The Stakhanovite Movement in Soviet Ideology
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Citizens-In-Training in the New Soviet Republic’ Gender & History, Vol.13 No.3 November 2001, Pp
05_Wood 08/10/2001 1:50 pm Page 524 (Black plate) Gender & History ISSN 0953–5233 Elizabeth A. Wood, ‘The Trial of the New Woman: Citizens-in-Training in the New Soviet Republic’ Gender & History, Vol.13 No.3 November 2001, pp. 524–545. The Trial of the New Woman: Citizens-in-Training in the New Soviet Republic Elizabeth A. Wood Our task consists in making politics accessible for every labouring woman and in teaching every [female] cook [kukharka] to run the government. – Vladimir Lenin, Third Congress of Soviets, 1918 The accusations were flying thick and fast against the defendant. She had pretensions to running the government and meddling in public affairs. She had taken part in strikes and demonstrations. She was trying to put all women on an equal footing with men. She had destroyed her own femininity, ceasing to be an object of beauty and pleasure for men, ceasing as well to raise her children and, instead, giving them into others’ hands. All these things, it was alleged, con- tradicted woman’s very nature, which was to serve as decoration in men’s lives. The setting was The Trial of the New Woman. The prosecution witnesses included a factory director, a lady secretary, a rich peasant, a priest, and a traditional family woman. The so-called ‘bourgeois’ court initially found the defendant guilty, but then workers appeared on stage, and her judges ran away. Her rights were restored, and she was recognised to be ‘equal to men in all respects’. This Trial of the New Woman was, of course, a mock trial, and the new woman herself emerged as the heroine of the play. -
Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union
Central European History 44 (2011), 63–91. © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association, 2011 doi:10.1017/S0008938910001184 Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union Lauren Kaminsky OVIET socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy.1 Marx and Engels asserted Sthat women’s emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.”2 Building on this legacy, Lenin imag- ined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by com- munal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia’s family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918.3 The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexu- ality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism. I would like to thank Atina Grossmann, Carola Sachse, and Mary Nolan, as well as the anonymous reader for Central European History, for their comments and suggestions. -
Course Handbook
SL12 Page 1 of 29 UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE DEPARTMENT OF SLAVONIC STUDIES PAPER SL12: SOCIALIST RUSSIA 1917-1991 HANDBOOK Daria Mattingly [email protected] SL12 Page 2 of 29 INTRODUCTION COURSE AIMS The course is designed to provide you with a thorough grounding in and advanced understanding of Russia’s social, political and economic history in the period under review and to prepare you for the exam, all the while fostering in you deep interest in Soviet history. BEFORE THE COURSE BEGINS Familiarise yourself with the general progression of Soviet history by reading through one or more of the following: Applebaum, A. Red Famine. Stalin's War on Ukraine (2017) Figes, Orlando Revolutionary Russia, 1891-1991 (2014) Hobsbawm, E. J. The Age of Extremes 1914-1991 (1994) Kenez, Peter A History of the Soviet Union from the Beginning to the End (2006) Lovell, Stephen The Soviet Union: A Very Short Introduction (2009) Suny, Ronald Grigor The Soviet Experiment: Russia, the USSR, and the Successor States (2010) Briefing meeting: There’ll be a meeting on the Wednesday before the first teaching day of Michaelmas. Check with the departmental secretary for time and venue. It’s essential that you attend and bring this handbook with you. COURSE STRUCTURE The course comprises four elements: lectures, seminars, supervisions and reading. Lectures: you’ll have sixteen lectures, eight in Michaelmas and eight in Lent. The lectures provide an introduction to and overview of the course, but no more. It’s important to understand that the lectures alone won’t enable you to cover the course, nor will they by themselves prepare you for the exam. -
Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984)
