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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, 48106 75 - 11,344 GAW, Beverly Ann Byrum, 1942- A SOCIQDRAi'iATISTIC ANALYSIS OF RHETORICAL STRATEGIES EMPLOYED BY SPOKESPERSONS OF THE LIBERTARIAN MOVEMENT. The Ohio University, Ph.D., 1974 Speech

Xerox University Microfilmst Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. A SOCIODRAMATISTIC ANALYSIS OF RHETORICAL STRATEGIES

EMPLOYED BY SPOKESPERSONS OF THE LIBERTARIAN MOVEMENT

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Beverly Ann Gaw, B.A., M.A

* # * * *

The Ohio State University 197^

Reading Committees Approved by

William R. Brown Jack Douglas John J. Makay

tment of Communication ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank those who helped, each in their unique way, in the writing of this dissertation: Dr. John Kakay, for his guidance, concern, and friendship; Dr. William Brown, for his encouragement to pursue the "unusual idea;" Dr. Jack Douglas, for his instruction in the theory of theory; Mary Lou Hanley, for typing this study with loving care; and for three very special people without whose empathic understanding and continuing support, the completion of this study would have been most difficult: Annie,

Bruce, and Joe.

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... 11

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Definitions ...... 1 History and Background ...... 2 Review of Research ...... 14- Purpose of the S t u d y ...... 20 Model, Procedure, Methodology ...... 22 Assumptions ...... 2? Outline of Chapters ...... 27

II. CONTEMPORARY GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE LIBERTARIAN M O V E M E N T ...... 39

Inception of the Libertarian Movement .... 4-0 Growth of the Movement...... 4-5 Libertarian Goals ...... 50 Progression into Political A c t i o n ...... 51 Problems Within the Movement* Factions and F o c u s ...... 52 Summary 63

III. STRATEGY I* E D U C A T I O N ...... 75

Leonard E. Read: Conservative Educator . . . 77 Robert Le Fevre: Pacifist Educator ..... 87 * Objectivist Educator ...... 99 Summary ...... Ill

IV. STRATEGY II* R E T R E A T I S M ...... 129

Harry Browne* Personal F r e e d o m ...... 130 Michael Oliver* Geographical .... 14-2 Nathaniel Branden* Psychological Freedom • . 154- Summary ...... l6l

iii iv

Page V. STRATEGY H i t POLITICAL A C T I O N ...... 173

John Hosperst ...... 175 James Davidsoni Political Pressure ...... 193 Steve Symmsi Political Infiltration ..... 201 Summary ...... 207

VI. STRATEGY IV: S Y N E R G Y ...... 219

Rothbardt Approach to Strategy...... 220 Rothbard: Rhetorical Acts ...... 231 Rothbard: Description of Environment ...... 232 Rothbardt Vision of the Ideal Order .... * 236 Rothbardt Rhetorical R o l e ...... 237 Rothbard: Rhetorical Tactics ...... 239 Summary......

VII. STRATEGY Vt R E V O L U T I O N ...... 258

Libertarian Reservations about . . . 259 A c t s ...... 262 Revolutionary Description of Environment . . . 262 Revolutionary Rhetorical Vision ...... 263 Revolutionary Role ...... 26^ Revolutionary ThetoricalTactics ...... 265 Summary ...... 267

VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLU S I O N S ...... 271

Summary ...... 271 Conclusions ...... 278 Further Research ...... 296

APPENDIX...... 300

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 301 Chapter Is Introduction

Someone once said "Freedom is not what you are out of, but what you are into." Many people are "into" freedom itself these days. The writer’s is in one particular group of people that will be characterized hereafter as the Libertarian Movement.

Definitions

In this study, movement is used broadly to refer to a group of people who are seeking significant social change. A social movement consciously seeks change; it exhibits organization; it Is based on membership commitment to ."* The Libertarian

Movement exhibits these three characteristics. However, because the

Libertarian Movement, for purposes of this study, includes the 2 entire libertarian spectrum, it will be evident that, within that spectrum, some seek change more openly than others, organisation is often loose, and interpretation of ideology varies.

Since this study deals with the rhetoric of the Libertarian

Movement, the following working definitions involving the concept

"rhetoric" will be used. Rhetoric is the process in which a source or sources utilize symbolic agencies (words and/or actions) to reinforce or change receiver perceptions, beliefs, attitudes, values,

1 2 and/or actions toward source desired goals as shown by rhetorical content consistent with rhetorical objectives. A rhetorical strategy

is a general source-designed plan composed of rhetorical tactics for effecting source-designed goals. A rhetorical spokesperson in the

Movement is a source who is influential and/or active in establishing and/or promoting Movement ideology. A rhetorical act is the verbal or nonverbal constellation of specific symbolic agencies composed of descriptions of environment, vision, and role which characterize the rhetorical strategy and through which it can be studied. A rhetorical description of the environment is the source's perception of external reality. A rhetorical vision of the ideal social order is the source's conception of the realisation cf his goals. A rhetorical role is the rhetorical function assumed by the source. Rhetorical tactics are the specific symbolic agencies chosen for effecting the strategic plan which works to achieve source objectives.

History and Background

An historical-philosophical movement that appears to have relevance to is 19th century Individualistic

in America. Broadly, anarchism seeks ultimately to eliminate

3 . Individualistic Anarchists agreed on the following, more specific, issues:

1. Collective leads to , which is damaging to human personality.

2. Private is a basic right. 3

3. freedom is the purpose of society; since curbs this, it should be eliminated.

kt Inequality is wrong.

5. Rent, interest, dividends, and are wrong because they are not the products of labor.

6 . Free is expression of individual sovereignty.

7. Association should be voluntary.

8 . ,is a legitimate weapon against the State.4

These specific tenets separated the Individualist from other types of anarchists^ as did their basically non-ccercive strategy of disseminating ideas.^

Spokesmen for Individualistic Anarchistic Movement (approximately

1827-1908) used two types of rhetorical acts to promote their philosophy. The first and most widely used was verbals the written word. (1798“1879-) began the first anarchist

7 paper, the Peaceful Revolutionist, and produced many other publications

g and documents, including Eouitable Commerce.

(1808-1887), William Bradford Green (1819-1893)* Ingalls (1816- ?), and (1812-1886) provided much of the content of the movement in their bocks and pamphlets devoted to issues of constitutional , , , and , respectively.'* Benjamin R, Tucker (1859— 1939)* was probably the most prolific and polished anarchist writer of his time. His tome, Instead of a Book, was a compilation of articles^ from his newsletter, , the "longest lived of any radical periodical."^ 4

Verbal rhetorical acts also included public speaking. Tucker, again, was the most refined anarchist practioner. A notable example was his address before the Civic Federation in 1899 on "The

Attitude of Anarchism Toward Industrial Combinations," which was described as "the most brilliant piece of pure logic" heard during the 12 convention. Warren lectured on Individualistic Anarchist 13 in both and Boston, where he was sympathetically received.

