communication of the secular and sepul- tion of gymnasia and theatres) the better part of chral monuments with the great sanctuary are the Archaic and Classical urban landscape of issues requiring consideration. Salamis, Amathous and Kourion. With the advent In spite of the fact that the visible monuments of Christianity, Palaepaphos also lost its religious are few and dispersed, Palaepaphos continues to significance and, since in Late Antiquity it was provide ample scope for the identification of its not a populous harbour town, like Salamis, urban model in the 2nd and 1st millennia B.C. As Amathous or Kourion, no early Christian basili- has been confirmed by the rewarding results of cas were constructed near, or on top of, its “pagan” cult centre. By the Frankish period, Old the 2006 and 2007 fieldwork on Marchello and Paphos had become an agricultural community by the promising indications of the geophysical within the feudal estate of the royal family of the survey conducted in October 2007 under the Lusignans. The agricultural character of the com- “Palaepaphos Pilot Project” (Fig. 2),3 the area munity, known since as Kouklia, was retained holds untapped but endangered sources of virtually unchanged throughout the Venetian, archaeological information. One may still locate Ottoman and British rule; nor did it change to any ‘windows’ that afford direct access to strata, even considerable degree during the first decade after monuments, of a period when the area contained Independence (1960). Since the 1970s, when the administrative capital of an Iron Age king- agriculture ceased to be a sustainable way of life, dom. It also reveals evidence —though less often— of Late Cypriot occupation, from the time when the same area had been chosen for the ______foundation of an emporion that facilitated the 3. Within the framework of the “Palaepaphos Pilot Project” a export of copper from the region of Paphos. It geophysical survey —employing resistivity, magnetic and GPR techniques— was conducted in October 2007 by the was from this gateway community, founded in project’s main scientific partner, the Institute for Mediter- MCIII/ LCI, that the coastal settlement of Paphos ranean Studies of the Foundation of Research and Technolo- grew into one of the island’s first regional gy, Hellas (IMS-FORTH). It was directed by Dr Apostolos th Sarris, Director of the Institute’s Laboratory of Geophysical polities - though, probably, not before the 13 Ð Satellite Remote Sensing and Archaeo-environment in col- century B.C. laboration with Maria Iacovou. The survey team from the The reason behind this rarely observed direct IMS-FORTH (E. Kokkinou, P. Soupios, E. Papadopoulos, V. Trigkas, O. Sepsa, D. Gionis) and the ARU (A. Agapiou accessibility to settlement strata of the golden era and A. Satraki), scanned 56,202 sq.m. A number of promis- of the Cypriot kingdoms (i.e. Cypro-Archaic and ing targets were indicated and some show good correlation Cypro-Classical) is almost certainly related to the with surface monuments. All maps and the corresponding interpretation of the geophysical features were registered to a move away of port facilities and administrative GIS application after an intensive DGPS survey, which con- functions to Nea Paphos sometime in the 4th cen- sists of aerial and satellite imagery and digital products of the tury B.C. (Iacovou forthcoming). Apparently, the land-use and its geology. The technical report was submitted by Dr Sarris to the Principal Investigator (M. Iacovou) in urban landscape began to shrink as secular units April 2008. A separate article is under preparation on the of the kingdom’s old capital were being aban- techniques used and the results of the survey. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 265

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the population of Kouklia could no longer sur- accomplished in Cyprus to this day (cf. Maier vive on the cultivation of their land; nor were and Karageorghis 1984, 326-38; Maier 2004, 89- they allowed to make any other use of it, since 105). Meanwhile, ever since the 1960s, the almost all the private parcels around the village Department of Antiquities of Cyprus has been have been listed by the Department of Antiqui- conducting rescue digs, mostly of tombs but also ties. They come under Protection Zone “B” (Fig. of extra-urban sanctuaries, almost on a daily 3), which means that the Republic’s heritage basis, but tomb robbing is still rampant in the manager has good reason to believe that these area. parcels have considerable archaeo-cultural value. After more than a century of organised and Almost four decades later, the demands placed emergency field projects the Late Bronze Age by the local community upon the government in town, which housed the society that established order to have the status of their land modified, the sanctuary and constructed some of the richest have become increasingly pressing — and they Late Cypriot tombs ever found on the island are not entirely unjustified: no excavation project (cf. Catling 1968; Maier and Karageorghis 1984, has been carried out to prove or disprove the 51), continues to defy spatial definition. Late archaeological significance of all this private Bronze Age Palaepaphos has been described as a land. The “Palaepaphos Pilot Project” is primari- settlement that extends over 144 hectares (Mer- ly concerned with the imminent reclassification rillees 1992, 316), and, on other occasions, as a of large parcels that lie over the ancient polity. A 65-hectare Late Cypriot urban centre (Knapp holistic management plan that would render the 1997). There is, however, no substantial evidence preservation and enhancement of the archaeolog- that would allow for a size measurement of the ical resources and the economic development of Late Cypriot town. Knowledge of the (invisible) modern-day Kouklia-Palaepaphos mutually com- Palaepaphos settlement relies on surmise from patible operations will depend on the successful Late Cypriote wells in the localities Asprogi and interaction and timely application of a combina- Evreti, “filled with a large amount of storage ves- tion of field methods —large-scale geophysical sels, animal bones, ivory waste, and household surveys and small-scale targeted excavations— objects” (Maier and Wartburg 1985, 147), to and macro-scale analysis of the landscape with which another well from Teratsoudia (Kara- Geographical Information Systems, designed to georghis 1990, 71-73) has been added. Mer- enable us to define the most valuable archaeo- rillees’s estimate, besides underestimating the logical zone and demonstrate its significance constraints of the terrain within these 144 within the ancient state centre. hectares, takes for granted that the scatter of Palaepaphos was one of the first sites to draw tombs and wells with Late Cypriot material the attention of the Cyprus Exploration Fund in defines the outer limits of a nucleated urban set- 1888 — a decade after the island had been ceded tlement. This assumption is shared by a number to Great Britain. A second British mission, the of scholars. Vassos Karageorghis writes that “the British Kouklia Expedition, went out to Palaepa- living and working quarters of Late Bronze Age phos in the early 1950s under the epigraphist Ter- Palaepaphos covered not only the Evreti area but ence Mitford of the University of Saint Andrews extended as far south as Teratsoudhia” (1990, and J.H. Iliffe, Director of the Liverpool Muse- 73); and in describing Eliomylia Tomb 119, ums (Catling 1979). In 1966 a Swiss-German located 700m. to the southeast of the sanctuary, Expedition took over and besides a thorough Karageorghis states: “It constitutes the southern- investigation of the sanctuary of Aphrodite, they most tomb in the vast cemetery of this period … also excavated a medieval cane sugar refinery at comprising Marcellos at the northernmost part Kouklia-Stavros. The latter remains the finest and including the sites of Mantissa, Kaminia, industrial archaeology project to have been Asproyi, Evreti, Teratsoudhia, terminating at 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 266