1 de 2 SCULPTOR NINA SLOBODINSKAYA (1898-1984). LIFE AND SEARCH OF CREATIVE BOUNDARIES IN THE SOVIET EPOCH Anastasia GNEZDILOVA Dipòsit legal: Gi. 2081-2016 http://hdl.handle.net/10803/334701 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ca Aquesta obra està subjecta a una llicència Creative Commons Reconeixement Esta obra está bajo una licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution licence TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898 -1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 Programa de doctorat: Ciències humanes I de la cultura Dirigida per: Dra. Maria-Josep Balsach i Peig Memòria presentada per optar al títol de doctora per la Universitat de Girona 1 2 Acknowledgments First of all I would like to thank my scientific tutor Maria-Josep Balsach I Peig, who inspired and encouraged me to work on subject which truly interested me, but I did not dare considering to work on it, although it was most actual, despite all seeming difficulties. Her invaluable support and wise and unfailing guiadance throughthout all work periods were crucial as returned hope and belief in proper forces in moments of despair and finally to bring my study to a conclusion. My research would not be realized without constant sacrifices, enormous patience, encouragement and understanding, moral support, good advices, and faith in me of all my family: my husband Daniel, my parents Andrey and Tamara, my ount Liubov, my children Iaroslav and Maria, my parents-in-law Francesc and Maria –Antonia, and my sister-in-law Silvia. -
Stalin's and Mao's Famines
Stalin’s and Mao’s Famines: Similarities and Differences Andrea Graziosi National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes, Rome Abstract: This essay addresses the similarities and differences between the cluster of Soviet famines in 1931-33 and the great Chinese famine of 1958-1962. The similarities include: IdeoloGy; planninG; the dynamics of the famines; the relationship among harvest, state procurements and peasant behaviour; the role of local cadres; life and death in the villaGes; the situation in the cities vis-à-vis the countryside, and the production of an official lie for the outside world. Differences involve the followinG: Dekulakization; peasant resistance and anti-peasant mass violence; communes versus sovkhozes and kolkhozes; common mess halls; small peasant holdings; famine and nationality; mortality peaks; the role of the party and that of Mao versus Stalin’s; the way out of the crises, and the legacies of these two famines; memory; sources and historioGraphy. Keywords: Communism, Famines, Nationality, Despotism, Peasants he value of comparinG the Soviet famines with other famines, first and T foremost the Chinese famine resultinG from the Great Leap Forward (GLF), has been clear to me since the time I started comparinG the Soviet famines at least a decade ago (Graziosi 2009, 1-19). Yet the impulse to approach this comparison systematically came later, and I owe it to Lucien Bianco, who invited me to present my thouGhts on the matter in 2013.1 As I proceeded, the potential of this approach grew beyond my expectations. On the one hand, it enables us to better Grasp the characteristics of the Soviet (1931-33) and Chinese famines and their common features, shedding new light on both and on crucial questions such This essay is the oriGinal nucleus of “Stalin’s and Mao’s Political Famines: Similarities and Differences,” forthcoming in the Journal of Cold War Studies. -
Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion Oana Carmina Cimpean Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2008 Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion Oana Carmina Cimpean Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Cimpean, Oana Carmina, "Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion" (2008). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 2283. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/2283 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. LOUIS ARAGON AND PIERRE DRIEU LA ROCHELLE: SERVILITYAND SUBVERSION A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of French Studies by Oana Carmina Cîmpean B.A., University of Bucharest, 2000 M.A., University of Alabama, 2002 M.A., Louisiana State University, 2004 August, 2008 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my dissertation advisor Professor Alexandre Leupin. Over the past six years, Dr. Leupin has always been there offering me either professional advice or helping me through personal matters. Above all, I want to thank him for constantly expecting more from me. Professor Ellis Sandoz has been the best Dean‘s Representative that any graduate student might wish for. I want to thank him for introducing me to Eric Voegelin‘s work and for all his valuable suggestions. -
Bodies That Matter”