Andrews received favorable publicity when he spoke before the Liberal

Club in New York.^ Ezra Haywood's (1829-1893) address, "The Labor

Party," was important as an example of industrial within the movement.^ Other Individualistic Anarchist speakers included Henry

Appleton and. Dyer D. Lum, both of whom were influenced by Tucker and wrote for his newsletter, Liberty. ^

The second type of rhetorical act was nonverbal and included the action group and example. Individualistic Anarchists actively participated in the American Labor Reform League and the New England 17 Labor Reform League. Differences occurred over strategy, however, and the First International and the polarised 18 anarchists into revolutionary and pacifist camps.

Undoubtedly, Josiah Warren is the most prominent person to utilise the nonverbal rhetorical act of example. Although there were over one hundred anarchist communities established during this 19 time, he was the only person to achieve some degree of continued success in anarchism-in-action. He established "Time Stores" 5 where people engaged in direct exchange of their labor for a 20 product, without the medium of money. He established three communities based on the of the "time stores" and whose only law was "Mind Your Own *" The Village of Equity, Utopia, 21 and Modern Times.

Even with the use of the written and oral word, action groups, and example, individualistic Anarchism failed as a political movement as shown by its loss of adherents and consequent demise and its lack of influence on government policy. It was, at that time, outside the mainstream of American thought; the movement had little organization, 22 few concrete proposals, and a disinclination to compromise its principles.

Idealism and intellectualisn prevented Individualistic Anarchist philosophy from becoming a viable force in 19th century political thought.

James Joll's view is typical of most contemporary views of

19th century anarchism when he concludes that it is

...an austere personal, moral and sccial code that will continue to attract people who want a total alternative to the values of contemporary society and and whose temperaments respond to the application of ideas carried to their logical conclusions, re.rard.le33 of the pz-actical difficulties involved,'--'

Simply, the philosophy is considered ideal but impractical.

Today’s libertarians challenge this belief.

Although it would not be proper to say that contemporary

Libertarianism emerged from 19th century Individualistic Anarchism, it is true that today's libertarians are rediscovering the ideas of 6 their 19th century counterparts and experiencing a high degree of 24 agreement with these earlier proponents of the doctrine of anarchism.

There are any number of individual definitions of Libertarianism today. Four representative definitions are provided here. First,

Robert Le Fevre, the founder of and one of the oldest proponents of Libertarianism, defined libertarians as those who

...espouse individual virtue, deny the right of or the power complex to control or dominate their lives, and challenge increasingly every effort made to constrain them and force them into the previously acceptable molds...adhere to the concepts of the of men as ... accept and support the value and virtue of ...believe in and sustain the dignity of man..*^5

Secondly, , Director of the School of Philosophy at the University of Southern , and the 1972 libertarian candidate for the presidency, wrotet

As the name implies, /Libertarianism7 is a philosophy of personal liberty~the liberty of each person to live according to his own choices, provided that he does not attempt to coerce others, and thus prevent them from living according to their choices. Libertarians hold this to be an inalienable right of man; thus Libertarianism represents a total commitment to the concept of individual rights.2°

The third definition comes from Jarrett Wollstein, past editor of the Individualist and past president of the Society for Individual

Liberty. To him,

Libertarianism is a modern philosophy of individual liberty...The libertarian ideology begins with the moral premise that every individual has an inalienable right to his own life, which he should be able to live as he sees fit, so long as he does not aggress against others.2? 7

Finally, Murray N. Rothbard, an economist, a prolific libertarian author, and an acknowledges spokesman for the movement, provides the most recent explanation of the libertarian creed*

...to establish the absolute right of private property of every man; first, in his own body, and second, in the previously unused natural resources which he first transforms by his labor.23

These definitions have in common the belief in freedom as (l) on an inalienable right which, (2 ) disallows coercion against the 30 individual, and (3) implies the . In addition,

All libertarians agree that the modern state is the greatest social evil now existing... Consequently, libertarians view the radical reform or total abolition of present as the necessary prerequisite for man’s realization of his greatest potenrial.^i

While this study analyzes the various rhetorical strategies of the entire libertarian spectrum, it focuses on the end of the continuum which advocates the "radical reform or total abolition of present governments" and the replacement of the present governmental institution by a . There are a number of factions in this

Movement, and from among the Anarcho-Capitalists, Libertarian

Socialists, Mutualists, Syndicalists, Christian Libertarians, 32 Objectivists, and Praxeologists, the emphasis is toward the

Anarcho-Capitalistic extreme. This emphasis is purposeful, because it appears that there is only one basic difference between contemporary

Anarcho-Capitalistic Libertarianism and 19th century Individualistic

Anarchism. That difference is implied by the name Anarcho-Capitalist and obviously points up the difference as an economic one. 8

To illustrate this one primary difference, the Declaration of

Principle for the Society for Individual Liberty, an Anarcho-Capitalistic

organisation, is here provided:

As Advocates of Individual Liberty We Affirm: That every man has an inalienable right to his own life, liberty and property; That the only proper use of force is in retaliation against those who violate man’s rights; That the basic violation of man's rights consists of the initiation or the threat of the initiation of force against the individual; That all proper social organization can only be a consequence of between men; That the only economic system consistent with human prosperity and happiness is laissez- faire ; underlining mine) That the and instrumentalities of coercive are the basic threat to the rights of man and the existence of moral human ; And that both moral men and moral societies have the obligation to act in their own rational self-interest to protect themselves from those who seek to coercively control, direct and enslave them.33

It is clear that the underlined statement is the only statement

clearly contradictory to the issues on which the 19th century

Individualistic Anarchists agree. Rent, interest, dividends, and 324. profit are obviously a part of the capitalistic system. The difference arises in different definitions of "property." The 19th century Individualistic Anarchist generally defined it solely as the 35 worth of the individual's physical labor, whereas the laissez-faire capitalist defines it more broadly in terms of mental, physical, a / and/or ancestral effort. This broader definition and the rationale provided for it not only allows rent, interest, dividends, and profits; but extols them as a part of the free market mechanism which 37 improves the .

It must also be noted that while members of the Anarcho-Capitalist extreme believe in the virtues of laissez-faire capitalism, many of them agree that if coercion does not take place between groups, there is room for different life-styles within the confines of freedom- OQ for-all. These can all be accommodated after the State is eliminated.

Also, anyone that wishes to reduce State power drastically rather than eliminate it totally is welcome in the Movement. The Libertarian ferty (formed in 1972) is therefore generally accepted by people in the Movement as furthering the aim of reduction-leading-to-elimination 39 of State power. y

The Movement does not want for spokespeople. Jerome Tuccille accurately names the person who has had the most influence on the

Libertarian Movement in the title of his book, It Usually Begins

With Avn Rand. She is, indeed, the first, most famous, and most 40 productive spokeswoman for Libertarianism.

