Longing, Belonging and the Politics of Naming: the Case of the Khache
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Little Tibet in Our Backyard: Understanding 'Tibetan' Muslim Identity in Kashmir Farrukh Faheem
Little Tibet in Our Backyard: Understanding ‘Tibetan’ Muslim Identity in Kashmir Farrukh Faheem [email protected] Abstract: Tibet is generally imagined as a Buddhist land, it is believed that to be Tibetan is to be Buddhist, conversely the idea of Tibetan Muslim seems to be incongruous. This paper gives a glimpse into the lives of ‘Tibetan’ Muslims in Kashmir. This paper is divided into two parts. The first part briefly discusses the history of Tibet and its spatial location as a region interacting with other Himalayan regions. In the subsequent sections, I discuss the history of ‘Tibetan’ Muslims, there presence in Kashmir and the contesting identity.The paper also attempts to explore their notions of belonging and the processes involved in being and becoming of a ‘Tibetan’ Muslim in Kashmir. Way beyond the cartographic identity of a group there are ethnographic identities. In the context of Tibet and Tibetan identity, the ‘Political Tibet’ is represented largely by the rule of Tibetan Government and its administration. It includes the major towns of Tibet, Lhasa and U-Tsang. The ‘ethnographic identity’ of the Tibet, however, includes the regions beyond the cartographic imagination.1 These are the borderlands once inhabited by Tibetan race, the neighboring regions of Kashmir and Ladakh2. Thus, the idea of Tibet in terms of a geographically bounded territory largely located on the Tibetan Plateau is essentially a “political construct”.3 The imagination of Tibet as a territorially fixed region bounded by its physical geography limits our understanding of Tibet as a culturally, socially or politically imagined entity.4 1 Richardson, H. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
THE SECURITISATION of TIBETAN BUDDHISM in COMMUNIST CHINA Abstract
ПОЛИТИКОЛОГИЈА РЕЛИГИЈЕ бр. 2/2012 год VI • POLITICS AND RELIGION • POLITOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS • Nº 2/2012 Vol. VI ___________________________________________________________________________ Tsering Topgyal 1 Прегледни рад Royal Holloway University of London UDK: 243.4:323(510)”1949/...” United Kingdom THE SECURITISATION OF TIBETAN BUDDHISM IN COMMUNIST CHINA Abstract This article examines the troubled relationship between Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese state since 1949. In the history of this relationship, a cyclical pattern of Chinese attempts, both violently assimilative and subtly corrosive, to control Tibetan Buddhism and a multifaceted Tibetan resistance to defend their religious heritage, will be revealed. This article will develop a security-based logic for that cyclical dynamic. For these purposes, a two-level analytical framework will be applied. First, the framework of the insecurity dilemma will be used to draw the broad outlines of the historical cycles of repression and resistance. However, the insecurity dilemma does not look inside the concept of security and it is not helpful to establish how Tibetan Buddhism became a security issue in the first place and continues to retain that status. The theory of securitisation is best suited to perform this analytical task. As such, the cycles of Chinese repression and Tibetan resistance fundamentally originate from the incessant securitisation of Tibetan Buddhism by the Chinese state and its apparatchiks. The paper also considers the why, how, and who of this securitisation, setting the stage for a future research project taking up the analytical effort to study the why, how and who of a potential desecuritisation of all things Tibetan, including Tibetan Buddhism, and its benefits for resolving the protracted Sino- Tibetan conflict. -
Evidentiality in Tibetic Scott Delancey 1 Introduction the Unusual And
Evidentiality in Tibetic Scott DeLancey 1 Introduction The unusual and unusually prominent grammatical expression of epistemic status and information source in Tibetic languages, especially Lhasa Tibetan,1 has played a prominent role in the study of evidentiality since that category was brought to the attention of the general linguistic public in the early 1980’s. Work by many scholars over the past two decades has produced a substantial body of more deeply-informed research on Lhasa and other Tibetic languages, only a small part of which I will be able to refer to here (see also DeLancey to appear). In this chapter I will mostly discuss Lhasa data, but concentrate on the ways that this system is typical of the pan-Tibetic phenomenon. The system will be presented inductively, in terms of grammatical categories in Tibetic languages, rather than deductively, in terms derived from theoretical claims or typological generalizations about a cross-linguistic category of evidentiality. 1 The terms “Standard” and “Lhasa” Tibetan are sometimes used interchangeably, but they are not exactly the same thing. The early publications on the topic (Goldstein and Nornang 1970, Jin 1979, Chang and Chang 1984, DeLancey 1985, 1986) were based on work with educated speakers from Lhasa, and those works and the data in this paper represent the Lhasa dialect, not “Standard Tibetan”. 2 The first known Tibetic language is Old Tibetan, the language of the Tibetan Empire, recorded in manuscripts from the 7th century CE. In scholarly as well as general use, ‘Tibetan’ is often applied to all descendants of this language, as well as to the written standard which developed from it. -
Ways of Knowing Tibetan Peoples and Landscapes
HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 24 Number 1 Himalaya; The Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Article 18 No. 1 & 2 2004 Ways of Knowing Tibetan Peoples and Landscapes Wim Van Spengen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Van Spengen, Wim. 2004. Ways of Knowing Tibetan Peoples and Landscapes. HIMALAYA 24(1). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol24/iss1/18 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WIM VAN SPENGEN WAYS OF KNOWING TIBETAN PEOPLES AND LANDSCAPES In this concluding essay, I first sketch a brief outline of a Peoples and Landscapes perspective within a wider and changing social science context; second, present an overview of the field of Tibetan studies with particular refer- ence to recent work in geography and anthropology; third, reflect briefly on ways of knowing “Tibetan Peoples and Landscapes;” and, fourth, situate the contributions of the authors to this special issue within their fields. uite a few will remember the 1995 movie clearly delineated, and that their substance would go The Bridges of Madison County in which unchanged and unchallenged over space and time. Qthe main characters Clint Eastwood and These new insights and interpretations also shattered Meryl Streep have a brief affair set against the notions of fixed identity: social, cultural, as well as background of a wooden bridge, so characteristic territorial. -