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Eliomylia. This is a vast area, almost 1.5km. in SITE STRUCTURE AND THE length, and is indicative of the size of the city to “ARCHAEOLOGICAL ATLAS which the cemetery belonged” (1990, 77). OF PALAEPAPHOS” The wells at Evreti and Teratsoudia, two very The structure, therefore, rather than the size distinct locations and quite far apart from each of the settlement in the 2nd millennium B.C., other, contained settlement material of LC I-IIIA when it functioned as a Late Cypriot polity, and (Karageorghis 1990, 73), which would suggest then in the 1st millennium B.C., when it became that they were being used for as long as half a the capital of an Iron Age kingdom, is the key millennium (ca 1600-1100) and, more important- issue we are keen to target through the “Palaepa- ly, from as early as LCI. However, it is not possi- phos Urban Landscape Project”. It is the first ble to claim that in MCIII/LC I, the initial date of project that utilises the “Archaeological Atlas of its establishment, Palaepaphos, which was liter- Palaepaphos” and one hopes that many others ally a non-site in Early and Middle Cypriot (cf. will do the same. Executed in 2002 by the Maier and Wartburg 1985, 145-46; Maier 2004, Archaeological Research Unit (ARU) of the Uni- 13-14), expanded overnight to cover an area from versity of Cyprus and the Institute for Mediter- Evreti to Teratsoudia. Likewise, the topographi- ranean Studies of the Foundation of Research cal distribution of tombs with LC I-III material and Technology, Hellas (FORTH), with the col- does not prove that the area delineated by laboration of the Department of Lands and Sur- Marchello to the north-east (note that all compass veys of the Republic of Cyprus and Dr Stratos references are in relation to the sanctuary), Evreti Stylianides (Geo-Imaging),4 this digital archaeo- to the east, Teratsoudia and Eliomylia to the logical atlas is based on Geographical Informa- southeast, plus another 1200m. to the west had tion Systems. It was designed primarily as a her- developed at some point in the course of Late itage management tool in order to bring under Cypriot into a nucleated city, whose outer limits one (digital) roof a vast amount of archaeo-cul- were delineated by these tomb clusters. tural information, dispersed over almost five square km. around Kouklia-Palaepaphos and dat- It is more likely that when Paphos was found- ing from prehistoric to pre-modern times. The ed in MCIII/LCI there were several distinct set- collected data were then analysed by different tlement nuclei and corresponding tomb clusters. chronological and spatial layers.5 As long as it Since to the end of LCIIIA, these tomb clusters can be periodically annotated and updated, this were not abandoned in the name of a communal digital atlas will remain indispensable to all kinds burial ground, it becomes even harder to estab- of projects that target different aspects of this lish to what extent the area within had been extensive archaeological landscape (cf. Sarris et incorporated into a unified system of habitation. al. 2006). We do not know the basic architectural layout of In a recently published paper (Iacovou 2007), the town of Palaepaphos — not even during the I argue that the available data for the study of climax of urban development in LC IIC. As the urbanism and state formation in ancient Cyprus matter stands, the Late Cypriot settlement’s spa- tial relation to the sanctuary is no more than a guess. The absence of straightforward answers to ______4. Fieldwork was undertaken by Maria Iacovou, Vasiliki Kas- these basic research questions led Hector Catling sianidou and George Papasavvas from the ARU and Aposto- to note that the history of the archaeological los Sarris and Sophia Topouzi from the Institute for Mediter- investigation of the landscape that embraces the ranean Studies. 5. This arduous analysis was executed as part of the Master’s famous sanctuary of Kypris or Dea Cypria, “has thesis of Giorgos Stamatis (Stamatis 2004), under the guid- been uneven” (Catling 1979, 271). ance and direction of his supervisor, Dr Apostolos Sarris. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 267

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are insufficient. The individual histories of those tion and then by an Iron Age administration. Late Bronze Age population centres, which have Between these two archaeologically and/or epi- come to be described as the first Cypriot towns, graphically manifested administrations there is a continue to elude scholars. Although settlement gap as regards evidence for the exercise of poli- diversity has begun to be widely acknowledged tical power but not a gap that would suggest site as a key parameter of Late Cypriot urbanism (cf. abandonment or economic failure. During this Keswani 2004, 154), the spatial and temporal horizon of change and reorganisation, which may exploration of urban fabrics is so uneven that be said to begin in the 11th century B.C., people very few comparisons can be validated. Inevit- were not forced to abandon either their primary ably, this is a state of affairs that undermines port settlement or its region, because Paphos did attempts to reach a comprehensive solution as not experience an economic crisis (cf. Iacovou regards the island’s state model in the Late 2005). Bronze Age and, needless to say, it has also obfuscated our understanding of the Iron Age PAPHOS: THE FOUNDATION HORIZON Cypriot polities. Like the well-known Late Cypriot centre of In the case of Palaepaphos, for site structure Enkomi on the east coast, Paphos was virtually a to become our guide to site history we have to be non-site before the Late Cypriot, the period able to analyse the structure of the original which is identified with the belated development Paphos not only spatially but also temporally, so of urbanism in Cyprus. The foundation of Paphos that we can follow its development from its was therefore related to those processes that establishment as an incipient urban settlement in replaced the village-based agricultural economy MCIII/LCI to the end of its functioning as an of Early and Middle Cypriot with a new econo- independent regional polity (‘city-kingdom’) my, which relied heavily on the export of a th towards the end of the 4 century B.C. Thus we metallic product. The establishment of coastal came to acknowledge the need to design a centres as ports of trade on the south coast around region-specific, long-term, and open-ended pro- 1600 B.C. was a novel trend; it was an innovation ject, which may gradually elucidate the urban by comparison with the locations and functions structure that Paphos had before its replacement of Early and Middle Cypriot settlements. We by Nea Paphos. tend to think of these new port establishments as Irrespective of what one may advocate the leading central places they did become more regarding Cyprus’s premodern state model there than a couple of centuries after their foundation is a fact that cannot be contested. We know pre- Ðnot before the late 14th centuryÐ but this is cisely when the island’s own model of statehood almost certainly wrong. Upon foundation, neither was terminated and under what conditions: at the Enkomi nor Paphos could have been anything very end of the 4th century. B.C. by Ptolemy I, other than the terminal link in a chain of settle- Soter. A primary concern, therefore, is how ments that were variously involved in the extrac- power and authority were constituted, and how tion, transportation and overseas export of cop- they were expressed in the urban landscape of the per. Cyprus-style urbanism, like the Cyprus poli- different Cypriot polities, before the island was ty model we wish to define, did not develop from deprived of its indigenous rulers and autonomous the management of a primarily agricultural sur- island-states and was incorporated into the Ptole- plus - as in Minoan Crete. Rather, in response to maic empire system. What makes Paphos more demand from the complex societies of the appealing as a case study is the fact that the same Mediterranean world, it developed from trading landscape was urbanised twice before that termi- in an industrial product, copper. The transforma- nal date: first, by a Late Bronze Age administra- tion of the island’s almost exclusively agrarian 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 268