★ 1 IntroduCtIon “Bodies that Matter” “Andrei! Don’t you recognize me?” whispered Meres’ev, feeling that he was beginning to tremble all over. Andrei looked for another instant at the living skeleton covered with dark, seemingly charred skin, trying to discern the merry features of his friend, and only in his eyes, enormous and almost quite round, did he catch the frank and determined Meres’ev expression that was familiar to him . —Boris Polevoi, A Story About a Real Man, 1947 What does the socialist realist hero look like? Is he strong and healthy, handsome and virile, broad shouldered and square chinned? Is he “stern,” “determined,” “shiny-eyed,” and “proud”?1 Or does he resemble a “living skeleton covered with dark, seemingly charred skin”?2 How do we begin to make sense of this double image that works like a double exposure, the one body overlaid on the other, the healthy and happy Soviet man obscur- ing the skeletal remains of this second fantasy, this “other scene” taking place in the unconscious? Fedor Gladkov’s 1925 novel Tsement (Cement), opens with Gleb Chumalov’s return home from the front to find his house empty, his wife distant, and the factory that was the heart and soul of the town aban- doned. Furious, Gleb speaks to the recalcitrant and backward Worker’s Club “Comintern,” and when words fail, he “tore off his tunic and his soiled shirt and flung them on the floor,” revealing his naked body, “knot- ted and scarred.” This wounded body appears precisely at the moment © 2008 University of Pittsburgh Press. -
Programs and Problems of City Planning in the Soviet Union
Washington University Law Review Volume 1963 Issue 1 Symposium: Land Use Planning 1963 Programs and Problems of City Planning in the Soviet Union Zigurds L. Zile University of Wisconsin Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Housing Law Commons, and the Land Use Law Commons Recommended Citation Zigurds L. Zile, Programs and Problems of City Planning in the Soviet Union, 1963 WASH. U. L. Q. 19 (1963). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol1963/iss1/3 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PROGRAMS AND PROBLEMS OF CITY PLANNING IN THE SOVIET UNION ZIGURDS L. ZILE* INTRODUCTION This article traces the forty-five year history of city planning in the Soviet Union. It describes and interprets the landmark events and the periods of progress which have alternated with periods of stagna- tion and retreat. The focus is on the principal normative acts and the agencies charged with their execution. Soviet writings, especially those for foreign readers, propagate the notion that truly far-reaching city planning is possible only where private ownership of land is absent, where housing is publicly owned and where a single economic plan directs the national economy, as is the case in the Soviet Union. The same writings imply that Soviet planners have actually learned to control urban growth and are routinely creating individualized cities which blend into their physical environment and reflect the residents' ethnic and cultural heritage." In fact, there is wide disparity between plans and results. -
How the Urals Might Answer Russia's 21St-Century
No. 69 l July 2021 KENNAN CABLE President Vladimir Putin addresses the opening of the INNOPROM-2017 industrial trade fair in Ekaterinburg, Russia. (Source: en.kremlin.ru / Attribution: CC BY 4.0) How the Urals Might Answer Russia’s 21st-Century Economic Crisis: A Pivot to the East? By Michael J. Corsi In the early history of Russia, the Ural Mountains were breakdown of relations between Russia and former the New World of the empire. At about the same time Soviet republics, such as Ukraine, as well as increasing Columbus “discovered” the North American continent, contention between Russia and NATO over the future Russian explorers stumbled upon this magnificent of states like Belarus—mainly the result of Russian mountain range. In the 18th century, Vasily Tatishchev, military mobilization there and Putin’s attempts to on-and-off head of the Urals mining industry, declared exploit Lukashenko’s political vulnerability in lieu of the region a continental boundary, a place where one fraudulent election results—has limited the country’s could stand with one foot in Europe and the other in western trading partners. Asia. Almost 300 years later, Tatishchev’s observation Furthermore, in response to continued Russian continues to ring true. The Russian Federation is poised cyberattacks and international aggression, the to embark on a great economic reorientation. The Urals, United States is committed to pursuing punitive timeless as ever, lie right in the middle of this shift. sanctions against Russian exports to Europe, while Russia’s geopolitical position in the West has become simultaneously hindering the construction of new increasingly precarious over the past 30 years. -
Journalism in the Borderland. Barents Media Freedom
