Sun Yat-Sen's Fund-Raising Activities in Hawai'i

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Sun Yat-Sen's Fund-Raising Activities in Hawai'i YANSHENG MA LUM RAYMOND MUN KONG LUM Sun Yat-sen's Fund-Raising Activities in Hawai'i SUN YAT-SEN (SUN WEN), the founding father of modern China, is one of the most respected and revered statesman in the world. At the turn of the twentieth century, he led the Chinese people in a rev- olutionary movement that overthrew the Manchu dynasty, ending more than four thousand years of imperial rule in China. The Republic of China was established in 1911, and Sun Yat-sen was elected the first provisional president. Hawai'i and its people played an important role in Sun's life and revolutionary activities. For one thing, Hawai'i was known as Sun's second home because he spent his teenage years here and had rela- tives and many friends in the Islands. From 1878 to 1910, Sun visited Hawai'i six times, totaling more than seven years. During his years of exile, he was not allowed to land in some countries, for example, the Dutch Indies. Even in Japan, where he spent more than six years and which he adopted as a base for his operations, he occasionally found himself not so welcome. But he never had any difficulty returning to Hawai'i.The Chinese in Hawai'i wholeheartedly supported him and the revolution by donating time and money, sometimes sacrificing Yansheng Ma Lum is a graduate of St. John's University of Shanghai and has worked for the Foreign Ministry of the People's Republic of China, the All China Women's Federation, and the United Nations Children's Fund. A Hawai'i resident since 1986, she has published articles on the Chinese in Hawai % in magazines in China. Raymond Man Kong Lum was born in Hilo, was graduated from the University of Hawai'i, and worked as a printer, commercial artist, and manager of Lum and Feher Ltd. The Hawaiian Journal ofHistory, vol. 32 (1998) 175 176 THE HAWAIIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY their lives and their sons' lives. Sun once called the overseas Chinese "the mother of revolution." Hawai'i is also known as the cradle of the Chinese revolution because it was here that Sun founded the first revolutionary organi- zation, the Hsing Chung Hui (Revive China Society). This organiza- tion later developed into a strong political party, the Tung Meng Hui (Alliance Society), which overthrew the Manchu regime. It was reor- ganized and became the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party). It was in Hawai'i that Sun and more than a hundred people first vowed to destroy the Manchus, and this little spark ignited the fire that burned down the decaying regime. HAWAI'I'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE TEN UPRISINGS Sun organized ten uprisings before the October 10, 1911, uprising that finally overthrew the Manchu regime. In order to purchase weapons and ammunition and to pay the soldiers, Sun went abroad to raise funds from the overseas Chinese. The first place he went was Hawai'i, and his first attempt to raise money started with the Hsing Chung Hui in Honolulu. The first Canton uprising he instigated was mainly funded by the Chinese in Hawai'i. In the beginning, when Sun first advocated revolution, he found that the task was most difficult. He wrote in his autobiography: When the war with Japan ended, I thought it was time to act. ... I went to Hawaii and America, established the Hsing Chung Hui in order to rally the overseas Chinese to help the revolution. However, people had not awakened to join in the revolution. I advocated for many months, and very few people responded. The only two men that helped with all they possessed were Dang Yun-nam and my brother, plus scores of rel- atives and friends who supported the cause.1 To raise funds, every Hsing Chung Hui member paid five dollars as a membership fee, and the organization issued stock at ten dollars a share, to be paid back tenfold after the revolution succeeded.2 Sun collected $288 in membership dues and $1,100 in stock, but that was not enough to funding an uprising. Then, Sun's close friend Dang Yun-nam liquidated his personal assets and donated a large sum of SUN YAT-SEN S FUND-RAISING ACTIVITIES 177 money to buy weapons. His brother Sun Mei also supported him by selling his cattle. It was with a sum of $ 6,000 3 from Hawai'i and some other funds he raised in Hong Kong that Sun launched the first Can- ton uprising in October 1894. The second uprising, the Waichou uprising in 1900, was funded by donations from Chinese in Hong Kong and a Japanese supporter. Sun Mei was the only one in