Other spokespersons who have been productive for the Libertarian

Movement are Roy A. Childs, Jr., editor of Bocks for Libertarians and author of numerous articles in libertarian publications; Robert

Le Fevre, founder of Rampart College, author of This Bread is Mine, and publisher of Le Fevre's Journal: Jerome Tuccille, libertarian gubernatorial candidate for the State of New York and author of

Radical Libertarianism and It Usually Begins With Avn Rand; 10

and Jarrett 3. Wollstein, founder of Society for Individual Liberty 41 and author of Society Without Coercion*

Probably the most revered man within the Movement is Murray

N. Rothbard, author of For a Mew Liberty. He is considered "the

economist" of the Movement and has produced a number of scholarly 42 books on laissez-faire economics. He is also Editor of the

Libertarian Forum and is a frequent speaker at libertarian

conferences.

John Hospers, whose background in philosophy earns his respect

In the Movement, is author of the first major theoretical treatise on Libertarianism. The Libertarian Phrty's candidate for President in 1972, he is one of the most active and visible spokespersons on 43 the libertarian scene.

Other literary spokespersons who must be noted are Morris and 4 4 Linda Tannehill, co-authors of Market for Liberty and Richard and

Ernestine Perkins, co-authors of Precondition to and Prosperity:

4 5 Rational . These authors, like Wollstein, have attempted to deal with the moral bases for and practical implementation of an

Anarcho-Capitalistic society.

Finally, two recent authors, , author of How I Found 46 Freedom in an Unfree World. and David Friedman, author of The 47 Machinery of Freedom. may have more impact than any of the people named thus far. They tend to dispense with philosophical and ethical considerations and speak entirely in terms of practical action and application. 11

The written and oral acts engaged In can he classified by their various rhetorical strategies* education, , political action, 43 synergy, ana. revolution.

The educator’s believe in "talking it over," Robert Le Fevre, an educator himself, is a notable example in this area. He believes only in intellectual persuasion. His advice for the person who desires to communicate about freedom is to practice good manners, be sensitive to the other person and attend to him completely— "operate gently...

/so as to/ teach without lecturing."^ Le Fevre and other libertarians in this category such as Leonard E. Read and Ayn Rand are concerned mainly with intellectual communication as an end in itself or as a gradual means to change, rather than .

The retreatists believe in finding maximum immediate freedom within the reality of contemporary society. Some, such as Harry Browne and those who focus primarily on psychological liberation, attempt to ignore the State as much as they are able. Browne suggests that

...you can’t change the fate of a nation, but you can do a great deal to make sure you're not affected adversely by it. What you have to do is simply part of the price you pay to get what you want in life. And it's always a far less expensive price than you'd have to pay to undertake a social change of any kind.-50

Others, like Micheal Oliver, have taken steps to establish a new society. January, 1972, saw the attempted creation of the first libertarian nation of Minerva (close to the Fiji Islands) by this libertarian author and entrepreneur.^ And Kay, 1974, brought 12 requests for donations to the island of Abaco whose citizens are campaigning (on a laissez-faire platform) for independence from the <52 central government in Nassau. Libertarians in this category believe

it is simpler to begin either within oneself or in a new geographical location rather than fight the status quo. Therefore, they employ rhetoric to urge others to follow this course of action.

The political activists believe in working-within-the-system-to- weaken-or-destroy-the-system. This includes anyone working within establishment institutions, such as the university, industry and research organizations with government contracts, and political organizations. Characteristic of these libertarians are those who belong to the Libertarian Party. One libertarian candidate, Guy W.

Riggs of Poughkeepsie, New York, promises "Absolutely nothing! In the long run there's not a thing any legislator can do for you; he 53 can only prevent things from being done to you." The platform of the Libertarian Party reinforces this candidate's promises. It denies the right of the government to legislate in the areas of private , censorship, of arms, maintenance of an armed forces, trade and the economy, welfare, and education, to name a few. They "challenge the of the omnipotent state, and defend the rights of the individual."^

There are also those who speak to particular grievances on the political spectrum; they focus on specific issues of . They engage in such organizations as The National Taxpayers Union and 13

The National Committee to Legalise Gold, and in such demonstrations as those against the draft and "Free John Galt Day,"'^ "Boston Tea

Party,and "National Taxpayers Protest Day.”'^ Libertarians in this category believe in organized action, in funneling their rhetoric through libertarian institutions.

The synergists believe in holding firmly to the basic tenets of tro Libertarianism, but maintaining flexibility in tactics. They adjust to use all of the strategies mentioned above to unite the factions of the Movement and to present that united front to the external environment. Murray N. Rothbard, the spokesperson chosen to exemplify this category, believes that factions should be united by the great 59 amount of agreement they share, and that they should approach non-libertarians on the same basis of agreement on specific issues.^

Therefore, within the Movement, the synergist employs abstract rhetoric which deals with larger issues, while with audiences outside of the

Movement he employs concrete rhetoric which focuses on specific practical issues.

The revolutionist believes in literally destroying the system through violent tactics.^ This s+rategy and its consequences has been approved, though only by a minority faction in the Movement.

This small group believes that the time for mere talk has ccme to an end; the time for action against the State must now begin.

The descriptive background of this Movement has been necessarily lengthy because there is generally so much confusion within and 14 without the Movement over terminology and specific tenets. With distinctions clarified, literature relevant to the Libertarian

Movement will be reviewed.

Review of Research and Literature

Since this is a rhetorical study dealing with communication strategies within the Libertarian Movement, several types of research and literature would seem to provide a basis for further study.

These include scholarly studies directly involving Libertarianism, material on rhetorical approaches by Libertarians themselves, non-scholarly reaction to Libertarianism, and rhetorical studies indirectly related to the Libertarian Movement and its principles.

From the first perspective, four studies appear relevant.

For a master's thesis, the writer conducted an extensive rhetorical analysis of a major speech of Ayn Rand's, a woman who has previously in this chapter been credited with influencing the

Libertarian Movement. The study was neo-Aristotelian in approach, being evaluated from the criteria of effect/effectiveness suggested by Thonssen and Baird. After viewing the speaker, the situation, the speech, and the effects, it was concluded that

...the author considered her speech as a scientific inquiry rather than a rhetorical investigation of probability. This was the main that the style, and consequently, the entire speech, did not meet all the standards of speech effectiveness.cl+

The study suffered from a limited critical perspective and limited rhetorical data. On the other hand, it is helpful in identifying what 15 appears to be a specific rhetorical pattern of organization! the majority of libertarians argue from explicit premises.