Inter-Asian Relations and Lhasa's Muslim Communities
2 Confronting the Unexpected On November 30, 1943, two American pilots, Robert Crozier and Harold “Mac” McCallum, eased their C-87 plane into the air carrying a load of ammunition, fuel, and supplies from an American air base in northeastern India to the south- western Chinese city of Kunming. The U.S. Air Force had deployed these modified B-24 bombers along a 530-mile corridor since April 1942 after Japanese troops had overrun the Burma Road, the Allies’ last significant land route supplying the Nationalist Chinese forces based in western China.1 With President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s call to transport ten thousand tons of cargo a month from India into China, hundreds of aircraft were plying this route, maintaining a desperately needed air link, known as “the Hump,” in the battle against Japanese forces occupying much of eastern China. Both pilots were experienced, and this had been a routine trip into Kunming. After a brief respite to unload, refuel, and allow the crew to eat a hasty meal, they returned to the plane, only to be told they needed to first offload supplies in Yunnanyi, a town some 150 miles due west of Kunming. Flying at night and slightly north of their usual route to India, the Americans encountered completely differ- ent conditions from those on the flight up. The greatest obstacle to flying the Hump came from the constantly changing weather conditions, monsoon rains in the summer and blizzards in the winter. The flight crew had few navigation tools at their disposal other than a method known as dead reckoning, whereby the navigator, knowing his point of departure and compass heading, would calculate time, air speed, and approximate distance traveled. -
Religious Change in Tibet and the Himalayas ASIA 3010 (3 Credits/45 Hours)
Religious Change in Tibet and the Himalayas ASIA 3010 (3 credits/45 hours) SIT Study Abroad Program: Nepal: Tibetan and Himalayan Peoples PLEASE NOTE: This syllabus represents a recent term. Because courses develop and change over time to take advantage of unique learning opportunities, actual course content varies from term to term. Course Description This course explores religious preferences among the diverse Himalayan populations. Tibetan Buddhism is examined in relation to broader Tibetan civilization, the Tibetan [-oid/-ish] cultural sphere, including but not limited to the realms of politics and ritual. The course goes beyond the typical exclusive focus on the Tibetan Buddhist characteristics of Himalayan cultures, and instead investigates a multitude of beliefs and practices, amongst different groups. E.g. other Buddhism [s] such as that of the Newars, the sole surviving continuous tradition of Indian Buddhism; Indian tantra; Hinduism in the Kathmandu Valley; Islam in Tibet and South Asia; and Bön and pre-Buddhist Himalayan traditions. Furthermore, the determining role across the region of emerging systems such as secularism and spiritual materialism, whether or not sprung from Communist ideologies, will be evaluated. We will emphasize the involved—and often fluid—interactions and interchanges between tradition, ritual and religious doctrine. One way we will transcend the synchronicity cum timelessness often associated with religion is through the study of etymology and the change of meanings within religious terminology. This course will further lay stress on the melding and divergence of traditions given a multitude of political and other contingent circumstances as well as the manifestations of such developments in individuals’ worldviews and daily activities. -
Tibet's Minority Languages-Diversity and Endangerment-Appendix 9 28 Sept Version
Tibet’s minority languages: Diversity and endangerment Short title: Tibet’s minority languages Authors: GERALD ROCHE (Asia Institute, University of Melbourne, [email protected])* HIROYUKI SUZUKI (IKOS, University of Oslo, [email protected]) Abstract Asia is the world’s most linguistically diverse continent, and its diversity largely conforms to established global patterns that correlate linguistic diversity with biodiversity, latitude, and topography. However, one Asian region stands out as an anomaly in these patterns—Tibet, which is often portrayed as linguistically homogenous. A growing body of research now suggests that Tibet is linguistically diverse. In this article, we examine this literature in an attempt to quantify Tibet’s linguistic diversity. We focus on the minority languages of Tibet—languages that are neither Chinese nor Tibetan. We provide five different estimates of how many minority languages are spoken in Tibet. We also interrogate these sources for clues about language endangerment among Tibet’s minority languages, and propose a sociolinguistic categorization of Tibet’s minority languages that enables broad patterns of language endangerment to be perceived. Appendices include lists of the languages identified in each of our five estimates, along with references to key sources on each language. Our survey found that as many as 60 minority languages may be spoken in Tibet, and that the majority of these languages are endangered to some degree. We hope out contribution inspires further research into the predicament of Tibet’s minority languages, and helps support community efforts to maintain and revitalize these languages. NB: This is the accepted version of this article, which was published in Modern Asian Studies in April 2018. -