Hawai'i involved in funding this upris- ing. In a letter addressed to his friend Wo Jin-heng on October 30, 1909, Sun said: In 1 goo, when the Waichou uprising was launched, we needed at least a hundred thousand dollars and more. I got some from Hong Kong, some from Japan. ... I relied on my brother for help. My brother and I had been donating all we had for the revolution and my brother donated almost all he had. Two years ago my brother filed for bankruptcy. ... I am responsible for his bankruptcy. .4 There is no record of the total amount of money Sun Mei gave, but the extensiveness of his contributions is verified by one source, Sun Fo's secretary, Hou Chung-i. Hou said that he heard in the Sun fam- ily discussions that Sun Mei's total contributions to the revolution amounted to $7oo,ooo.5 The funding of the third through the eighth uprisings launched from May 1907 to May 1908 came from overseas Chinese in South- east Asia, Japan, Europe, Canada, the United States, and Hawai'i (Lai Hipp of Hilo sent $1,150) .6 The ninth uprising was mainly funded by overseas Chinese from the United States, and the funds for the tenth uprising in March 1911, the famous Wong Hua Gong uprising, came exclusively from the overseas Chinese all over the world. The Chinese of Hawai'i donated $2,OOO.7 FIRST MILITARY BOND ISSUED IN HAWAI'I To raise funds, Sun issued "military bonds," which were debenture certificates that promised the buyer repayment at ten times the value of the investment, plus special privileges after the revolution suc- ceeded. This was supposed to provide incentives so that more people 178 THE HAWAIIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY would buy the bonds. Later, experience showed that people were more concerned about possible incrimination than about the incen- tives. Many people were afraid to get involved in the revolution because they did not want their relatives in China to be targets of per- secution. In 1904, Sun issued the first "military bond" in Hawai'i (see Fig. 1). The bonds were all printed in Honolulu. Sales were not as good as expected, however, and only $2,000 was collected. When Sun left Honolulu, he took the unsold bonds to San Francisco and collected another $4,ooo.8 DONATIONS FROM THE BROAD MASSES The majority of Sun's supporters were overseas Chinese from the lower middle class, workers, intellectuals, and small merchants. They were not wealthy, but considering their means, they were most gen- erous in supporting the revolution. When Sun talked about over- throwing the oppressive Manchu regime and building a strong and prosperous country that they could be proud of and a government that would protect their legal rights, they responded enthusiastically and gave all they could afford. There were many moving stories of how the masses responded to Sun's appeals and donated whatever they could afford. For example, FIG. 1. Military bond of 1904. The text reads: "us$i was received, to be repaid us$io after the Army succeeds. Date: 1904. Sun Yat-sen." (Lum Chee collection) SUN YAT-SEN S FUND-RAISING ACTIVITIES 179 Wen Phong-fei, the editor of the Tzu You Sun Bo (The Liberty News) in Honolulu in 1910 and 1911, told stories about people coming to the newspaper office to donate money. One day, a worker came and donated twenty dollars although his monthly salary was only a little more than that. He was so sincere that "tears swell in my eyes," said Wen.9 In Honolulu, there were eighteen Chinese students who donated two hundred dollars every month. Each of them would give a little more than ten dollars a month while their monthly allowances were only twenty to thirty dollars.10 Young Wah-duck, whose father was Young Kwong-tat, the president of the Tung Meng Hui Honolulu chapter, said in an interview that when his father received letters or telegrams from Sun Yat-sen asking for donations, he would go to the bank to borrow a sum of money to send to Sun. Afterward, he would go to the members to collect money to pay back the bank. In those days, he said, nobody had that much money. The support of many people, each donating a small sum, helped pay back the loan.11 Lum Chee, a general merchandise store owner in Hilo (the father of co-author Raymond Lum), was a loyal supporter of Sun. He was a member of the Chunghua Kerning Jun (Chinese Revolutionary Army) in Hilo and later a member of the Tung Meng Hui. He donated money on many occasions, and he kept all the bonds and memora- bilia of the revolution. Before he passed away in 1941, he told his son Raymond to keep all these precious documents and one day give them all to China, where they belonged.
