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The Kurdish Resurrection Society (1942-1945)

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Journal of History Culture and Art Research (ISSN: 2147-0626) Tarih Kültür ve Sanat Araştırmaları Dergisi Vol. 6, No. 6, December 2017 Revue des Recherches en Histoire Culture et Art Copyright © Karabuk University http://kutaksam.karabuk.edu.tr مجلة البحوث التاريخية والثقافية والفنية DOI: 10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1317 Citation: Yazdani, S., & Sajjadi, A. (2017). The Kurdish Resurrection Society (1942-1945). Journal of History Culture and Art Research, 6(6), 1-18. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i6.1317 The Kurdish Resurrection Society (1942-1945) Sohrab Yazdani1, Amir Sajjadi2 Abstract The Kurdish Resurrection Society (known as Komeley Jiyanewey Kurd) was the first political society that was founded after August and September 1941 and following the Anglo-Soviet Invasion of Iran. This society arose from traditional and modern strata of urban Kurdish petty bourgeois in Mahabad. The present study aims at discussing the following questions applying a descriptive-analytical approach and using the historical resources and studies: 1. What is the role of the new social and historical structure of the Iranian Kurdistan in forming the Kurdish Resurrection Society? 2. How did the nationalism discourses of the modern absolutist Pahlavi state result in evolving the ideology of Kurdish Resurrection Society (KRS)? The evolution of KRS among the traditional and modern strata was the result of the changes and developments occurred in the structure of social forces in Iranian Kurdistan. These changes took place in the aftermath of modernization-related plans of the modern absolutist Pahlavi state in renewing the social structure and cultural assimilation of this era. This policy provoked a new form of collectivism based upon linguistic and ethnic minorities. In other words, while weakening and isolating the forces of the previous order, modernization paved the social and political ways needed for the emergence of new urban Kurdish forces. The Kurdish leaders and elites, affected by the nationalistic discourse of the modern absolutist Pahlavi state, attempted to provide a new definition of their ethnic identity. Thus, the nationalism discourse of the modern absolutist state led to the emergence of a particularistic nationalism discourse of KRS among the Kurds. Keywords: Kurdish resurrection society, Modern absolutist Pahlavi state, Ethnic nationalism, Iranian Kurdistan. 1 Associate professor at the Department of History, Kharazmi University. E-mail: [email protected] 2 Ph.D. student in Post-Islamic Iran History. E-mail: [email protected] 1 Introduction In the years of Anglo-Soviet Invasion of Iran in the midst of World War II, a society called “Kurdish Resurrection Society” entered the political arena in Iran. This society started its political-cultural activities first in Mahabad and then expanded its scope across Iranian Kurdistan through Kermanshah. Structurally speaking, the evolution of KRS was the outcome of post-war developments (World War I) which changed the class structure in Iranian Kurdistan. This political organization, adopted a cultural-social approach in dealing with the issues of Kurdistan in those years. According to KRS, the tribal organization and culture governing the social life, cultural backwardness and poverty in Iranian Kurdistan (bringing about separation and split) are the most important problems and obstacles of cultural growth and promotion, identity reconstruction, and historical and collective awareness of Kurdish community. Here, tribe heads, tribal landholders, and religious sheikhs are the important agents of reproducing these conditions; they were subject to most criticisms of KRS. The emergence of capitalism and the evolution of modern absolutist state were two main factors of the abovementioned developments. Weakening and isolating the power and position of traditional leaders and heads, these developments also resulted in urbanization and qualitative as well as quantitative growth of the educated in Iranian Kurdistan. Capitalism and the modern absolutist state brought about the emergence of urban elites that could be classified as petty bourgeois through enjoying modern education and trade/office jobs. The reaction of the urban petty bourgeois to the centralist policies and the process of constructing national integrated Iranian identity which was followed through “dominant discourse of modernist nationalism” by Pahlavi state paved the way for the evolution of nationalism movement discourse in Iranian Kurdistan. In other words, the formal holistic nationalism was a main factor in the emergence of atomistic Kurdish nationalism. Thus, this group, affected by the ethnic nationalistic ideas, founded KRS as the first modern political society in Iranian Kurdistan. Early Developments By the German invasion of Poland (1939), flames of war were sparked. “When the war started the German influence was incredible in Iran. The German secret agents were active in Iran, and Shah’s inclination (Reza Khan) was an open secret” (Keddie and Richard, 1990: 