Ann Herbert and the writer conducted a pilot study on value systems based on Milton Rokeach's theory of values.^ A questionnaire designed to identify the preponderance of social (other-oriented) or personal (self-oriented) values and the relationship of an emergence of a socially or personally oriented commitment to values held and to specific attitudes was administered. It was found that libertarians have a very high commitment to personal values and that these personal values appear to be consistent with attitudes on specific issues.^

Although the focus was on a theory of values rather than libertarian values per se, the study had possible implications for the rhetorical organization used by spokespersons in the Libertarian Movement. The explicit premises mentioned above could serve as values, and therefore be held strongly by libertarians as were the values on the attitude scale questionnaire administered.

The writer conducted an exploratory prospectus on libertarian rhetoric and found that there was a wealth of rhetorical material 68 available, exhibiting definite patterns of organization and argument.

Perhaps the most relevant study is one much narrower in scope. 69 The writer approached "Libertarian Rhetoric as Protest Rhetoric" and focused specifically on verbal inventional tactics. The writer 70 identified three major tactics: justification, objectification, and solidification, concluding that 16

As symbolic forms, they provide the "name" of "FREEDOM" by which libertarians can live, by which libertarians can establish community and finally, by which libertarians seek to influence society.?1

This study is relevant because it classified major tactics 72 and categorized Libertarianism as protest rhetoric. As protest

rhetoric, Libertarianism is another movement to be added to the

growing body of literature on such contemporary protest movements as

those engaged in by blacks, students, and women, for example.

There are two other types of publications that have some ■

connection with rhetorical principles. The first are the "how to" 73 articles and publications, such as Elements of Libertarian Leadership. J

These are not critical studies and do not emanate from the rhetorical

community, but from the Movement itself. The second is the

"in-fighting" factional criticism. Rejoinders such as "The speeches 74 were both uneventful and chocked full of irrationalities," may have

some value as opinionated reactions, but they do not meet the criterion

of being critically reviewed by rhetoricians.

Another area of research to review is research and literature about the libertarian philosophy from outside the Movement. Due to the paucity of scholarly research on Libertarianism, this material could

offer both information not elsewhere available and insight about reactions of the larger society to the Movement. Two books have been written criticizing , the philosophy from which Libertarianism 75 has emerged. Infrequent and sporadic articles have appeared which analyze (rather than merely report on) the philosophy of the Movement^ 77 and/or place it in the broader context of social movements. The most recent criticism admires the consistency of the philosophy, but attacks the idea that humans can be free and rational. Finally, a few critical book reviews are available. Hospers' book does not fare well. One reviewer suggests that "the level of analysis is often distressingly low, and the major presuppositions...are merely asserted, while another finds it "too informal to provide the necessary philosophical underpinning for the faithful, too diffuse...to attract 00 the waverers." One reviewer considered Rothbard more successful: he argues as strongly for his position as can be expected in one book and "he certainly forces one to look at what we do, why, and with what 81 results, from a radically different perspective." It has been suggested that Browne's book, How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World, 82 may win the 1973 "success book sweepstakes." Unfortunately, reviews are not yet available on David Friedman's pragmatically oriented approach which would help determine whether he is considered more or less credible than the philosophically oriented authors.^

The final area of material to be reviewed is that of rhetorical studies which may be analogous to libertarian rhetoric or the

Libertarian Movement. The rhetoric of has some similarities to libertarian rhetoric. His rhetorical themes of limitation of government and the sanctity of private property and his superordirate appeal to "rugged " are consistent with libertarian themes. He also speaks to some of the same audiences that 18

Rif. 85 libertarians do. Also, his "ancient principles” approach ^ is

similar to the libertarian appeal to .

Most movement rhetorics focus on some oppressor, i.e., they 86 name some enemy and sound the call for some sort of freedom. To

this extent, all such studies are relevant. The movement which appears to be most similar in stage is the Woman's Liberation Movement.

Women are still basically in the rhetorical phases of protest, i.e.. they have not yet moved (this time around) into confrontation and violent demonstration, as some blacks, students, and resisters 87 have.

One justification for this study, then, is that there is nothing to be found in published rhetorical literature about the Libertarian

Movement. All of the Knower Indexes were consulted as was each

Bibliography of Rhetoric art Public Address in each Speech Monographs to date. Cleary and Ha barman's extensive Bibliography of Rhetoric and 88 Public Address was also consulted. In addition, a Mechanized

Information Center search disclosed nothing directly related to libertarian rhetoric.

Besides lack of knowledge of the Movement, it would appear that

Libertarianism is worthy of study for the follovdng :

First, Libertarianism is a definite, codified philosophy, which uses .rhetorical strategies and tactics. Major premises of the philosophy generally begin from the rationale of nat\iral law and invariably from premises concerning the rights of man. Only with 19 these tenets established, do most libertarian proceed 89 deductively. The philosophy of Libertarianism is a total system, especially the Anarcho-Capitalistic extreme which receives much attention in this study. Its province is vast: it speaks to social, 90 individual, political, ecological, literary, and economic issues.

Secondly, the Movement has grown from a few scattered people interested in the libertarian philosophy in 1968 to an estimated 91 20,000 members in 19?2.

Thirdly, the media have just, in the last three years, begun to take note of this philosophy, its basic tenets and purpose, and its implications for the "establishment." In a full page spread, The

New York Times suggested that libertarianism was the fastest growing 92 movement in the today. In addition to the most recent articles in Penthouse and The Christian Century, various other articles have appeared in such periodicals as , Wall Street 93 Journal, National Observer, and Nations Business.

The fourth reason for study is that even with this growth and publicity, not only are rhetoricians seemingly unaware of (or perhaps disinterested in?) this fruitful avenue of inquiry, but neither are very many other professional scholars. Since this philosophy can be studied from nearly any point of view, it would seem that not only

"further research" but any research is needed in this area.

Finally, perhaps because there has been little done in professional circles, the philosophy is virtually unknown to the 20 general public. "Libertarian" is confused with "liberal" and even 95 "." "In the eyes of the average American citizen, the only choice is between 'liberals' ('the left') and 'conservatives'

('the right')." Perhaps an understanding of Libertarianism could provide another, not merely esoteric, but viable alternative to the present system.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to determine the stage of development in which the Libertarian Movement now resides and to offer possible rhetorical reasons for this existing state. In order to accomplish this explanation the major rhetorical strategies employed by the Libertarian Movement and the major spokespersons in the Movement who utilize each of these strategies as their primary means for achieving libertarian goals are identified, described, and classified in terms defined above. For each spokesperson, the rhetorical acts effected, their rhetorical view of reality, their rhetorical vision of the desired social order, the perception of their rhetorical role, and the specific rhetorical tactics employed are identified, explained, and examined,

The series of research questions which are answered in this study are listed below and followed by an explanation of their significance and theoretical relevance. 21

1. At what stage of development is the Libertarian Movement?

2. What are the major rhetorical strategies employed by spokespersons within the Movement?

3* Who are the major spokespersons of the Movement?

a. What rhetorical acts do they effect in reality? To whom are they speaking?

b. How do they rhetorically describe their environment?

c. What is their rhetorical vision of the desired social order?

a. How do they view their roles and functions?

e. What specific rhetorical verbal and nonverbal tactics do they employ?

