DOCSLIB.ORG

6 Pilgrimage and Hui Muslim Identity in the Republican Era

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
6 Pilgrimage and Hui Muslim Identity in the Republican Era 6 Pilgrimage and Hui Muslim Identity in the Republican Era Yuan-lin Tsai Abstract Pilgrimage (hajj) is the fifth pillar of Islam and the most important symbol of unity of the Muslim ‘Community’ (‘Ummah’). When pan- Islamism and Chinese nationalism met in the early twentieth century, it is interesting to see how the Chinese pilgrims, and the Chinese Muslims as a whole, understood and responded to the Islamic revivalist call to the unity of the Community and the Chinese nationalist voice to build a new nation-state. This chapter explores the relationships between these two forces by researching original official documents, news reports, memoirs, and other biographical materials regarding the Hui Muslims’ pilgrimage experience. It concludes that Hui Muslim pilgrims’ choice is not an either/or question, but a mixture of pan-Islamism and Hui patriotism. Keywords: pilgrimage, Mecca, Hui, Uighur, pan-Islamism, Wahhabi Introduction Islam in China has not yet been a well-explored field despite some ground- breaking books and articles that have been published in Chinese, Japanese, and various Western languages during the last two decades. The scholars in this field have usually made their own efforts in an isolated fashion and have not integrated into the academic communities of either Islamic studies or Chinese studies. This is also true for the studies of the Chinese Muslims’ pilgrimage (hajj). In the two most comprehensive historical works on the pilgrimage – Peters’ The Hajj: The Muslim Pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places (1994) and Wolfe’s One Thousand Roads to Mecca: Ten Centuries of Travelers Writing about the Muslim Pilgrimage (1997) – there is no mention of the Chinese Muslims’ pilgrimage journey. Recently, Tagliacozzo’s ambitious book, The Longest Journey: Southeast Asians and the Pilgrimage to Mecca (2013), tries to investigate the Southeast Asian Muslims’ pilgrimage in the context of global history and elevates the pilgrimage studies to a new level. 180 YUAN-LIN TsAI But the title of his book is a little misleading. The Chinese Muslims’ journey to Mecca is even longer than the Southeast Asian Muslims’ ‘longest journey’. Certainly, this omission is reasonable since China is usually not included in the Muslim world and Islam has never been part of the mainstream of Chinese religions despite Muslims having settled in China for more than a thousand years and the Muslim population of China being more than two million, as much as the whole population of Malaysia. However, it is worth exploring how the Chinese Muslims living in the far eastern margin of the Muslim world have overcome so many physical, economic, psychological, social, and cultural difficulties because of the pilgrimage before air travel became commonplace. The pilgrimage is the fifth pillar of Islam and the most important symbol of the unity of the Muslim ‘Community’ (‘Ummah’). The pilgrims who return to Mecca and observe the mandated rituals at the holy sites would have a profound feeling of having gone through a life-transforming spiritual experience and belonging to a global community that shares the same religious beliefs. My research will focus on the relationship between the awakening of the Chinese Muslim identity and the pilgrimage in the Republican Era on the basis of a large amount of original official documents, news reports, memoirs, and other biographical materials, as regards to the Chinese pilgrims’ responses to Islamic revivalism and Chinese nationalism. The Chinese Muslim communities in the Republican era (1911- 1949) After the fall of the Qing Dynasty, the founding father of the Republic of China, Sun Yatsen, immediately proclaimed that the new country belonged equally to the five nationalities, including Han, Manchu, Mongol, Hui (in- cluding Uighur Muslim), and Tibetan. But according to Sun’s first People’s Principle, Nationalism, all ethnic nationalities in China should eventually be assimilated into a new Chinese nationality. The nationalist government followed Sun’s nationalism and tried to implement the assimilation policy to the ethnic minorities. In the new historical context of pan-Islamism and Chinese nationalism, it is interesting to see how the Chinese pilgrims, and the Chinese Muslims as a whole, understood and responded to the Islamic revivalist call for the unity of the Community and the Chinese nationalist voice to build up a new nation-state. PILG RIMAGE AND HUI MUSLIM IDENTITY IN THE REPUBLICAN ErA 181 Hui 回 is the traditional name for all Muslim peoples in China. Although the PRC government has changed it as an ethnic term,1 exclusively for the Muslims who have scattered in every province and are more acculturated to the Han Chinese societies. In Taiwan and overseas Chinese communities Hui still refers to all Muslim peoples in China and even other countries, and the ‘Hui religion’ (Huijiao 回教) is another name for Islam. In the Republican era, most official documents and personal writings roughly made a differ- ence between the Uighur