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economy did not begin on the coast but inland and analyses the available evidence (486 sites when the Middle Cypriot horizon reached its island-wide) using two basic spatial parameters. final stages. During the transition from MCIII to First, Georgiou assigns sites to cultural horizons LCI, population groups moved out of their farm- from the final Chalcolithic phase to the begin- ing communities to establish mining sites further ning of LCI and maps them in twelve geo-mor- inland or ports of export on the coast. Thus, many phological regions. Then, he introduces a second villages of the Early and/or Middle Bronze Age parameter that allows him to group sites in zones were abandoned island-wide (e.g. Marki-Alonia, based on their distance from the sea, their dis- Alampra-Mouttes), while only few were nucleat- tance from the copper ores and their altitude. The ed and continued as Late Cypriot settlements result is a coherent and quantified evidence of (e.g. Lefkosia-Agia Paraskevi, Denia). settlement pattern transformations, which focus- es on the foundation, duration and abandonment THE GEOGRAPHY OF COPPER ORES of every site. Georgiou was therefore able to show that the Early and Middle Bronze Ages of We should therefore never tire of consulting Cyprus were not a long, absolutely static horizon the geological map of the island if we wish to of circa 800 years. Slow but extremely important understand the extent to which the urban struc- developments begin to surface via this region-by- ture and political geography of Cyprus in antiq- region topographic history, which provides an uity was determined by a non-variable factor: the explanation for the impressive settlement pattern location of the copper ores. Copper is located re-organisation made evident during the transi- round the foothills of the Troodos pillow lavas - tion from MCIII to LCI. the original core of the island’s geological for- Georgiou’s analytical maps show that after mation. Beyond this copper-rich zone comes the the abandonment of its prominent Chalcolithic circle of cultivable slopes and plains, admittedly sites, the region of Paphos fails to provide (so of various sizes, which produced foodstuffs and far) any identifiable evidence of Early Cypriot could support a regional system’s staple finance; settlement activity. In the early stages of Middle and, only then, do we reach the coastline, where Cypriot the region has a significant increase in emporia could be established. For this reason I site numbers. During the transition from Middle have recently introduced the concept of ‘mini- to Late Cypriot the region’s site registry jumps mum spatial requirement’ for the rise of a Cypri- from 25 to 45 sites and includes the earliest evi- ot polity. According to this oversimplified model, dence of activity on the site where Paphos was to a Cypriot primary centre needed to be in control grow. During this crucial transitional horizon, of a geographically unified economic territory Georgiou establishes that only four of his 12 that had access to copper sources, agricultural regions show an increase in site numbers: Karpa- land, and a port of export (Iacovou 2007, 18). sia, , Mesaoria and Paphos. In two of The distribution of mineral resources around the these, Karpasia and Morphou, the increase is Troodos massif enabled the growth of indepen- considered normal by comparison with the previ- dent regional economies in an almost star-like ous Early and Middle phases. For the Mesaoria, pattern around the Troodos. the site-number increase, which accompanies the With this ‘minimum spatial requirement’ in foundation of Enkomi, is rapid Ð from 5 to 14 mind we will approach the available settlement sites. The same is true for the region of Paphos, data of the region of Paphos with the help of a where the increase in site-numbers, which site registry of Early and Middle Cypriot sites accompanies the foundation of Paphos, explodes compiled by Giorgos Georgiou (2006). Entitled from 25 to 45 (Georgiou 2006, 425, pl. 11.2). the Topography of human settlement in Early and For a long time in the archaeology of Cyprus, Middle Cypriote, this invaluable corpus collects the cultural development of a new coastal polity, 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 269