**-. How can libertarian rhetoric generally be characterized? What implications does this have for movement research in rhetoric?

The first two questions deal with an area of movement study

important to rhetoric. The question of how movements-develop and how this development is related to their rhetorical strategies is important

to rhetorical scholars for two reasons: the desirability of understanding

the impact of movements on society and the theoretical relevance of the

study of movement communication to a number of rhetorical problems,

including the development of a broad-based model which can be applied

to various coirdnunicative situations.

The third question and its related subquestions deal with refining Hugh Duncan's sociodramatistic model of social action

(explained below) in order to make it more applicable to movement 22 studies conducted from a rhetorical perspective. An answer to these questions would yield both rhetorically-oriented knowledge about

Libertarianism and produce a heuristically valuable application of

Duncan's model that could be used in further rhetorical studies of movements. In order to analyze the rhetoric of the Libertarian

Movement according to Duncan's model, it is necessary to isolate communication within the major strategies of the Movement by identifying spokespersons and the nature of their rhetorical outputs, or acts.

The fourth question deals with the central focus of the study,

I.e., determining the characteristics of libertarian rhetoric by answering the Duncan-oriented questions in relation to the Bowers and Ochs process model described below. This combination of both structural-process models could yield a more generalizable conceptual model than either one used separately. This approach could provide not only additional knowledge about Libertarianism but also a framework for movement study which might be developed and used by rhetorical scholars.

Model. Procedure. Methodology

The general model for this study is one which has been developed by using a modification of Hugh Duncan's dramatistic model of 97 structure and function in social action, in order to provide rhetorical Insight into the movement situation. 23

Duncan maintains that we use symbols "to persuade others... to certain courses of action that we believe necessary to create a 98 given social order, to question it, or finally, to destroy it."

Preliminary study indicates that libertarian rhetoric seeks to question and destroy the power of the state and to create a new order of freedom in its place.

It has been hypothesized that libertarian rhetoric fits Duncan's analysis of the five factors of form involved in his sociodramatistic 99 model. Libertarian symbolic acts portray opposing concepts of individualism and statism. The symbolic environment in which these acts occur is one seen as exhibiting increasing government control, corruption, and coercion. The libertarian roles are those of educator, retreatlst, political activist, synergist, and revolutionary. The means of communication are the rhetorical strategies employed which correlate highly with the roles above and are characterized by certain rhetorical tactics. The purpose of the act is to bring people into the libertarian fold with the ultimate objective of involving a new social order based on the philosophy of .These five elements exist in relationship with each other in a way that produces an overall representation of the rhetorical situation.

Because of the breadth of libertarian philosophy, the content of the acts could fall into any one of the types of social experience

Duncan names.However, given the main interest of the 24

Libertarian Movement, the social experience most relevant is

"ruling, being ruled, and reaching common agreement, as in political 102 toodes of action."

This model accounts adequately for structure, relationship.

and interaction among factors.

To account for process. the model and its elements are related

to the Bowers and Ochs' model of the stages of agitational rhetoric.

Bowers and Ochs suggest that agitation exists "when a movement for

significant social change from outside meets such

resistance within the establishment that more than the discursive 103 means of persuasion occur." They hold that agitational 104 strategies are "cumulative and progressive" moving from those which are strictly verbally symbolic such as petition and promulgation to

those which are almost completely non-rhetorical such as guerilla and revolution.By tracing the current development of the

Libertarian Movement and then comparing it to the stages which

Bowers and Ochs have described the Movement's present agitational stage can be identified.

The combination of these models provides a general framework for the study and, as such, allows the Movement to be examined dynamically as well as statically (see Appendix for model).

The data used in this study consisted primarily of written material, a portion of which is available from The Ohio State

University Library. Two libertarian clearing houses, Books for 25

Libertarians and Laissez-Faire Books, have offered complete and

current listings and efficient service. In addition, people who

are active in various areas of the Movement have been consulted

and have provided useful information.

All of the ideologically-oriented books written by any member of the Movement have been consulted. The major works, articles, and periodicals produced by libertarian members chosen for study as spokespersons have been reviewed as well as have cassette tapes of speeches and personal responses to questionnaires where available. A complete set of Reason, the most generally accepted, longest lasting and professionally produced periodical of the Movement has been reviewed. In addition, sample copies of all other available libertarian periodicals, though often locally distributed and sporadically produced, have been examined to insure that the material chosen was representative.

Data gathering is merely the "preservation of behavior."

Methodology comes into focus in determining how the writer has analyzed that behavior. First, categories have been established.

The categories are not entirely arbitrary; some were initially established from past familiarity with libertarian rhetoric while others emerged in the process of in-depth research. For example, categories of strategies such as education and political action had already been identified, whereas the strategy of synergism emerged 26 in research. The strategies which have been identified have been found to have complementary roles. Symbolic environments such as conspiracy, corruption and coercive control, and symbolic acts such as libertarian publications, conventions, and demonstrations have been distinguished. Finally, various rhetorical visions such as , anarcho-capitalism, or psychological liberation can be labelled as typer, of social orders and differentiated from each other. Hopefully, the categories are distinct and discriminable.

Secondly, an explanation of how these categories relate to and differ from each other and to the phases of the Movement is offered.

For example, it will become evident that different roles seem to require complementary strategies and result in complementary acts.

It will also become evident that the reliance on certain strategies has affected the development of the Movement through its stages.

This study serves the primary function of viewing a young and unknown movement from a rhetorical viewpoint. Because this is a first step in viewing Libertarianism rhetorically, most attention has teen devoted to identification, description, and classification of rhetorical concepts rather than an evaluation of rhetorical effectiveness. Uhere effectiveness is discussed, it is in the attempt ro explain why the Movement, given its rhetorical goals and strategies^exists in its present stage. 27

Assumptions

The main rhetorical assumption is that words, those symbolic transformations of reality, have some influence upon people-in-their- environment.

Other assumptions are as follows:

1. That man acts with some purpose, based on his subjective conception of reality.

2. That man perceives information from the environment selectively and organizes that information so as to best fit his established image of the environment.

3* That man creates "realities" as well as perceives and reacts to them,

4. That man, composed of complex internal variables which interact to produce behavior, is more than we can know.

In summary, all indications lead to the conclusion that the

Libertarian Movement is virgin territory for rhetoricians--territory that can and should be explored.