Muslims, mainly in Xinjiang, and the sinicized Muslims in almost every other province. The latter are the descendants of Muslim traders, envoys, and soldiers who migrated from the Middle East and Central Asia via the ‘Silk Road’ on land and sea, and eventually settled in China. They were more inclined to accept a new Chinese nationality based on the model of Sun’s nationalist ideal than the Uighur Muslims, for geographical, cultural, and historical reasons. Due to the late integration of Xinjiang into the Qing imperial political system and the Uighur Muslims’ exposure to their Turkish Muslim brothers in the neighboring Central Asian region, they kept their Persian-Turkish Islamic tradition intact up to the Republican era. Indeed, the majority of the Uighur Muslims could not speak Chinese, and far less adopted Han Chinese customs, read Confucian Classics or took up any position in the Han-dominant bureaucratic system. But the sinicized Muslim elites could master all of these matters, far better than the elites of other ethnic minorities. The nationalist government was aware of the problem of the Uighur Muslims but had never been able to build up a strong political mechanism to integrate them until the communists took over mainland China in 1949. The fate of the Uighur Muslims had been at the mercy of local warlords in Xinjiang during the Republican era. Therefore, their pilgrimage experience was very different from the rest of the Chinese Muslims. My research on the Chinese pilgrimage literature only focuses on the group of the sinicized (Hui) Muslim elites, although some of their works contain important information on Uighur Muslims’ pilgrimage. Perhaps for most Hui Muslims, Sun’s claim to give equal rights to the five nationalities was an ideal, not a reality. Under the shadow of the massacre of the Hui communities in the northwestern and southwestern regions in the late Qing era, they doubted that the Han majority would treat them 1 The PRC government classifies all Muslim peoples in China in ten ethnic groups based upon the Stalinist ethnology. The Hui is one of them. The other nine Muslim ethnic groups are Uighurs, Tartar, Kirgiz, Kazak, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Dongxiang, Salar and Bonan, and all of them, besides Hui, are highly concentrated in the northwestern provinces where the Han majority has relatively less influence on the ethnic minorities than in the eastern provinces. 182 YUAN-LIN TsAI as equals. But some of them might have thought that it would be worth a struggle to build up a liberal, democratic, and modern China. None of the Hui Muslims looked back at the monarchy system. They welcomed the new republican system in which they no longer had to perform ancestral rituals, ‘prostrate’(ketou 叩頭) to the emperor and government officials, or follow various sophisticated customs against Islamic tenets. Therefore, some Hui Muslim intellectuals joined Sun’s revolutionary party and took part in the general effort to reform China. They held the view that Islamic modernization should be part of a national effort to modernize China.2 A new wave of Islamic revivalist movements combining the ideology of Chi- nese nationalism were carried out by a new generation of foreign-educated Hui Muslim elites in the Republican era. A group of such new Hui Muslim elites expressed their progressive ideas through the new media, such as newspapers, journals, and pamphlets, and organized themselves into local, provincial, and national voluntary organizations. The new instruments of communication transformed the general Chinese public sphere at that time, and also created a new Muslim public sphere. By the 1930s, more than a hundred Muslim newspapers and periodicals were coming out in almost every province of China.3 One of the most influential periodicals was Crescent China (Yue Hua 月華), issued every ten days from 1929 until the Japanese invasion of North China in 1937. Crescent China’s approach was global and frequently included news about worldwide subjects, particularly from the Muslim countries. It also regu- larly published translated essays on a variety of topics from the Al-Manar (The Beacon) journal and other Egyptian Islamic modernist periodicals.4 Through the introduction of Crescent China and other new presses, the Hui Muslim intellectuals were familiar with Muhammad Abduh’s (1849-1905) and Rashid Rida’s (1865-1935) ideas of Islamic reform. These new ideas motivated some young Muslims to go overseas to study in order to learn new knowledge to build up a new China. In the context of this new national- ism and internationalism, the Chinese Muslim communities cultivated their first generation of Azhari graduates and modernist ‘religious leaders’ (‘imams’), and brought forth a new wave of the pilgrimage movement in the 1920s and 1930s. The most well-known leaders with an Azhari diploma included Wang Jingzai 王靜齋 (1879-1949), Ma Songting 馬松亭 (1895-1992), 2 Gelvin and Green (2014, p.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • View / Download 7.3 Mb
    Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 ABSTRACT Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Janice Hyeju Jeong 2019 Abstract While China’s recent Belt and the Road Initiative and its expansion across Eurasia is garnering public and scholarly attention, this dissertation recasts the space of Eurasia as one connected through historic Islamic networks between Mecca and China. Specifically, I show that eruptions of
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN*
    Journal of Contemporary China (2005), 14(42), February, 35–53 Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy CHEN ZHIMIN* This article examines the role of nationalism in shaping Chinese foreign policy in the history of contemporary China over the last 100 years. Nationalism is used here as an analytical term, rather than in the usual popular pejorative sense. By tracing the various expressions of contemporary Chinese nationalism, this article argues that nationalism is one of the key enduring driving forces which have shaped Chinese foreign policy over the period; as China increasingly integrates herself into this globalized and interdependent world and Chinese confidence grows, the current expression of Chinese nationalism is taking a more positive form, which incorporates an expanding component of internationalism. In recent years, nationalism has been one of the key focuses in the study of China’s foreign policy. In the 1990s, several Chinese writers started to invoke the concept of nationalism, both in their study of Chinese foreign policy and in their prescriptions for the Chinese foreign policy. Likewise, in English-language scholarship the study of Chinese nationalism largely sets the parameters of the debate about the future of Chinese foreign policy and the world’s response to a rising China. An overarching theme of this Western discourse is a gloomy concern with the worrisome nature of recent expressions of Chinese nationalism. Samuel P. Huntington was famously concerned about China’s intention ‘to bring to an end the
    [Show full text]
  • Islam in China More Legitimate Than Their Death in 632 CE
    Asian Intercultural Contacts he presence of Muslims in as they did not proselytize, the China challenges the con- government did not interfere Tventional wisdom about with the practice of their reli- both the country’s isolationism gion. Nor did it impose itself on and homogeneity in traditional their communities, which had times. In fact, pre-modern their own judges who adminis- China dealt with a great variety tered Islamic law. They formed of foreign states, tribes, empires, virtually self-governing entities. and confederations, and numer- Other than one disastrous ous foreign religions reached episode, relations between and influenced the so-called China, the Islamic communities, Middle Kingdom. Globalization, and the world were amicable. A to use modern terminology, af- conflict erupted between Tang fected China long before the and Arab armies near the Talas twenty-first century. Other than River in Central Asia. In 751, Buddhism, Islam was China’s Arab forces defeated the Chi- most important foreign religious nese, but had to return to West import. Indeed Muslims, both Asia because of the temporary Chinese and non-Chinese, cur- turbulence accompanying the rently are found throughout the Abbasid overthrow of the country. A survey of the history Umayyad Caliphate (661–750). of the Islamic communities in The Abbasids, one of the most China is essential for an under- glorious West Asian dynasties standing of the present status of (750–1258), claimed descent Muslims in the country. Islam from one of Muhammad’s un- reached China within a few cles, portrayed themselves as decades after Muhammad’s Islam In ChIna more legitimate than their death in 632 CE.
    [Show full text]
  • Ibn Battuta Travels the Islamic World
    2/4/2020 Big Idea Ibn Battuta Travels the Islamic World Essential Question What do Ibn Battuta’s travels reveal about the Islamic world in the 1300s? 1 2/4/2020 Words To Know Hajj – an Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca; a religious duty that must be carried out at least once a lifetime by all adult Muslims who are capable of making the journey. Mecca – a city in Saudi Arabia that Muslims consider to be a holy city; the birthplace of the prophet Muhammad Pilgrimage – a religious journey. Let’s Set The Stage… Ibn Battuta was born in Tangier, part of modern-day Morocco, on February 25, 1304. He was raised by his family with a focus on education. As a result, Ibn Battuta’s urge to travel was spurred by interest in finding the best teachers and the best libraries in the world. Ibn Battuta was a Muslim student who studied law. He wanted to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, called the “hajj,” as soon as possible, out of eagerness and devotion to his Islamic faith. 2 2/4/2020 Ibn Battuta traveled for thirty years, mostly through lands where Islam was the predominate (main) religion and where people spoke Arabic because of the spread of the religion. When he returned from his travels, he wrote a book to reflect on his experiences throughout the Islamic world. On June 14, 1325, at the age of 21, Ibn Battuta rode out of Tangier on a donkey, the start of his journey to Mecca. 3 2/4/2020 Ibn Battuta stayed at a madrasas (Islamic college) as he made his way to Tunis.