2018 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet are appended at the end of this report. Given the scope and severity of reported religious freedom violations specific to Xinjiang this year, a separate section on the region is also included in this report. The constitution states citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” The government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents when the government perceived these as threatening state or Chinese Communist Party (CCP) interests, according to nongovernmental organization (NGO) and international media reports. Only religious groups belonging to one of the five state-sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” (Buddhist, Taoist, Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant) are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. Multiple media and NGOs estimated that since April 2017, the government detained at least 800,000 and up to possibly more than 2 million Uighurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and members of other Muslim groups, mostly Chinese citizens, in specially built or converted detention facilities in Xinjiang and subjected them to forced disappearance, torture, physical abuse, and prolonged detention without trial because of their religion and ethnicity. -
China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong, Macau) Page 1 of 27
China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, Macau) Page 1 of 27 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » International Religious Freedom » 2010 Report on International Religious Freedom » East Asia and Pacific » China includes Tibet, Hong Kong, Macau China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, Macau) BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR International Religious Freedom Report 2010 November 17, 2010 Reports on Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau are appended at the end of this report. The constitution states that Chinese citizens "enjoy freedom of religious belief." It also bans the state, public organizations, and individuals from compelling citizens to believe in, or not believe in, any religion. The constitution and laws protect "normal" religious activities," which are overseen by the five (Buddhist, Taoist, Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant) state- sanctioned "patriotic religious associations." By law only they may register religious groups and places of worship. Chinese Communist Party (CCP) members are discouraged from participating in religious activities. The government permits proselytizing in registered places of worship and in private settings. Proselytizing in public, unregistered places of worship, or by foreigners is not permitted. Some religious or spiritual groups are outlawed, including the Falun Gong. Other religious groups, such as Protestant "house churches" or Catholics loyal to the Vatican, are not outlawed, but are not permitted to openly hold religious services unless they affiliate with a patriotic religious association. In some parts of the country, authorities have charged religious believers unaffiliated with a patriotic religious association with "illegal religious activities" or "disrupting social stability." Punishments for these charges range from fines to imprisonment. -
Surivival and Revival of Tibetan Ethnic Identity in India
SURIVIVAL AND REVIVAL OF TIBETAN ETHNIC IDENTITY IN INDIA By Dawa Dolma Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Anton Pelinka CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract Ethnic identity is a complex multifaceted phenomenon that is constructed or negotiated to form a nation-state. Once formed, it occupies an intrinsic part of the development of an individual. Multiple circumstances have led to the creation and recreation of Tibetan ethnic identity in exile, and such creation happens at both collective and individual levels. In this thesis, Tibetan ethnic identity in exile is examined at the individual level as part of Diasporic identity and statelessness. Also, the construction at the collective level is examined both among the Tibetan community in exile in India and the community in China. Community in China is studied in comparison so as to give a better understanding of the mentality of the exiles as opposed to ones in the homeland. Moreover, it analyzes the sustainability of Tibetan ethnic identity among the Diaspora and its significant role in the national movement. Tibetan Diaspora remains an understudied and under-theorized field despite the plight of Tibetans commanding international attention. Therefore, it is extremely crucial to study the survival and revival of Tibetan ethnic identity. CEU eTD Collection ii Acknowledgements This thesis could not have been written without the kind support and encouragement of many people. I would like to express my gratitude to my parents and family members for their unconditional love and support in every step of my life. -
Inter-Asian Relations and Lhasa's Muslim
6 Prisoners of Shangri-La Late on March 17, 1959, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama changed out of his customary maroon robes into khaki pants and a long black coat. Knowing he could carry little, he hastily rolled up a favorite thangka of the Second Dalai Lama and slid it into a small bag. With this in hand, he slipped out the main gates of the Norbulinka Palace under the cover of darkness. Several trusted officials whisked him through the crowds, which had gathered there in an attempt to protect their revered leader, and down to the banks of the Kyichu River where several small coracles awaited to row him and his small group across the river. Early the next morning, having reached the 16,000-foot Che-la Pass overlooking the Lhasa valley, he paused, turned, and cast a long last glance over the Tibetan capital. Implored to hurry by his small guard unit, he quickly began the descent and his march south to the Indian border.1 It would be the last time he would see his city. Two weeks later, on March 31, having traversed some of Asia’s most treacherous terrain and protected by an escort that at times was more than several hundred strong, the Dalai Lama arrived at the Indian border.2 With the details of the March Uprising still largely unknown and with the Dalai Lama’s arrival along with the tens of thousands of Tibetans who eventually followed him, Sino-Indian relations entered a new era. After working for more than a decade to establish a constructive relationship with China, Prime Minister Nehru was forced to make a choice he had long hoped to avoid.