Outline of Chanters

The first chapter has served as an introduction to this study by providing definitions necessary to the study, the history and background of Libertarianism, and a review of the literature, A series of research questions to be answered and the model which provides the framework for this study, procedures of gathering data, and the method of analysis were established. Finally, assumptions inherent in the study were noted. 28

In Chapter II, the contemporary growth and development of

the Libertarian Movement* the stages through which it has progressed

are examined. Development from its inception to its present phase

of political action is traced. The factions existing in the

Movement are identified and libertarian goals are identified and

achievement of those goals assessed.

Chapter III initiates the examination of the major rhetorical

strategies of the Libertarian Movement, the first being education.

Three major spokespersons employing this strategy are discussed and their particular variants of educational strategy are identified

in the framework of the sociodramatistic model. The three

spokespersons chosen were Leonard E. Read, Robert Le Fevre, and

Ayn Rand and their strategical variants on the educational theme are , Idcificism, and Objectivism, respectively.

Chapter IV is concerned with the rhetorical strategy of retreatism. Major spokespersons for this strategy are Harry Browne, who advocates retreatism through personal freedom, Micheal Oliver who advocates retreatism through geographic freedom, and Nathaniel

Branden who advocates retreatism through psychological freedom.

These spokespersons are analyzed from the general sociodramatistic model.

Chapter V is devoted to a discussion of the strategy of political . John Hospers was chosen to represent the variant of political party activism, while James D. Davidson and Steve Symms 29

represent the variants of political pressure and political

infiltration respectively. Their rhetorical approaches continue

to be viewed from the model.

Chapter VI attends to the one spokesperson found to represent

the strategy of synergy, Murray N. Rothbard. An in-depth analysis

of his unique strategic approach as well as a sociodramatistic

analysis of his rhetoric is undertaken.

Chapter VII explores briefly the strategy of revolution

advocated by a minority faction within the Libertarian Movement.

Tlje sociodramatistic model is again used as a basis of analysis

and spokespersons who incite and those who act are identified.

Chapter VIII concludes this study of the Libertarian Movement

by providing a summary of the study and conclusions suggested by it

as well as suggesting lines of further research to be pursued.

V Notes to Chapter I

Paul Wilkinson, Social Movement (London: Pall Mall Press, 1971), p. 27.

See Murray N. Rothbard, "The Spectrum," (New York: The Macmillan , 1974), PP- 12-20, hereafter referred to as "Rothbard, New Liberty;" Robert Le Fevre, "Current Pioneers in Libertarian Thought," The Libertarian (Lansing, Michigan: Eramble Minibooks, no date), pp. 9-19, hereafter referred to as "Le Fevre, Libertarian."

Leonard I. Krimerman and Lewis Perry (eds.), Patterns of Anarchy (New York: Doubleaay and Company, Inc., i960), P- 555T

Corlnne Jacker, The Black Flag of Anarchy (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, I906), pp. 4o, 47, hereafter referred to as "Jacker."

George Woodcock, Anarchism (New Ycrk: The World Publishing Company, 1962), pp. 20-22, hereafter referred to as "Woodcock." He states that according to differences in "revolutionary method and economic organization" anarchists can be classified variously as individualist, mutualist, collectivist, communist, syndicalist and pacifist. See also Irving L. Horowitz (ed.), The Anarchists (New York: Dell Publishing Company, 1964), pp. 36-47 and Paul Eltzbacher, Anarchism (New York: Benjamin R. Tucker, 1908), pp. 2?0-287 for detailed explanations of classification.

James J. Martin, Men Anainst the State (Dekalb, : The Adrian Allen Associates, 1953), P- 4, hereafter referred to as "Martin."

Jacker, p. 55*

Martin, p. 56.

Martin, pp. 108-153-

Martin, pp. 202, 257- 31 0 CM 11. Martin, P- •

12. .Martin, P* 257.

13. Martin, PP . 70, 96.

14. Martin, P« 160.

15. Martin, P* 109.

16. Martin, ?• 233.

17. Martin, P* 118.

18. Martin, P* 215; Jacker, pp. 91* 117*

19. Jacker, P* 48.

20. Jacker, P* 48.

21. Jacker, P* 59. A slogan, by the way have adopted.

22. Woodcock, pp. 469-472.

23* James Joll, The Anarchists (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1964), p. 279. See also Horowitz, p. 60; Woodcock, pp. 473, 476. Though these men have reviewed the broad spectrum of anarchism, the comment is typical.

24. As a case in point the Laissez-Faire book store in New York carries 87 titles on anarchism, and mailers and advertisements in the periodicals have been increasingly attending to this era of thought.

25. "What is a Libertarian?" Serines Gazette Telefzranh, December 1, 1970, reprint from the editorial page.

26. John Hospers, Libertarianism; A For Tomorrow (;Nash Publishing, 1971), p. 5» hereafter referred to as "Hospers, Libertarianism."

27. Jarrett Wollstein, 1969 SIL Folder published by Society for Individual Liberty, hereafter referred to as "Wollstein, Folder."

28. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 40.

29. Rothbard speaks to this further on in the book; in fact, he equates human rights with property rights as do most libertarians. See Rothbard, New Liberty, pp. 43-46. 32

30. Hospers points to this later on in his book. See Hospers, Libertarianism, pp. 52-5‘+» 61-30 and Chapters 3”9»

31. Lee Scott (ed.), SIL Directory (Silver Springs, Maryland! Society for Individual Liberty, 1972), p. 1, hereafter referred to as "Scott."

32. Scott, p. 7. David F. Nolan, "Classifying and Analyzing Politicio-Lconomic Systems," The Individualist (September 1970), p. 10, provides a means of identifying the various factions.

Mutualists

Christiab Libertarians

%

33. Wollstein, Folder.

Jk. SLAM, a folder, p. 2, describes one of the characteristics of Anarcho-Capitalists: "Every person would freely trade his creative energy and its fruits, whether land, labour, , or resource directing ('') and receive rent, wages, interest, or profits (usually some mixture) from people freely in return.”

35• Jacker, p. ^7*

36. For these broader definitions of property see Ayn Rand, "What is Capitalism?" Capitalism! The Unknown Ideal (New Yorks New American Library, 19oo), pp. 1-27, hereafter referred to as "Rand, 'What is Capitalism'?" Also see pp. 85, 118-120, 122-12^. Murray N. Rothbard, (Menlo Ph.rk, California: Institute for Humane Studies, Inc., 197C.)» P* !•

37. Rand, "What is Capitalism?", pp. 1-27. 33

38. Jerome Tuccille, It Usually Begins With Ayn Rand (New Yorks Stein and Day, Publishers, 1971), pp. 14-5-158.

39. Rothbard, philosophically an anarcho-capitalist, actively supports the Libertarian Party. See, for example, his articles "FLP Conventions One Step Forward, One Step Back,” , Vol. 6 , No. 4 (April 1974), p. 3> and "Send Money," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 5* No. 10 (October 1973), p. 3*

40. See Ayn Rand's workss (Los Angeles, California* Pamphleteers, Inc., 1946); (New Yorks Random House, 1957); (New York: Random House, 19bl); ^New Yorks Bobbs-Merrill, Inc., 1943); The Ni.~ht of January 16th (New York: The World Publishing Company, 1961;; (New York: The World Publishing Conrany, 1970); The Virtue of Selfishness (New York: New American Library", I9o4); We the Living (New York: Random House, 1959).