Recommended publications
  • Background I. Names
    Background I. Names 1. China It used to be thought that the name ‘China’ derived from the name of China’s early Qin dynasty (Chin or Ch’in in older transcriptions), whose rulers conquered all rivals and initiated the dynasty in 221 BC. But, as Wilkinson notes (Chinese History: A Manual: 753, and fn 7), the original pronunciation of the name ‘Qin’ was rather different, and would make it an unlikely source for the name China. Instead, China is thought to derive from a Persian root, and was, apparently, first used for porcelain, and only later applied to the country from which the finest examples of that material came. Another name, Cathay, now rather poetic in English, but surviving as the regular name for the country in languages such as Russian (Kitai), is said to derive from the name of the Khitan Tarters, who formed the Liao dynasty in north China in the 10th century. The Khitan dynasty was the first to make a capital on the site of Beijing. The Chinese now call their country Zhōngguó, often translated as ‘Middle Kingdom’. Originally, this name meant the central – or royal – state of the many that occupied the region prior to the unification of Qin. Other names were used before Zhōngguó became current. One of the earliest was Huá (or Huáxià, combining Huá with the name of the earliest dynasty, the Xià). Xià, in fact, combined with the Zhōng of Zhōngguó, appears in the modern official names of the country, as we see below. 2. Chinese places a) The People’s Republic of China (PRC) [Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó] This is the political entity proclaimed by Máo Zédōng when he gave his speech (‘China has risen again’) at the Gate of Heavenly Peace [Tiān’ān Mén] in Beijing on October 1, 1949.
    [Show full text]
  • History of China and Japan from 1900To 1976 Ad 18Bhi63c
    HISTORY OF CHINA AND JAPAN FROM 1900TO 1976 A.D 18BHI63C (UNIT II) V.VIJAYAKUMAR 9025570709 III B A HISTORY - VI SEMESTER Yuan Shikai Yuan Shikai (Chinese: 袁世凱; pinyin: Yuán Shìkǎi; 16 September 1859 – 6 June 1916) was a Chinese military and government official who rose to power during the late Qing dynasty, becoming the Emperor of the Empire of China (1915–1916). He tried to save the dynasty with a number of modernization projects including bureaucratic, fiscal, judicial, educational, and other reforms, despite playing a key part in the failure of the Hundred Days' Reform. He established the first modern army and a more efficient provincial government in North China in the last years of the Qing dynasty before the abdication of the Xuantong Emperor, the last monarch of the Qing dynasty, in 1912. Through negotiation, he became the first President of the Republic of China in 1912.[1] This army and bureaucratic control were the foundation of his autocratic. He was frustrated in a short-lived attempt to restore hereditary monarchy in China, with himself as the Hongxian Emperor (Chinese: 洪憲皇帝). His death shortly after his abdication led to the fragmentation of the Chinese political system and the end of the Beiyang government as China's central authority. On 16 September 1859, Yuan was born as Yuan Shikai in the village of Zhangying (張營村), Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, China. The Yuan clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend against bandits. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun (Chinese: 袁寨村; lit.