Journalism in the borderland Barents Media Freedom 2017 Published with support from Fritt Ord Authored by Atle Staalesen Atle Staalesen is journalist and Director of the Independent Barents Observer. In 2002, he founded the Barents Observer, which in the period 2005-2015 was hosted by the Norwegian Barents Secretariat. Atle was editor until 2009 and later worked as journalist and project coordinator for several European cross-border cooperation projects. He quit his job in the Barents Secretariat late 2015 following a conflict over editorial rights and subsequently re- established the Barents Observer as an independent and non-profit stock company along with the rest of the newspaper crew. Atle has a degree in Russian studies from the University of Oslo and studied journalism at the Moscow State University. Kirkenes, 2017 The Independent Barents Observer [email protected] @BarentsNews Introduction «You will not write about politics, will you?» The question comes from one of the border guards checking my passport at the Russian checkpoint of Borisoglebsk. I am on my way across the Norwegian-Russian border heading for Murmansk, the Russian Arctic city, on a work assignment. It is not uncommon that Russian border guards ask journalists about the purpose of their visit. However, this time the question is more intriguing than normal. And the timing is extraordinary. Only few weeks earlier had Thomas Nilsen, my colleague and Editor of the Barents Observer, been stopped on the very same spot and taken aside by the border guards. In a back room he was told that he was no longer wanted in Russia and that he would be rejected entry for the next five years. -
Stalin General Secretary (Annotated and Highlighted)
Joseph Stalin : General Secretary In 1921 Lenin became concerned with the activities of Alexandra Kollontai and Alexander Shlyapnikov, the leaders of the Workers' Opposition group. In 1921 Kollantai published a pamphlet The Workers' Opposition, where she called for members of the party to be allowed to discuss policy issues and for more political freedom for trade unionists. She also advocated that before the government attempts to "rid Soviet institutions of the bureaucracy that lurks within them, the Party must first rid itself of its own bureaucracy." (49) The group also published a statement on future policy: "A complete change is necessary in the policies of the government. First of all, the workers and peasants need freedom. They don't want to live by the decrees of the Bolsheviks; they want to control their own destinies. Comrades, preserve revolutionary order! Determinedly and in an organized manner demand: liberation of all arrested Socialists and non-partisan working-men; abolition of martial law; freedom of speech, press and assembly for all who labour." (50) At the Tenth Party Congress in April 1922, Lenin proposed a resolution that would ban all factions within the party. He argued that factions within the party were "harmful" and encouraged rebellions such as the Kronstadt Rising. The Party Congress agreed with Lenin and the Workers' Opposition was dissolved. Stalin was appointed as General Secretary and was now given the task of dealing with the "factions and cliques" in the Communist Party. (51) (as a result of his extreme organizational skills) Stalin's main opponents for the future leadership of the party failed to see the importance of this position and actually supported his nomination. -
1 the TROUBLE with ARISTOCRACY Hans Van
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery 1 THE TROUBLE WITH ARISTOCRACY Hans van Wees and Nick Fisher ‘The history of aristocracies … is littered with self-serving myths which outsiders have been surprisingly willing to accept uncritically’, a recent study warns (Doyle 2010, xv). Our volume shows that ancient ‘aristocracies’ and their modern students are no exception. In antiquity, upper classes commonly claimed that they had inherited, or ought to have inherited, their status, privilege and power because their families excelled in personal virtues such as generosity, hospitality and military prowess while abstaining from ignoble ‘money-making’ pursuits such as commerce or manual labour. In modern scholarship, these claims are often translated into a belief that a hereditary ‘aristocratic’ class is identifiable at most times and places in the ancient world, whether or not it is in actually in power as an oligarchy, and that deep ideological divisions existed between ‘aristocratic values’ and the norms and ideals of lower or ‘middling’ classes. Such ancient claims and modern interpretations are pervasively questioned in this volume.1 We suggest that ‘aristocracy’ is only rarely a helpful concept for the analysis of political struggles and historical developments or of ideological divisions and contested discourses in literary and material cultures in the ancient world. Moreover, we argue that a serious study of these subjects requires close analysis of the nature of social inequality in any given time and place, rather than broad generalizations about aristocracies or indeed other elites and their putative ideologies.