41. Jarrett Wollstein, SIL Speakers Bureau Book, SIL, 1971, brought up to date.

42. His most famous is the two volume Man, Economy and State (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Comoany, Inc., 1962).

43* See Hospers, Libertarianism. flyleaf; "The First Two Years" and "Hospers Frensied Pace," Ca Liber. Vol. 2, No. 1 (March 1974), pp. 1, 6.

44. Morris and Linda Tannehill, Market For Liberty (Lansing, Michigan, 197D), hereafter referred to as "Tannehill."

45. Richard and Ernestine Perkins, Precondition to Peace and Prosperity; Rational Anarchy (St. , Ontario: Philbs Printing Vi or Id, 19/l), hereafter referred to as "Perkins."

46. Harry Browne, How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World (New York: Macmillan, 1973), hereafter referred to as "Browne."

47. David Friedman, (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1973).

48. David F. Nolan, "The case for a Libertarian Political Party," The Individualist, July-August, 1971, p. 25, hereafter referred to as "Nolan." Lists the strategies of education, infiltration, sniping, and retreat. 3^

49. Robert Le Fevre, "Communication about Freedom," Le Fevre*s Commentaries, tape one. See also Jarrett Wollstein, "Classroom of Freedom," Pine Tree (Summer 1970), p. 4, 'and the Ramparts College brochure for an explanation of Le Fevre's school.

50. Browne, p. 106. Also see catalogs, pamphlets, newsletters such as Self-Reliance from Libertarian Enterprises and The Green Revolution from The School of Living.

51. Wollstein, "Libertarian Bulletin," The Individualist (), p. 26. This endeavor is based on a very limited government in meeting the requirements of statehood under international law.

52. "For a New Country," Reason. Vol. 6 , No. 1 (May 1974), pp. 108-109.

Political advertisement in the Poughkeepsie Journal. March 3* 1972. This man is, however, a limited governmentalist rather than a strict Anarcho-Capitalist.

54. 1972 Platform of the Libertarian Party, pamphlet.

55* "Announcements," The Rational Individualist (November I969), p. 14.

56. "," SIL News. Vol. 5» No. 1 (January 1974), p. 1.

57. " Protest Falls on IRS Ears," SIL News. Vol. 5* No. 5 (May 1974), p. 1.

58. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 312.

59. Murray N, Rothbard, "Purity and the Libertarian Party," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. VI, No. 5 (hay 1974), p. 3f.

60. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Case for Optimism," cassette tape.

61. Robert P. Eaker, "Some Aspects of Libertarian Revolution," in Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frazier (eds.) Libertarian Handbook 1°73 (Boston, Massachussettsi Avenue Victor Hugo. 1973)7 pT'^7

62. Steven Holbrook, "Libertarianism and Social Transformation," The Libertarian Fcrum, Vol. V, No. 9 (September 1973)* P« 5* While the acts are not primarily rhetorical, the rhetoric of revolution can nevertheless be analyzed. 35

63. Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York: The Ronald Press, 19^8).

6*1. From the abstract of "’The Objectivist ' by Ayn Rand: A Rhetorical Analysis," unpublished masters thesis, Miami University, Oxford, 1967.

65. "Toward a Theory of Value Systems," unpublished ms., March 197^*

66. "Part IV; Analysis of Data, Summary, Conclusions and Implications," "Toward a Theory of Value Systems^" pp. 1-12.

67. "Libertarian Rhetoric; An Exploratory Prospectus," unpublished ms., August 1972; hereafter referred to as "Prospectus."

68. "Prospectus", p. 11.

69. "An Analysis of Verbal Inventional Strategies," unpublished ms., July 1973* hereafter referred to as Gaw "Analysis of Strategies." In this study "strategies" was defined narrowly, and is synonomous with the definition of "tactics" in this dissertation.

70. Under this strategy, the writer continued to find the argument from explicit premises of natural law and human rights.

71. "Analysis of Strategies," p. 13«

72. "Analysis of Strategies," pp. 13-15*

73* Leonard E. Read (New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1962). See also his Students of Liberty (New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1950). There are also sections on strategy in Rothbard's New Liberty, Friedman’s Machinery and Tuccille's It Usually Begins, as well as articles such as Rothbard's "101 Nays to Promote Libertarian Ideas," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 5, No. 8 (August 1973)» PP* 6-7 and tapes sucn as Rothbard's Strategies for Achieving Liberty (no date).

7^. J. Micheal Oliver, "Inside the Movement," The New Banner (Summer 1972), p. 3* 36

75* William O ’Neill, With Charity Toward Nonet An Analysis of Ayn Rand’s Philosophy (Mew York:Philosophical Library, 19?l) ■and. , Is Ob.iectivlsm A ? (New York* Lyle Stuart, Inc., 1963). This statement could be more accurate. While "it usually does begin with Ayn Rand" for people entering the movement, the Le Fevre philosophy and the philosophy of expressed for many years in seems to have been developing concurrently with the philosophy of Objectivism as will be indicated in the following chapter.

76. See for example, Nicholas Von Hoffman, "Comes The Revolution and Marketplace Wins," , April 15, 1973; "Liberty, A Revolutionary Idea," The Plain Dealer, April 18, 1973. Also see Donald Atwell Zoll, "Philosophical Foundations of the American Right," Modern Age; A Quarterly Review, 15 (Spring 1971) and Western World Review, Summer 1973*

77. David R. Schweitzer and James M. Elden, " as Rights Convergent Themes of Political Discontent," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 27» No. 2 (1971)* PP* 141-166; David DeLeon, "The American as Anarchist: Social Criticism in the 1960's," American Quarterly. Vol. XXV (December 1973)» P* 524.

78. James Woelfel, "We're Not Rational Animals: A Liberal Reply to Libertarianism," The Christian Century, November 7» 1973*

79* G. J. Schochet, Library Journal, Vol. 97 (Nay 1, 1972), P. 1723*

80. J. C. Lobdell, . Vol. 24 (October 13, 1972), P* 1139*

81. Choice, Vol. 10 (September 1973)# P* 1079*

82. Library Journal, Vol. 98 (April 1, 1973)* p* 1175*

83. Many people within the movement have been distressed by the Friedman/Browne type of approach. See, for example, Eric Mack, "The God of the Machinery" (Friedman), Reason, Vol. 5* No. 11 (March 1974), pp. 12-19, and John Hospers, "The New Epicureans,” pp. 26-29* (Browne), Reason. Vol. 5* No. 11 March 1974).