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like Enkomi or Paphos, monopolised the interest 1968). Proof, however, that the foundation of a of scholars and made them focus on the new set- port of trade at Paphos was part and parcel of the tlement itself, as if the foundation of either Enko- region’s involvement in the international metals mi or Paphos had been undertaken by coherent trade in MCIII/LCI will require the collection groups who were moving out of overpopulated and analysis of more contemporary evidence at a agrarian villages to colonise lands nearer the regional scale. coast. As regards Enkomi this approach changed drastically in the 1980s and 1990s with the work PAPHOS: FROM GATEWAY TO REGIONAL of Knapp, Muhly, Keswani, Webb and Pel- POLITY (MCIII/LCI TO LCIIC/LCIIIA) tenburg. I would like to draw attention in partic- ular to Peltenburg’s interpretation (1996), in The process that transformed a coastal gate- which he posits a region-wide settlement func- way into a regional polity may have begun dur- tion (complete with fortresses), in an effort to ing the foundation horizon, but upon foundation recreate the route which the ore would have fol- in MCIII/LCI, neither Enkomi nor Paphos could lowed to reach the ‘Fortress’, the industrial have been primary regional centres. This is an nucleus of Enkomi. The importance of the hith- issue that Lindy Crewe defends admirably in her erto neglected geography of the mines, from recently published doctoral dissertation on Enko- which each Late Cypriot coastal gateway mi (2008). Using ceramic evidence, she con- involved in long distance trade would have had cludes that Enkomi consolidated its primary sta- to receive its share of copper for export, was tus as the eastern region’s central place in LCIIA. beginning to be recognised. I would think that Paphos could not have devel- oped into a regional polity earlier than that. In spite of the fact that, like Enkomi, Paphos We know, thanks to the work of Priscilla was evidently founded as a gateway to the sea, it Keswani (2004) that the foundation of new has yet to be acknowledged as the terminal site in coastal sites, such as Enkomi or Morfou-Toumpa a regional settlement pattern engaged in the pro- tou Skourou in the west, originated in diverse duction and export of mineral wealth. This is groups of settlers. The placement of their cham- partly understandable since there is still no ber tombs near their homes or industrial units, archaeological visibility for the mines from and not in a communal cemetery, suggests that where copper could have reached the Paphos they did not share a keen bond or a common emporium. We should, however, take note of the provenance. Turning our attention specifically to fact that almost all of the region’s 45 MCIII/LCI the founders of Paphos, we see that they, too, sites mapped by Georgiou (2006, 415, fig. 11.5) cannot be described as a coherent group moving form a line that begins in the copper-rich foothills out of an older agricultural community in search of the Troodos (at ) and, following rather of new cultivable land. The little we know about closely the route of the river Diarizos, terminates them to this day comes from diagnostic ceramics at the newly founded gateway community of recovered from a few tombs. As already noted Paphos, the southernmost of the 45 sites. The above, the earliest MCIII/LCIA burial activity is bronze figurine of the -on-the-Ingot type, recorded at discreet localities: Marchello, Evreti, recovered from Teratsoudia T.104, is an eloquent Asprogi and Teratsoudia. This suggests that they witness to the significance of the copper trade in did not move into the area in an orderly fashion the 13th century (Karageorghis 1990, 29, 59). to establish a central settlement, nor did they des- Besides, Paphos would have had little else to ignate a communal burial ground. They were not offer in exchange for the imported raw materials, colonists but heterogeneous groups who had left such as gold and ivory, which specialised crafts- from different settlements of the interior, or from men worked into elite items that were deposited neighbouring regions, to fill the needs associated in its 14th and 13th century tombs (cf. Catling with servicing a port on land and sea. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 270

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That there were at the beginning several set- the only available claimants were polities that tlement and burial nuclei seems quite plausible, survived the crisis, and there were not many, but the question that needs to be answered is to other than Enkomi, Hala Sultan Tekke, what extent did Paphos develop a unified system and Paphos. of habitation by LCIIC when it was the region’s unquestionable primary centre. This crucial ques- THE LATE CYPRIOT tion pertains to the fact that, before it ended, URBAN SURVIVORS LCIIC saw the construction of the monumental sanctuary (Fig. 4), a massive project that could In the 12th century, Enkomi was still a polity not have been managed without a centralised sys- that traded in copper, but the proliferation of tem of administration or if leading members of sanctuaries of different types, within its monu- the various settlement nuclei had insisted on mental late 13th century defensive walls, points maintaining distinct cult sites. to a heterarchical environment. Besides sacred areas, metalworking units, as well as intra muros Together with the contemporary and largely burial chambers, appear in different neighbour- identical temenos at Kition, the two sanctuaries hoods - and demonstrate the existence of com- remain the only megalithic built structures ever peting groups that shared power and authority constructed in ancient Cyprus before or after the within the walled town (Keswani 1996). Eventu- 13th century. Their establishment was accom- ally, Enkomi or, better, Old Salamis was aban- plished in the course of a notorious period, often doned. The silting of its port-basin by alluvial referred to as the ‘Crisis Years’. The term de- deposits from the Pedieos river forced the city to scribes, in effect, the systems failure of the Late move nearer the coast, to New Salamis. This Bronze Age empires and palace states. The blow move, however, encompassed much more than a for some of the Cypriot polities was serious. necessary replacement of harbour facilities: leav- Apparently, the reduced demand for Cypriot cop- ing behind the LCIIIA heterarchical landscape of per abroad caused a production breakdown at Old Salamis, it produced the strongly hierarchi- home (cf. Knapp 1997, 68). This is identified in cal Iron Age kingdom of New Salamis under its a horizon of settlement abandonments. Sites of Greek basileis (Iacovou 2008). different types went out of use and among them were major urban centres with ashlar complexes, Hala Sultan Tekke had served as the port of which contained industrial units and had signifi- entry for elite goods from the beginning of Late cant storage capacity: Kalavassos-Agios Deme- Cypriot. It survived the crisis but during the 12th trios, Maroni-Vournes and Alassa-Paliotaverna. century the town had to be abandoned because its Evidently, during the crisis, some of the island’s port-basin silted up. Paul Åström maintains that regional authorities were terminated, sending “the lagoon before the site [of Tekke] silted into demise their entire economic regions, which up and became a salt-lake about 1000 B.C.” included secondary and tertiary dependencies. (Aström 1985, 175). Thus, Tekke surrendered The abandonment of Agios Demetrios left the first its port authority and then also its economic valley of Vasilikos without an urban centre from zone, and much of its population, to a successor the end of the 13th century. Likewise, the demise a few kilometres to the east: Kition. of Alassa affected the whole of the Kouris river Kition and Paphos seem to have profited valley. When these extensive settlement hierar- from everybody else’s problems. For them, the chies were eradicated, industrial and agricultural critical LCIIC-IIIA transition heralded an era of areas that had an interdependent relationship territorial expansion and, almost certainly, to with a primary settlement were laid open for judge from the construction of their unparalleled redistribution. But, since no new settlements sacred monuments, urban nucleation. They are, were founded in the 12th century to fill the gap, as a matter of fact, situated on either side of the 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 271