    [Show full text]
  • Confessional Peculiarity of Chinese Islam Nurzat M
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL & SCIENCE EDUCATION 2016, VOL. 11, NO. 15, 7906-7915 OPEN ACCESS Confessional Peculiarity of Chinese Islam Nurzat M. Mukana, Sagadi B. Bulekbayeva, Ainura D. Kurmanaliyevaa, Sultanmurat U. Abzhalova and Bekzhan B. Meirbayeva aAl-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty, KAZAKHSTAN ABSTRACT This paper considers features of Islam among Muslim peoples in China. Along with the traditional religions of China - Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, Islam influenced noticeable impact on the formation of Chinese civilization. The followers of Islam have a significant impact on ethno-religious, political, economic and cultural relations of the Chinese society. Ethno-cultural heterogeneity of Chinese Islam has defined its confessional identity. The peculiarity of Chinese Islam is determined, firstly, with its religious heterogeneity. In China there all three main branches of Islam: Sunnism, Shiism, and Sufism. Secondly, the unique nature of Chinese Islam is defined by close relationship with the traditional religions of China (Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism) and Chinese population folk beliefs. Chinese Islam has incorporated many specific feat ures of the traditional religious culture of China, which heavily influenced on the religious consciousness and religious activities of Chinese Muslims. KEYWORDS ARTICLE HISTORY Chinese Muslims, history of Islam, confessional Received 21 March 2016 heterogeneity, Islamic branches, religions of China Revised 05 June 2016 Accepted 19 June 2016 Introduction Political and ethno-cultural processes taking place in contemporary Chinese society lead us to a deeper study of the religious history of China (Ho et al., 2014). Along with the traditional religions of China - Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, Islam influenced noticeable impact on the formation of Chinese civilization (Tsin, 2009; Erie & Carlson, 2014; Gulfiia, Parfilova & Karimova, 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • Muslim Women's Pilgrimage to Mecca and Beyond
    Muslim Women’s Pilgrimage to Mecca and Beyond This book investigates female Muslims pilgrimage practices and how these relate to women’s mobility, social relations, identities, and the power struc- tures that shape women’s lives. Bringing together scholars from different disciplines and regional expertise, it offers in-depth investigation of the gendered dimensions of Muslim pilgrimage and the life-worlds of female pilgrims. With a variety of case studies, the contributors explore the expe- riences of female pilgrims to Mecca and other pilgrimage sites, and how these are embedded in historical and current contexts of globalisation and transnational mobility. This volume will be relevant to a broad audience of researchers across pilgrimage, gender, religious, and Islamic studies. Marjo Buitelaar is an anthropologist and Professor of Contemporary Islam at the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. She is programme-leader of the research project ‘Modern Articulations of Pilgrimage to Mecca’, funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). Manja Stephan-Emmrich is Professor of Transregional Central Asian Stud- ies, with a special focus on Islam and migration, at the Institute for Asian and African Studies at Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Germany, and a socio-cultural anthropologist. She is a Principal Investigator at the Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and Societies (BGSMCS) and co-leader of the research project ‘Women’s Pathways to Professionalization in Mus- lim Asia. Reconfiguring religious knowledge, gender, and connectivity’, which is part of the Shaping Asia network initiative (2020–2023, funded by the German Research Foundation, DFG). Viola Thimm is Professorial Candidate (Habilitandin) at the Institute of Anthropology, University of Heidelberg, Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • Growth and Decline of Muslim Hui Enclaves in Beijing
    EG1402.fm Page 104 Thursday, June 21, 2007 12:59 PM Growth and Decline of Muslim Hui Enclaves in Beijing Wenfei Wang, Shangyi Zhou, and C. Cindy Fan1 Abstract: The Hui people are a distinct ethnic group in China in terms of their diet and Islamic religion. In this paper, we examine the divergent residential and economic develop- ment of Niujie and Madian, two Hui enclaves in the city of Beijing. Our analysis is based on archival and historical materials, census data, and information collected from recent field work. We show that in addition to social perspectives, geographic factors—location relative to the northward urban expansion of Beijing, and the character of urban administrative geog- raphy in China—are important for understanding the evolution of ethnic enclaves. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: O10, I31, J15. 3 figures, 2 tables, 60 refer- ences. INTRODUCTION esearch on ethnic enclaves has focused on their residential and economic functions and Ron the social explanations for their existence and persistence. Most studies do not address the role of geography or the evolution of ethnic enclaves, including their decline. In this paper, we examine Niujie and Madian, two Muslim Hui enclaves in Beijing, their his- tory, and recent divergent paths of development. While Niujie continues to thrive as a major residential area of the Hui people in Beijing and as a prominent supplier of Hui foods and services for the entire city, both the Islamic character and the proportion of Hui residents in Madian have declined. We argue that Madian’s location with respect to recent urban expan- sion in Beijing and the administrative geography of the area have contributed to the enclave’s decline.