    [Show full text]
  • Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
    II DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY YEARS 1902-1919 His Birth The sixty-four years of the life of Prince Demchugdongrob saw the devastation of two world wars. Invasion of Asia by imperialists was gradually checked by the rise of nationalism. Japan’s victory in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 restored Asian self- confidence. But this victory also created strife within. The founding of the Republic of China in 1912, which ended monarchical rule, and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 marked the beginning of a new era. The Mongols, roused by these great changes, strug­ gled to establish their own national identity. By the conclusion of World War 11, half of the Mongol people had achieved their independence, at least nominally, but the other half faced harsh and rigoroustrials. Prince Demchugdongrob, bom to a highly prestigious Chinggisid family, for a time assumed the position of national leader, but died in the custody of the Chinese Communists. His heroic but tragic life was entwined with the fate of his fellow country­ men, especially those Inner Mongols who struggled for the existence of their nation. Although his full name was Demchugdongrob, most Mongol people called him De noyan or De wangye, a polite form of address for an honorable person. In Mongolian tradition, it was not polite to speak the full name of an elder or a person of honorable position. It was courteous to take the first syllable of his name and join it with his title. Therefore, De noyan means De the noble and De wangye means Prince De. According to the traditional Mongolian lunar calendar, Demchugdongrob was bom on the day, month, and year of the tiger.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: the Road to Democratic Republicanism
    The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: The Road to Democratic Republicanism KIM Bong-jin 1. Foreword The Xing Zhonghui 興中会 (Revive China Society) started by Sun Yat-sen( 1866-1925) and Wang Zhaoming 汪兆銘( Wang Jingwei, 1883-1944) merged with the Hua Xinghui 華興会 established by Song Jiaoren 宋教仁 (1882-1913) and Huang Xing 黄興( 1874-1916) on August 20, 1905 in Tokyo to become the Zhongguo Tongmenghui 同盟会 (Chinese Revolutionary Alliance). Sun Yat-sen was selected to head the organization, and Huang Xing to run general affairs. Various documents were adopted, including the “mili- tary government proclamation,” “general articles of the Tongmenghui,” and “revolutionary strategy.” The Tongmenghui issued as their organizational publication the Minbao 民報, which adopted the general principles advocated by Sun of “expel the Manchus and restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights.” Subsequently, they fomented uprisings all over China, but all ended in failure. The Wuchang New Army successfully revolted against the Qing govern- ment on October 10, 1911. Other provinces followed suit by declaring inde- pendence from the central government. On January 1, 1912 the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, with Sun Yat-sen as provisional president. On February 12, however, Yuan Shikai (1859-1916) compelled the child emperor Puyi( 1906-1967) to abdicate. The next day Sun Yat-sen turned in his resignation as president and recommended to the provisional National Assembly that Yuan take the position. On February 15 the provisional National Assembly agreed on Yuan’s appointment and to designate Nanjing as the capital.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
    Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Civil War
    asdf Chinese Civil War Chair: Sukrit S. Puri Crisis Director: Jingwen Guo Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Contents Introduction: ……………………………………....……………..……..……3 The Chinese Civil War: ………………………….....……………..……..……6 Background of the Republic of China…………………………………….……………6 A Brief History of the Kuomintang (KMT) ………..……………………….…….……7 A Brief History of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)………...…………...…………8 The Nanjing (Nanking) Decade………….…………………….……………..………..10 Chinese Civil War (1927-37)…………………... ………………...…………….…..….11 Japanese Aggression………..…………….………………...…….……….….................14 The Xi’an Incident..............……………………………..……………………...…........15 Sino-Japanese War and WWII ………………………..……………………...…..........16 August 10, 1945 …………………...….…………………..……………………...…...17 Economic Issues………………………………………….……………………...…...18 Relations with the United States………………………..………………………...…...20 Relations with the USSR………………………..………………………………...…...21 Positions: …………………………….………….....……………..……..……4 2 Chinese Civil War PMUNC 2016 Introduction On October 1, 1949, Chairman Mao Zedong stood atop the Gates of Heavenly Peace, and proclaimed the creation of the People’s Republic of China. Zhongguo -- the cradle of civilization – had finally achieved a modicum of stability after a century of chaotic lawlessness and brutality, marred by foreign intervention, occupation, and two civil wars. But it could have been different. Instead of the communist Chairman Mao ushering in the dictatorship of the people, it could have been the Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, of the Nationalist
    [Show full text]
  • Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China
    Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China Thomas Heberer August 2020 Disciplining of a Society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China Thomas Heberer August 2020 disciplining of a society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China about the author Thomas Heberer is Senior Professor of Chinese Politics and Society at the Insti- tute of Political Science and the Institute of East Asian Studies at the University Duisburg-Essen in Germany. He is specializing on issues such as political, social and institutional change, entrepreneurship, strategic groups, the Chinese developmen- tal state, urban and rural development, political representation, corruption, ethnic minorities and nationalities’ policies, the role of intellectual ideas in politics, field- work methodology, and political culture. Heberer is conducting fieldwork in China on almost an annual basis since 1981. He recently published the book “Weapons of the Rich. Strategic Action of Private Entrepreneurs in Contemporary China” (Singapore, London, New York: World Scientific 2020, co-authored by G. Schubert). On details of his academic oeuvre, research projects and publications see his website: ht tp:// uni-due.de/oapol/. iii disciplining of a society Social Disciplining and Civilizing Processes in Contemporary China about the ash center The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, edu- cation, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing power- ful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • BRIEF HISTORY of KOREA —A Bird's-Eyeview—
    BRIEF HISTORY OF KOREA —A Bird's-EyeView— Young Ick Lew with an afterword by Donald P. Gregg The Korea Society New York The Korea Society is a private, nonprofit, nonpartisan, 501(c)(3) organization with individual and corporate members that is dedicated solely to the promotion of greater awareness, understanding and cooperation between the people of the United States and Korea. In pursuit of its mission, the Society arranges programs that facilitate dis- cussion, exchanges and research on topics of vital interest to both countries in the areas of public policy, business, education, intercultural relations and the arts. Funding for these programs is derived from contributions, endowments, grants, membership dues and program fees. From its base in New York City, the Society serves audiences across the country through its own outreach efforts and by forging strategic alliances with counterpart organizations in other cities throughout the United States as well as in Korea. The Korea Society takes no institutional position on policy issues and has no affiliation with the U.S. government. All statements of fact and expressions of opinion contained in all its publications are the sole responsibility of the author or authors. For further information about The Korea Society, please write The Korea Society, 950 Third Avenue, 8th Floor, New York, NY 10022, or e-mail: [email protected]. Visit our website at www.koreasociety.org. Copyright © 2000 by Young Ick Lew and The Korea Society All rights reserved. Published 2000 ISBN 1-892887-00-7 Printed in the United States of America Every effort has been made to locate the copyright holders of all copyrighted materials and secure the necessary permission to reproduce them.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Bank Note Company and the Customs Gold Units of 1930
    UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-2007 Printing China's gold: The American bank note company and the customs gold units of 1930 Mark David Miller University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Miller, Mark David, "Printing China's gold: The American bank note company and the customs gold units of 1930" (2007). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 2250. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/fqtp-unfg This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PRINTING CHINA’S GOLD: THE AMERICAN BANK NOTE COMPANY AND THE CUSTOMS GOLD UNITS OF 1930 by Mark David Miller Bachelor of Science University of Missouri, Columbia 1978 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in History Department of History College of Liberal Arts Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 2007 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
    [Show full text]
  • The Myth of Nixon's Opening of China Nick Demaris
    THE MYTH OF NIXON’S OPENING OF CHINA The Myth of Nixon’s Opening of China Nick DeMaris On February 21, 1972, Air Force One descended through Beijing’s early morning haze as the highly-trained pilots navigated the Boeing VC-137C, nicknamed the “Spirit of ‘76”, towards the runway. Inside sat the 37th President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, nervously awaiting the imminent meetings with the leaders of the Communist Party of China, including Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai.1 In the context of Cold War-era international relations and geopolitics, perhaps the single most historically significant and decisive event was President Nixon’s establishment of official (and public) diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. His trip to Beijing in early 1972 marked the beginning of a certain rapprochement between these two countries and signaled the evolution of the relationships between China, the United States, and the Soviet Union. 1 Margaret MacMillan, Nixon and Mao: The Week that Changed the World (New York: Random House, 2007) 19. 82 RHODES HISTORICAL REVIEW In the aftermath of World War II, as the Japanese threat to China ceased to exist, the two competing factions within the country, the Guomindang led by Chiang Kai- Shek, and the Communists led by Mao Zedong, were able to focus their efforts and resources on defeating each other instead of defending against Japanese occupation. This resulted in a bloody civil war between the Guomindang, the government that led the Republic of China, and the People’s Liberation Army that lasted until the Communists claimed victory in 1950.