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depleted territories of Kouris and Vasilikos. Dur- tion. We need to take into consideration that the ing this unsettling (for others) period, they had completely flat land that stretches below the evidently managed to concentrate so much sanctuary (south of the modern highway) was strength —translated as agricultural and industri- created largely by the deposition of river silt. al territories as well as man-power— that they This fertile low-lying coastal zone, which is could afford to give a monumental expression to today covered with plantations, is largely the their economic vitality. For the first time in the result of the activity of the drainage systems of island’s cultural history, human and material Diarizos —a river whose waters have carved out resources of an unprecedented scale were direct- one of the widest river beds on the island— ed towards a hitherto unknown enterprise: con- Xeros and Cha-. structing in megalithic ashlar masonry walled The silted up and now invisible inlet of the temene in what had been modest open-air sanctu- original harbour may be to the east of the aries. natural terrace on which the sanctuary of Paphos The concentration of attention to a single was founded. Today, this inlet, once a well-pro- sacred quarter at Paphos and Kition in LCIIC- tected cove, is a narrow strip of land —fittingly LCIIIA suggests that these large-scale sanctuary called Loures (strips)— that retains water even in projects were planned and executed by cen- high summer. It is defined on either side by steep tralised political authorities (Webb 1999, 292). slopes.6 If one were to step down and follow the Kition also acquired at this time a massive forti- bed of Loures to the south as it widens out, one fication wall. Although its exact circuit is uncer- would eventually reach the modern seashore tain (Iacovou 2007, 12), its surviving section to without encountering any barriers. the north-east of the sanctuary was the harbour front (Nicolaou 1976, 71). Metallurgical work- PAPHOS AS AN IRON AGE KINGDOM shops of the temple precinct were established directly against the inside of the surviving sec- Paphos, the name by which the polity is iden- tion, which fronts the harbour basin. The spatial tified, is first attested in the 7th century B.C. on association of cult, copper workshops and har- the prism of Esarhaddon (673/2 B.C.). The long bour is eloquently evident at Kition (Sherratt cuneiform text on this Neo-Assyrian royal in- 1998, 300, 304; Webb 1999, 287). scription (Borger 1956, 59-61) contains a unique If the common architectural model employed list with the names of ten Cypriot leaders and in the enhancement plans for Kition Temple 1 their respective seats of authority (cf. Iacovou and Paphos Sanctuary I (using ashlar masonry, 2002). The Greek-named Ituander (Etewandros) horns of consecration and stepped capitals) per- is identified as ‘sharru’ (king) of ‘Pappa’ (Paphos). th th mits us to surmise that similar expressions of a Moreover, from the later 7 to the end of the 4 century B.C., inscriptions in the Cypriot syl- hierarchically structured authority directed the labary (Mitford 1971, 7, 373; Masson 1983, 95- urban development of Kition and Paphos, then 123) —also a couple of 4th-century alphabetic this closely knit triad (cult, copper workshops inscriptions by, or referring to, the last king and harbour installations) allows us to put for- Nikokles (including one found in the sanctuary ward the idea that the Paphos sanctuary, despite the fact that it did not have a wall around it, was also positioned on a site from where it could bless and protect the harbour and its operations. ______Looking at the map (Fig. 5) one may think that 6. The Cypro-Classical limestone sarcophagus decorated with scenes from the Iliad and the Odyssey (Flourentzos 2007, 10, the sanctuary is about one kilometre away from fig. 1), comes from Kato Alonia T.176, which was acciden- the coast. This, however, is a misleading percep- tally found in 2006 on top of the western slope of Loures. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 272

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of Hera at Samos in 2005)—7 identify the polity monumental centrepiece of their capital and the as Paphos and its succession of leaders as embodiment of their dual authority? basileis. The earliest Greek inscriptions, written in the island’s Cypriot syllabary, which introduce THE FIRST GEOPHYSICAL SURVEY the term PA-SI-LE-WO-SE —a word first attest- (2003) AND THE CITY WALL ed in the Linear B script of the Mycenaean palace OF PALAEPAPHOS organisation as QA-SI-RE-U (Iacovou 2006)— are inscribed on a silver plate and on a pair of In 2003, following the 2002 field-work, solid gold bracelets. The plate, dated circa 725- whose purpose was to map visible monuments as 675, is claimed as property of Akestor, basileus well as no-longer visible sites, such as burial of Paphos (Mitford 1971, 373-76); the bracelets clusters, we decided to introduce geophysical (long-lost in the Metropolitan Museum) belonged survey as a second component in the “Archaeo- to Etewandros, also basileus of Paphos (Mitford logical Atlas of Palaepaphos”.8 In designing a 1971, 7-11). Thus, in its second cycle of political strategy that would allow us to survey the most authority, Iron Age Paphos functioned as the promising sectors within an area of approximate- kingdom of a Greek-speaking dynasty, which, ly two sq. km., we took for granted that in the 1st however, retained a strong and direct relationship millennium B.C. the urban nucleus of Paphos with the monumental Late Cypriot temenos and was contained within a city wall. Why? Any the worship of the goddess therein. piece of literature on Palaepaphos one may wish Of all the kings of Cyprus who are epigraph- to consult —not excluding my own (Iacovou ically recorded, only the Paphian kings —specif- 2005, 33)— speaks confidently of the existence ically, Timarchos, Timocharis, Echetimos and of a wall that enclosed the capital city of the Nikokles, all of whom reigned in the Cypro-Clas- kingdom of Paphos (cf. Maier 2004, 74), offering sical period— insisted on introducing themselves protection to the sacred, secular and urban sec- as basileis of Paphos and iereis of the wanassa tors. Using a non-invasive method, we aspired to (Maier 1989). The dual prerogative of the priest- locate the circuit of the city wall and supply the king was of such an outstanding significance that Department of Antiquities of Cyprus with evi- in order to have it duly sanctioned, the basileis of dence that would allow it, in its capacity as Paphos forfeited their lineage from their legendary founding father Agapenor, leader of the Arcadian contingent at Troy, and identified ______themselves as Kinyradai. Kinyras, the autochtho- 7. Klaus Hallof, “Eine Ehreninschrift aus Samos für einen nous pre-Greek king of Cyprus, was Aphrodite’s Stadtkönig von Paphos”; the announcement was made during beloved priest (Pindar, Pyth. 2, 15-16). He was the International Colloquium in honour of Dr Ino Nikolaou: Epigraphy, Numismatics, Prosopography and History of also the inventor of “metalla aeris” (Pliny, Natu- Ancient Cyprus, which was held at the Archaeological ralis Historia 7.195) and, as the legend has it, he Research Unit of the University of Cyprus, in November presented Agamemnon with a bronze cuirass to 2007. The publication of the proceedings, which are edited by Demetrios Michaelides, is in preparation. wear during the expedition against Troy. Evi- 8. I take this opportunity to thank in print the former Director of dently, this proverbially rich personality personi- Antiquities, Dr Sophocles Hadjisavvas, for granting us per- fied the lucrative metals industry on which rested mission to undertake the 2002 and 2003 field seasons in the the autonomy of a regional polity, whether in the name of the “Archaeological Atlas of Palaepaphos”. The 2003 geophysical survey, which covered 44.178 sq.m., was nd st 2 or in the 1 millennium B.C. (Iacovou 2008). made possible due to the eager participation of my colleagues In what way, then, did the urban landscape of in the Department of History and Archaeology of the Univer- Paphos change or remain the same under its hel- sity of Cyprus, Dr Vasiliki Kassianidou and Dr George Papasavvas, our students Maria Dikomitou and George lenophone Iron Age leaders who continued to see Papantoniou, and Dr Apostolos Sarris and his team from the in the Late Bronze Age open-air temenos the Institute for Mediterranean Studies (Rethymnon, Crete). 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 273