175). Two years later in the summer of 1941, Hitler attacked the Soviet Union for accessing the Caucasian oil resources. Iran happened to be at the intersection of international policies; where Iran, owing to its strategic situation, became a passage-way for the Soviet Union and its allies. “When the Turkish straits were blocked, it was impossible for Soviet Russia to be provided with supplies and ammunitions through Murmansk that was accessible for the German air force and sea force bases in Norway. On the other hand, using Vladivostok port was also impossible; the Siberian railway capacity was limited, and using this port was subject to the Japanese indulgence and connivance. Thus, the Iranian passage-way was the only option on the table; safer than the former and shorter than the latter” (Derriennic, 1989: 160). It was this strategic obligation for the allied forces that made the leader of the USA, Soviet Union, and England decide to invade Iran. Reza Shah’s stepping down from power created new issues in Iran. Issues that have to do with the ever- increasing growth of social-political conflicts and the aggravation of economic as well as financial crises. Domestic trade was in a state of shutdown as a result of the reduction in transporting products and goods in the nationwide railway. The price of the basic goods increased owing to the allied forces’ requirements and hoarding these goods. As a result of the calamitous condition of harvesting and the famine breakout of 1941-1942 Iranian financial and economic systems were afflicted with disturbance and disorder (Keddie and Richard, 1990: 176). In the political arena of the country, the main centers of power, including the parliament, state, foreign powers, court, and political parties were often in conflict with one another 2 owing to their conflicting interests and severe political conflicts. This led to instability and the crisis of cabinets that continued until the 1940s. Thus, after the first military Pahlavi dictatorship, the repressed dissatisfactions of social forces during 16 years broke the ground for class conflicts, political conflicts, and ethnic competitions. In the ethnic areas, the quick collapse of the Imperial Army, made the central state encounter one of its most critical issues from the very beginning of the Anglo-Soviet Invasion of Iran. In the Reza Shah era, dissatisfactions of ethnic and tribal areas were quelled applying the policy of “iron fist”. However, as the bases of the central state weakened, all the Iranian military forces broke up; from the Iranian Gendarmerie facing tribal dissatisfactions and complaints to the Iranian army. “As soon as abandoning resistance was announced by the state, thousands of soldiers escaped from the barracks. The soldiers took with themselves the weapons and ammunitions to the farthest areas having been disarmed for many years. The state also sets free the heads of the tribes being either under surveillance or in jail. The exiled heads returned to their own tribes. No wonder the areas not being invaded by the allies were insecure again” (Zowghi, 1993: 75). There was an area located between Mahabad and Saghez between the British-controlled and the Soviet- controlled regions; though being under Soviet control, it was not under their direct surveillance. The aforementioned area used to be a battlefield for the local forces and those of the Iranian weakened state. The new conditions, however, smoothed the path for political instability within this area. The conditions of this area were reported to the prime minister’s office: “Mahabad and Sardasht are of great importance; given their strategic situation, being residence for some Kurdish tribes, and being neighbor to Iraq and its Kurdish part. Thus, its strategic situation is of great importance to protect the security of West Azerbaijan. After the August incident (Anglo-Soviet Invasion of Iran), one can say the influence of the state diminished, and all affairs were under the surveillance and interference of local Kurdish Influential men and executed by the Khans of those areas” (National Library of Iran, report to the prime minister’s office, document No. 2305-109048, 1943/9/29). “The tribes around Mahabad were all armed by then; every day one of the claimed to be a new Khan; insecurity was widespread throughout the city. Armed thieves robbed houses and shops or took whatever they have by weapon force. My fellow citizens were thinking of holding firearms to protect their lives, properties, and chastity… The armed tribes wanted to satisfy all their wants through using weapon force. Some of whom, though being completely illiterate, were thinking of being a tribe leader or a city governor” (Mahmoudzadeh, 1995: 121-122). According to another document: “following August incidents of 1941 (Anglo-Soviet Invasion of Iran) and the entrance of two neighboring forces into Kurdistan, units of the army were destroyed and escaped leaving their weapons behind. Iranian Kurds and tribes, disgusted with the state agents, were waiting for such a day. They were armed with both small and heavy arms and took the soldiers’ weapons that were around 12-14 thousands of vz.
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