    [Show full text]
  • Rise of the Veil: Islamic Modernity and the Hui Woman Zainab Khalid SIT Study Abroad
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2011 Rise of the Veil: Islamic Modernity and the Hui Woman Zainab Khalid SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Comparative Methodologies and Theories Commons, Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, History of Religions of Eastern Origins Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Khalid, Zainab, "Rise of the Veil: Islamic Modernity and the Hui Woman" (2011). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1074. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1074 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rise of the Veil: Islamic Modernity and the Hui Woman Zainab Khalid SIT FALL 2011 5/1/2011 1 Introduction: Assimilation/Dissimilation The Hui are a familiar sight in most cities in China; famed for their qingzhen restaurants and their business acumen. Known usually as the “Chinese speaking Muslims,” they are separated from the nine other Muslim xiaoshu minzu by a reputation for assimilation and adaptability that is a matter of pride for Hui in urban areas. A conversation with Hui women at Nancheng Mosque in Kunming revealed that they believed Hui to be at an advantage compared to other xiaoshu minzu because of their abilities to adapt and assimilate, “we are intelligent; we know what to do in order to survive in any environment.” Yet, the Hui of Yunnan also have a history of dissimilation- the Panthay Rebellion of 1856 took the shape of a Sultanate in Dali as Hui forces led a province-wide revolt against the Qing Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Transformation of Tibetan National Identity
    CHINA’S TIBET THE TRANSFORMATION OF TIBETAN NATIONAL IDENTITY BY WARREN W. SMITH A COMPILATION OF A SERIES OF PROGRAMS ON RADIO FREE ASIA TIBETAN SERVICE 1 CHINA’S TIBET1 THE TRANSFORMATION OF TIBETAN NATIONAL IDENTITY This article is a revised and updated synopsis of a series of RFA “Expert on Tibet” programs, originally broadcast in 2000, on China’s attempt to transform Tibetan national and cultural identity, to integrate Tibet into China, and to transform Tibetans into Chinese. The title of the series, “China’s Tibet,” refers to the way in which Tibet is described in Chinese propaganda as a possession of China. “China’s Tibet” means that China claims ownership over Tibet. The terminology of “China’s Tibet” or China’s “ownership” of Tibet reveals that even China unintentionally admits that China and Tibet are separate political entities. It is only because Tibet is not the same national, cultural, or political entity as China that China has to characterize Tibet as owned by China. China’s official statements and propaganda in English invariably refer to Tibet as “China’s Tibet,” or sometimes as “Tibet, China.” The PRC's foremost state-sponsored academic journal on Tibet is titled China's Tibet. A recent (1997) official Chinese version of Tibet's history is titled The Historical Status of China's Tibet. The PRC’s official website on Tibet is China’s Tibet Information Center. The possessiveness revealed by Chinese terminology about Tibet is most obvious in the title of the PRC's 1992 State Council White Paper on Tibet: "Tibet--Its Ownership and Human Rights Situation." China even insisted that the Chinese version of the classic French comic, Tintin in Tibet, should be "Tintin in China's Tibet," until the original publisher objected.