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heritage manager, to place the intra muros urban bility that the whole intra and extra muros con- space of the ancient capital under a significantly cept, on which we were operating, could have greater degree of protection. We concentrated been false was beginning to dawn on us. most of our efforts to the east (consult Fig. 2, Almost another year went by before we could above), assuming that it would not be all that dif- formulate the critical question: how did an all- ficult to trace sections of the wall that bridged the enclosing city wall that probably never existed, distance between the visible monuments on certainly not in the way we have been imagining Marchello and Hadjiabdoulla. To this day, these it all these years, become a decisive factor in the two edifices, which originated in the Cypro- interpretation of the political history of the Iron Archaic period, are believed to incorporate sec- Age kingdom of Paphos, before it became tions of the NE and the SE circuit of the city wall Palaepaphos? Meanwhile the results of the 2003 (cf. Maier 2004, 59, 74). This interpretation is geophysical survey were duly analysed by Dr further strengthened by the fact that some of the Apostolos Sarris and his team at the Institute for vast Iron Age cemeteries of Paphos are situated Mediterranean Studies and the final report sub- beyond the excavated monuments on Marchello mitted to the Director of the Department of and Hadjiabdoulla, thus suggesting an extra Antiquities later that year. muros burial landscape. In the course of carrying out the geophysical T.B. MITFORD survey, not only did we find no definitive indica- tion of that section of the city wall that was The great epigraphist Terence B. Mitford of assumed to extend from Marchello to Hadjiab- Saint Andrews University was a scholar to whom doulla, but the realities of the topography also we will always owe gratitude for his work on the made some long-established facts seem suspect. inscriptions of Cyprus. Epigraphical work aside, The presumed external side of the wall, outside “those who knew him would agree that digging the urban sector, was always on higher ground; was a branch of field archaeology he neither par- while the urban space assumed to be inside the ticularly enjoyed, nor did he have a natural flair wall was on lower ground. Every time we tried to for it” (Catling 1979). Nevertheless, having survey parcels of what should have been the heard that inscriptions were being uncovered at urban area inside the wall, we had to work on Marchello, he teamed up with J.H. Iliffe of the rather uncomfortable slopes or to descend down Liverpool Museums, and the two of them con- into deep valleys, from where the plateaus of ducted excavations at Palaepaphos between 1950 Marchello and Hadjiabdoulla and that of the and 1955 (cf. Maier 2004, 34). It seems more sanctuary loomed high above our heads. What than likely that the belief in the existence of a city reason could the royal engineers of the Paphian wall was formulated as early as Mitford’s first kings have had to construct an all encompassing digging season in 1950. In the Annual Report of city wall around a series of steep valleys? the Director of Antiquities for 1950, we read: Besides having to bridge the hollow valleys that “On the Marchello hill overlooking the village, cut up the landscape between Marchello and the expedition investigated a mound … This Hadjiabdoulla and also between Hadjiabdoulla proved to be a well-packed pile of rubble encir- and the sanctuary, at the end of this incredibly cled by a retaining wall and containing through- arduous operation they would have created a out a proportion of sculptural and architectural defensive system around a depression, which debris from an archaic sanctuary … The mound, would have been the centre of the urban settle- the purpose of which is still obscure, was found ment of their capital. After having struggled to overly part of a massive wall (of mud-brick against the lie of the land (loaded down with geo- faced with stone) and the fosse outside it, possi- physical survey gear) for a fortnight, the possi- bly the outer wall of the earliest city.” (ARDA 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 274

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1951, 13). Two seasons later, in the Annual now occupied by the village of Kouklia. The top- Report of the Director of Antiquities for 1952, we most plateaus of the other three terraces, read: “The investigation of the Persian siege- Marchello to the North-East, Hadjiabdoulla to mound of 498 B.C. was pursued and the stretch the South-East and Mantissa wedged in between, of the city wall against which it was built was share the same height, close to 130m. above sea further examined” (ARDA 1953, 13). It has since level, and command a superb view of the sanctu- been assumed that the hundreds of sculptural and ary and the coastline beyond it. All four terraces architectural fragments and votive inscriptions, are sharply defined by fairly steep sides, which some by Paphian kings (Masson and Mitford terminate below in deep valleys and/or dry lakes. 1986, 19-98), found in what Mitford defined as No wonder that the sharply sloping depression to the moat of the city wall, had been transported the west of Marchello is known as Xerolimni from an extra-urban Cypro-Archaic sanctuary (“The Dry Lake”). In fact, Xerolimni extends and had been thrown into the moat so that an around the foot of Marchello (close to where the attacking Persian force could scale the walls with village kindergarten is today), where it joins up siege engines (cf. Maier 2004, 66-72). Herodotus with the valley on the east side of the plateau. In is the only historiographic source that covers spe- this respect, Marchello is completely separated cific episodes of the Ionian Revolt in Cyprus. from the Mantissa terrace. Likewise, the east side Herodotus, however, never mentions either a city of Mantissa is separated from Hadjiabdoulla by or a king of Paphos. Nevertheless, Mitford’s the Kaminia depression. Thus, the four terraces interpretation has been writ in stone. remain separated from each other and each That same year (1952), Mitford and Iliffe retains its own physical integrity and functional extended their operations to the plateau of Hadji- identity in the urban landscape of the kingdom. abdoulla from where they reported that “against What is even more interesting to notice in this the inner face of another sector of the city wall highly fragmented urban space is that the differ- [my emphasis] were laid bare the remains of an ent low-lying strips of land between the terraces important building” (ARDA 1953, 13). Thus, irre- (Xerolimni, Kaminia, etc.) slope gradually down spective of the realities of the topography to towards the bottom of the “bowl” until they all which closer attention should have been paid, the come together to drain into Loures. distance between Marchello and Hadjiabdoulla has since been bridged by a notional city wall, CHANGE OF PLANS which was also assumed to turn south to enclose AND NEW PRIORITY TARGETS the sanctuary of the Goddess. Whether a continuous encircling city wall THE LIE OF THE LAND existed only in archaeological imagination, or not, was no longer our primary concern. Two par- At this stage, a simple analysis of the natural tially excavated monumental structures, which topography of the area (as we have come to com- were constructed in the Cypro-Archaic period, no prehend it) is necessary, as it will justify the next doubt by Paphian kings, stand on Marchello and moves of the field project. We may describe the Hadjiabdoulla. To this day, we continue to area, which Mitford thought was enclosed in a understand very little about the spatial and struc- city wall, like the inside of a deep bowl.9 On the rim of this bowl we find the highest plateaus of four natural terraces. The lowest of the four ter- races (about 100m. above sea level) carries the ______9. Sincere thanks are due to geologist Zomenia Zomeni of the plateau on which the sanctuary was established Cyprus Geological Survey for helping us understand the in the Late Bronze Age, while its lower slopes are region’s geology. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 275