    [Show full text]
  • Liu Cixin's Wandering Path to Apocalyptic Transcendence
    Liu Cixin‘s Wandering Path to Apocalyptic Transcendence: Chinese SF and the Three Poles of Modern Chinese Cultural Production An honors thesis for the Department of German, Russian, and Asian Languages & Literatures Philip A. Ballentine Tufts University, 2014 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 1 WHAT IS SCIENCE FICTION (SF)? .............................................................................................................. 4 SF AND CHINA‘S REVOLUTIONARY MODERNIZATION MOVEMENTS ..................................................... 11 THE THREE POLES OF MODERN CHINESE CULTURAL PRODUCTION ...................................................... 15 THE DIDACTIC POLE .............................................................................................................................. 18 DIDACTIC CHINESE SF IN THE LATE QING AND MAY FOURTH ERAS ..................................................... 20 DIDACTIC SF IN THE SOCIALIST PERIOD ................................................................................................. 24 DIDACTIC ―REFORM LITERATURE‖ ......................................................................................................... 27 CHINESE SF‘S MOVE TOWARDS THE ANTI-DIDACTIC POLE ....................................................... 30 ―DEATH RAY ON A CORAL ISLAND:‖ A STUDY IN DIDACTIC ‗REFORM‘ SF .......................................... 33 CHINESE SF‘S
    [Show full text]
  • The Majestic Axis of Guangzhou and the Political Reinvention of Urban Form”
    “The majestic axis of Guangzhou and the political reinvention of urban form” Francesca Frassoldati*, Alessandro Armando** © by the authors (*) State Key Laboratory of Subtropical Building Science, South China University of Technology, Guangzhou, PRC. Email: [email protected] (**) Politecnico di Torino, School of Architecture, Department of Architecture and Design, Torino, Italy. Email: [email protected] Paper presented at the RC21 International Conference on “The Ideal City: between myth and reality. Representations, policies, contradictions and challenges for tomorrow's urban life” Urbino (Italy) 27-29 August 2015. http://www.rc21.org/en/conferences/urbino2015/ 1. Introduction Over the last three decades, the adequacy of ordinary planning tools started to be questioned in the wake of uncertainty. Indeed, cities around the globe have to face contradictory trends, unrepeated opportunities, and spatial effects of broader economic downturns, among other challenges. In such contexts, zoning and land use regulations cannot work as if urban dynamics were predictable. The strategic aspect that this article attempts to emphasize is the intertwined succession of open-end narratives and formalized (bureaucratic) models of action that produce effects in the urban sphere. Such angle builds on the assumptions that urban transformations result from a process of incremental definition of both effects and formalized contracts, more than from the optimistic willingness of anticipating the end state of places—a possibility that quite likely is an instrumental myth. Focussing on European cases, ALBRECHTS & BALDUCCI have suggested that the fragmentation of the public sphere affects to such an extent the notion of the city as unitary phenomenon that it 'precludes the use of known tools and solutions' (2013: 16).
    [Show full text]