    [Show full text]
  • Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
    Globalization ’s Impact on Mongolian Identity Issues and the Image of Chinggis Khan Alicia J. Campi PART I: The Mongols, this previously unheard-of nation that unexpectedly emerged to terrorize the whole world for two hundred years, disappeared again into obscurity with the advent of firearms. Even so, the name Mongol became one forever familiar to humankind, and the entire stretch of the thirteenth through the fifteenth centuries has come to be known as the Mongol era.' PART II; The historic science was the science, which has been badly affect­ ed, and the people of Mongolia bid farewell to their history and learned by heart the bistort' with distortion but fuU of ideolog}'. Because of this, the Mong ­ olians started to forget their religious rituals, customs and traditions and the pa­ triotic feelings of Mongolians turned to the side of perishing as the internation ­ alism was put above aU.^ PART III: For decades, Mongolia had subordinated national identity to So­ viet priorities __Now, they were set adrift in a sea of uncertainty, and Mongol ­ ians were determined to define themselves as a nation and as a people. The new freedom was an opportunity as well as a crisis." As the three above quotations indicate, identity issues for the Mongolian peoples have always been complicated. In our increas­ ingly interconnected, media-driven world culture, nations with Baabar, Histoij of Mongolia (Ulaanbaatar: Monsudar Publishing, 1999), 4. 2 “The Political Report of the First Congress of the Mongolian Social-Demo ­ cratic Party” (March 31, 1990), 14. " Tsedendamdyn Batbayar, Mongolia’s Foreign Folicy in the 1990s: New Identity and New Challenges (Ulaanbaatar: Institute for Strategic Studies, 2002), 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Two: the Global Context: Asia, Europe, and Africa in the Early Modern Era
    Chapter Two: The Global Context: Asia, Europe, and Africa in the Early Modern Era Contents 2.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................. 30 2.1.1 Learning Outcomes ....................................................................................... 30 2.2 EUROPE IN THE AGE OF DISCOVERY: PORTUGAL AND SPAIN ........................... 31 2.2.1 Portugal Initiates the Age of Discovery ............................................................. 31 2.2.2 The Spanish in the Age of Discovery ................................................................ 33 2.2.3 Before You Move On... ................................................................................... 35 Key Concepts ....................................................................................................35 Test Yourself ...................................................................................................... 36 2.3 ASIA IN THE AGE OF DISCOVERY: CHINESE EXPANSION DURING THE MING DYNASTY 37 2.3.1 Before You Move On... ................................................................................... 40 Key Concepts ................................................................................................... 40 Test Yourself .................................................................................................... 41 2.4 EUROPE IN THE AGE OF DISCOVERY: ENGLAND AND FRANCE ........................ 41 2.4.1 England and France at War ..........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Majalah Ilmiah Tabuah Ta’Limat, Budaya, Agama Dan Humaniora | ISSN (Online) 2614-7793 |
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Rumah jurnal Fakultas Adab dan Humaniora UIN IB DOI: https://doi.org/10.37108/tabuah.vi.240 Available Online at: https://www.rjfahuinib.org/index.php/tabuah Majalah Ilmiah Tabuah Ta’limat, Budaya, Agama dan Humaniora | ISSN (Online) 2614-7793 | PERAN STRATEGIS PITI SUMATERA BARAT Doni Nofra Sejarah Peradaban Islam Fakultas FUAD, IAIN Bukittinggi email: [email protected] Inggria Kharisma email: [email protected] Abstract The Government of Indonesia released different terms related to the Chinese: Cina, China, Tionghoa and Tiongkok. Cina is a term for people with Chinese passport living in Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, and even in Indonesia, i.e. foreign nationals. The term China (with an 'h') is an official writing issued by the Embassy of the People's Republic of China to refer to the citizens of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in Bahasa Indonesia. The term Tionghoa is used to designate those of Chinese descent living in Indonesia. Meanwhile, Tiongkok is how Bahasa Indonesia refers to the citizens of the People’s Republic of China. On March 14, 2014 President SBY changed the term China to Tiongkok by issuing the Presidential Decree No. 12. The history of Chinese Muslims in West Sumatera cannot be separated from the history of the arrival of Islam into the Archipelago. The term Tionghoa refers to the people of Chinese origins. According to Ernawati, in her Asap Hio di Ranah Minang, the Chinese people have been living in Pariaman since the 12th century CE.
    [Show full text]