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tural position they held in the urban landscape of had to have a much greater length; and we were the kingdom and even less about their relation- proved right. From the fence that protects the ship to each other; decisive archaeological evi- Marchello monument to the west side of the dence is still missing. A change of plans was, plateau that now overlooks the asphalt road lead- therefore, necessary and it was this that began to ing up from Kouklia to the village of Archiman- breathe life into the “Palaepaphos Urban Land- drita, there is a less than 60-metre wide parcel of scape Project”. Clearly, it was no longer possible land, which serves as the property line between to proceed without digging out the answers from Plot 147 and Plot 110. The owners of Plot 147, the earth. We therefore decided to supplement the situated on higher ground, and the owners of Plot non-invasive geophysical surveys with small- 110, which begins to slope down towards the vil- scale but specifically targeted excavations that lage, had carob trees planted on this boundary would increase the exposure of the two monu- zone where they also piled up unwanted frag- ments and would also expose selected targets ments of worked limestone blocks unearthed in around them. This makes for a long-term research the course of ploughing their respective fields. project that will hopefully continue to enjoy the Thus, without meaning to, they had protected the support of the University of Cyprus and will be rest of the north-west arm of the Marchello ram- taken up and continued by younger members of part in its entirety.11 our research team. In 2005, however, when we requested the Director’s permission to initiate Following the 2006 exploratory season and excavations at Palaepaphos, the choice of the the 2007 full-scale campaign,12 the north-west 2006-2009 field targets was based on the degree arm of the Marchello rampart is no longer look- of danger that certain parcels were facing as a ing amputated. As has been shown by Dr Stratos result of rapidly progressing development plans. Stylianides and his topographers, the recently excavated section is in perfect alignment with, MARCHELLO 2006-2007 and has the same width as, the old section If one consults Fig. 3 above, one will see that

the plot to the north-west of the parcel of land ______occupied by the Marchello monument, which is 10. Digging in the 2006 and 2007 seasons was carried out pri- shown in red as part of Protection Zone “A” since marily by undergraduate students of the University of Cyprus the land has been expropriated, is unlisted; it has and also by Cypriot students who, having graduated from the even been left out of Protection Zone “B”. This University of Cyprus, are currently pursuing M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in archaeology at Bryn Mawr College (USA), Trini- unprotected piece of land, Marchello Plot 147 ty College, Dublin, University College London, University of and also Plot 110 to the south of it became our Oxford and University of Freiburg. The excavation team also first field target. The Director of Antiquities included a student from the University of Athens, a second from Belgium and a third from the U.K. issued an excavation permit and also proceeded 11. Preliminary announcements have been made at the 24th to have the two plots declared for two years CAARI Workshop (2006), and at the 25th CAARI Workshop (2006-2007) so that we could begin work.10 (2007). 12. Anna Satraki (Ph.D. candidate, Department of History and The direction followed by the stumps of wall Archaeology, University of Cyprus), is Assistant Director of left on either side of the monumental façade of the excavation project. The custom-made data-base we use the Marchello monument (cf. Maier 2004, 61, was designed in 2006 by Sophia Topouzi (Ph.D. candidate, Department of History and Archaeology, University of fig. 43) became our first concern. The south-east Athens). Giorgos Stamatis, University of Crete graduate and arm can hardly be followed further east since it author of the Master’s thesis on “The Use of Geophysical encounters the precipitous drop that defines the Prospection and Geographical Information Systems for the study of the archaeological topography of Palaipaphos” plateau on that side. We thought, however, that (Stamatis 2004), offered valuable assistance in the field dur- the arm stretching north-west of the dog-leg gate ing the 2006 exploratory season. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 276

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(Fig. 6). The five-metre gap between the two sherds of White Painted Wheelmade III pottery, (observed inside the fence) is due to the donkey- which date to LCIIC and LCIIIA. The recovery and cart-track, which until the 1950s was the of two complete White Painted Wheelmade III only communication artery between Kouklia and vases (a feeding bottle and a shallow bowl), as Archimandrita. By the end of the 2007 season well as a miniature pomegranate beat of gold our first goal had been achieved: the horizontal from near a shallow pit —apparently what has re- exposure of the stone foundation of a wall that mained from the chamber of a tomb directly runs for 52m. until it encounters the drop on the inside the wall (indicated on Fig. 7b)— confirms steep north-west side of the plateau provided the that the Late Cypriot material represents the Department of Antiquities with visible evidence residue of burial assemblages.14 Although we as to the existence of an ancient monument (Fig. consider it likely that the Late Cypriot tombs co- 7). This allowed the Director of Antiquities to existed with contemporary living quarters, evi- initiate expropriation procedures. dence has not been forthcoming. The use of the There can hardly be any doubt as to which is site for burials must have been terminated at the inner and which is the outer face of the sec- the end of LCIIIA or the beginning of LCIIIB tion of wall we have excavated. The inside face (12th-11th centuries B.C.). is made of a narrow, 70cm. wide, retaining wall. In the 1st millennium B.C., Marchello was The core of the wall is made of loose stones set incorporated into the Iron Age urban fabric of in a thick bed of lime plaster, which is admirably Palaepaphos. On the evidence of pottery, this well preserved in many areas. The outer face is new horizon seems to have begun at the end of menacingly strong; it is built of much larger, the Geometric period but it picked in the Late roughly hewn, boulders (Fig. 7a) and looks down Archaic and Early Classical. There is not much to the slope towards the sanctuary and the coast. suggest activity on the plateau after the 3rd cen- But this is not all, as another section, which tury B.C. We are, in fact, amazed at how ‘clean’ seems more than a metre wide, has begun to the surface levels of Plot 147 are. They are appear on the external side of this three-and-a- almost completely free not only of modern half metres wide wall. A channel seems to run the garbage but also of any ceramic material that whole length between the two sections, which if would suggest use of the plot either for burials or measured together, are bound to have a width of for habitation in Late Antiquity or thereafter. This close to five metres. Almost half way through the would suggest that the area lost its position in the new stretch, at a distance of about 55m. from the monumental dog-leg gate of the Marchello wall, we have what looks like another gate built with bossed ashlar blocks, each almost a meter in length (Fig. 7b).13 ______13. The figures and ground plans in this article were prepared by my research assistant and manager of the project’s GIS pro- CERAMIC MATERIAL gramme, Athos Agapiou (topographer, graduate of the Athens Polytechnic), who is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in Analysis by Dr Susan Sherratt of the ceramic Mediterranean Archaeology in the Department of History and material recovered during the first two seasons Archaeology, University of Cyprus. has established that the construction of the 14. The ceramic material collected in 2006-2007 is being studied by Dr Susan Sherratt, to whom I wish to express my most sin- Marchello wall disturbed and destroyed a line of cere gratitude for joining the “Palaepaphos Urban Landscape Late Cypriot chamber tombs that were in use to Project”. I also wish to thank her for reading, editing and dis- the end of the 12th century B.C. This is made evi- cussing many points of this preliminary report with me. It has been agreed that after our third (2008) campaign on Marchel- dent by a large number of easily recognisable lo, Dr Sherratt will submit a separate article on the ceramic White Slip and Base Ring ware sherds, as well as material. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 277

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urban landscape from early on and that from then of the city wall of Paphos, as there is no moat, on it was primarily used for agricultural purpos- only a man-made “bothros”, which does not es. extend either way. Besides the lie of the land that led us to PRELIMINARY THOUGHTS reconsider the case of the Palaepaphos city wall, Plots 147 and 110 proved to be an excellent it is also time to face up to the fact that it was not “window” that led —below a maximum of 90cm. in the priorities of Cypriot kingship to protect and a minimum of 20cm.— directly onto Archa- cities or citizens with city walls. They were pri- ic and/or Classical levels. Unlike the west and marily concerned with the definition and protec- east sides of the Marchello plateau, which afford tion of their regional frontiers, and especially natural protection, the south side, which looks their copper-rich zones, for which extra urban down towards the sanctuary and the village, has sanctuaries —like the one near Agia Moni to no definite natural barrier to define and protect it. which Nikokles dedicated columns to the god- However, the defensive system that was con- dess Hera (Masson 1983, 145)— played a deci- structed from one end of the south side to the sive role. Also, to judge from the extremely other is of such an extravagantly monumental important results of the recent excavations at character and size —it is so far unique in Iron Idalion (Hadjicosti 1997) and Amathous (Petit Age Cyprus— that we should also think of it as 2002), the basileis fortified their administrative the dynamic statement of a royal authority - but citadels, which were given to large-scale storage, one that was probably violently terminated industrial and cultic activities. around the beginning of the 5th century B.C. We hope to complete the horizontal exposure when that amazing cache of limestone sculptures of the wall during the 2008 campaign, after and inscriptions were sealed in a huge pit inside which a detailed report on the new section of the the rampart. That the Marchello plateau repre- Marchello rampart will be submitted for publica- sented a special function zone within the Cypro- tion. Now that the destiny of Plots 147 and 110 Archaic landscape of the kingdom of Paphos is has been secured, vertical soundings will have to not in doubt. It is, however, highly unlikely that wait, as we need to hasten to the next endangered Mitford and Iliffe were excavating in the “moat” zone on the terraces of Hadjiabdoulla. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 278

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Oι ρευνες πεδ υ πυ διεγνται υπ την αιγ δα της Eρευνητικς Mνδας Aραιλγ ας τυ Πανεπιστηµ υ Kπρυ στα Kκλια Παλαιπυ συνδνται µε δ αλληλνδετα ερευνητικ πργρµµατα. T πρτ αρ στην απσανιση της αστικς τπγρα ας της αρα ας Πυ. T δετερ ε ναι να τριετς πιλτικ πργραµµα εαρµσµνης ρευνας, τ π  απσκπε στην πρθηση ενς διαειριστικ µντλυ πυ θα συµ λει στη συµιλ ωση των αναγκν της σγρνης ανπτυης µε την ανγκη δισωσης της ιστρικ-αραιλγικς πληρρ ας σε περις υψηλ κινδνυ και ιδια τερης αραιλγικς-πλιτισµικς σηµασ ας, πως ακρι ς ε ναι η περ πτωση της Παλαιπυ. Στ παρν ρθρ αναπτσσεται τ θεωρητικ υπ αθρ πυ δγησε στη συγκρτηση τυ πρτυ πργρµµατς, ασικ επιδ ωη τυ π υ ε ναι η κατανηση της ργνωσης τυ ρυ της αρα ας πλιτε ας – απ της ιδρσες της (στα µσα περ πυ της δετερης π.X. ιλιετ ας) ως και την κατλυση τυ ασιλε υ της Πυ (στ τλς τυ τταρτυ π.X. αινα) – και η αρτγρηση των πρισµτων µε τη ρση Γεωγραικν Συστηµτων Πληρριν. T ρθρ αναρεται, επ σης, στυς στυς των ερευνν πεδ υ πυ γιναν τ 2006-2007. Συµπεριλαµ νυν µικρς κτασης ανασκας στη θση Mαρτσλλ Παλαιπυ και µεγλης κτασης γεωυσικς ρευνες, ι π ες διενεργθηκαν εντς ωρικ πλαισ υ δ και πλν τετραγωνικν ιλιµτρων πυ ριθετε ται απ δισπαρτα, ρατ και αρατα µνηµε α της %στερης Xαλκκρατ ας και της Eπς τυ Σιδρυ (1600-300 π.X.). Tσ ι ανασκας σ και ι γεωυσικς ρευνες θα συνειστν στ εγγς µλλν και σε λλες θσεις της αρα ας Πυ πυ εντπ &νται περιµετρικ τυ τεµνυς της Kπριδας  Πα ας θες. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:54 PM Page 281

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Fig. 5. From Malpas, J., Xenophontos, C., Calon, T., Squires, G., Smith, J., 1999, Geological map of the Ayia Varvara - Pen- talia area, scale 1:25000, published by: Cyprus Geological Survey. 14. (20) p 263_290 c&k 12/4/08 9:56 PM Page 286

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