84. John C. Hammerback, "Barry Goldwater's Rhetoric of ," C^JS, Vol. 58, No. 2 (April 1972), pp.“175-182. 37

85. Ernest J. Wrage, "The Little World of Barry Goldwater" in Robert L. Scott and Bernard Brock, Methods of Rhetorical Criticise (Mew York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1972;, pp. 111-119.

86. See, for example, Brenda Hancock, "Affirmation by Negation in the ’Woman's Liberation Movement," O.JS, October 1972; Marilyn Van Graber, "Functional Criticism: A Rhetoric of Black Power" in Scott and Brock, pp. 207-220; Robert L. Scott and Donald K. Smith, "The Rhetoric of Confrontation," QJS. Vol. 55 (February 1969), pp. 1-8.

87. See, for example, James Andrews, "Confrontation at Columbia: A Case Study in Coercive Rhetoric," QJS, February 1969, P* 9; Parke G. Burgess, "The Rhetoric of Black Power: A Moral Demand?" QJS, Vol. 54 (1968), pp. 122-133; Franklyn S. Hainan, "The Rhetoric of the Streets: Some Legal and Ethical Considerations," 0J3, Vol. 53 (196?)* PP» 99-114; Jerome H. Skolnick, "The Politics of Protest," in Haig A. Bosmajian, Dissent; Symbolic Behavior and Rhetorical Strategies (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1972), pp. 154-169.

88. James W, Cleary and Frederick W. Haberman (eds.) Rhetoric and Public Address, A Bibliography. 1947-1961 (Madison: University of Press, 1964).

89. See Tannehill, "Man and Society," pp. 6-15; Jarrett Wollstein, "The Nature of Man," Society Without Coercion (Silver Springs, Maryland: Society for Rational Individualism, 19o9)» pp. 2-9; Perkins, "Individual Human Rights," pp. 29-34; Hospers, "Rights and Government," Libertarianism, pp. 49-94.

90. The Individualist, Reason, and The Libertarian Forum carry articles in ail of these areas.

91. Nolan, p. 24. These are the latest available figures for the whole movement, not just organizational membership.

92. Stan Lehr and Louis Rosetto, Jr., "A Credo: Libertarianism" Colorado Springs March 7* 1971» P* ?c.

93* Scott, p. 6.

94. To be sure, Murray N. Rothbard is a professional, but he is involved in the movement rather than in objective criticism. No one, to my knowledge, has studied Libertarianism in depth.

95. Experiences with students. 38

96. Hospers, Libertarianism. p. 5»

97* Hugh D. Duncan, Symbols and Social Theory (New York: Oxford •University Press,"1969)» PP« 233“261.

98• Symbols in Society (New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1968), p. 16, hereafter referred to as "Duncan, Symbols."

99» Duncan, Symbols, pp. 16-17. "Symbolic" is usedinterchangeably with "rhetorical" in this study.

100. Gaw, "Analysis of Strategies," p. 14—15*

101. Duncan, Symbols, p. 16.

102. Duncan, Symbols, p. 16.

103. John Waite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1971), p. 6 , hereafter referred to as "Bowers and Ochs." It appears that the Libertarian Movement is a case of "lateral .../which/ occurs when the agitators dispute the value system itself." (p. ?)•

104. Bowers and Ochs, p. 17*

105. Bowers and Ochs, p. 37• Chapter II: Contemporary Growth and Development

of the Libertarian Movementj Stages

The purpose of this chapter is to answer the first research

question, "At what stage of development is the Libertarian Movement?"

To accomplish this objective the internal and external growth and development of the contemporary Libertarian Movement is traced.

The factions existing in the Movement and problems created by these factions are identified. Libertarian goals are explained and achievement of these goals are assessed. This description of the

Movement is then compared to defined phases of agitational rhetoric for the purpose of categorizing the present stage of the Libertarian

Movement.

Some libertarian theoreticians trace their history to who attempted to identify and describe value and purpose in an individual's life as he sought happiness and the type of society most conducive to that end.'*' Most find their roots in classical

English which held that men are capable of making rational choices and should therefore have the freedom from government 2 necessary to seek private ends. Nearly all libertarians look back with admiration at the men involved in precipitating and perpetrating the * , ,

3 and Samuel Adams.

39 40

Inception of the Libertarian Movement

The contemporary libertarian impulse, however, is seen by some as beginning in reaction to Franklin Roosevelt's , a political program viewed as moving America rapidly and increasingly

14. toward . Leonard Read, president of the conservative libertarian Foundation for Economic Education explains that although a few people had awakened earlier to the erosion of liberty, he was not aware of the problem until 1933•"* While working for the National Chamber of Commerce, Read encountered the head of the Southern California Edison Company - W. C. Mullendore. Mullendore, kindly and at length explained the dangerous trend toward which he saw developing in the United States. Leonard Read has been fighting for his own type of freedom ever since that encounter.^

Robert Le Fevre, who promoted his version of the freedom philosophy through the curriculum at Rampart College, likewise views the beginning of the Libertarian Movement as occurring during 7 Roosevelt’s New Deal Era. Although Le Fevre mentions a few people he considered to be exemplory spokespersons for the libertarian position, such as , , and Rose Wilder

Land, he credits Leonard Read and his Foundation for Economic Education for establishing a coherent theory of freedom and indicating specific objectives for promoting that theory. Le Fevre suggests that it was Read who managed to gather together a number of significant g spokesmen for the libertarian/free market position. These men - 41

Ludwig Von Mises, F. A. Harper, , among others - argued so successfully for the free market "that they established as a principle that government is not a requirement of 9 in the market place."

Others see a glimmer of libertarian fire in the eyes of Old

Right Statesmen who spoke out in the 1950's against , military , and the Korean War.^

Many people in the present Libertarian Movement would fix the date of inception specifically, definitely, and unequivocally with the publication in 1957 of Ayn Rand's lengthy philosophical novel, Atlas Shrugged. Though Rand herself has disregarded and disparaged the Libertarian Movement,she and her disciples saw

Atlas Shrugged as containing the seeds of a moral revolution and p viewed Rand's philosophy, Objectivism, as "the new "'1 '

Rand has been portrayed as asking questions, defending propositions, discovering premises, and providing philosophical bases as no one 13 ever has before: 'Man the rational being has found his spokesman 14 and defender, and has been released from his moral underground."

Even Jerome Tuccille, a libertarian who has tended to view his own movement with a variously tolerated humorous perspective, has saluted Rand as "philosophically...a wild and freaky anarchist, an iconoclast, a radical individualist /who/ ... said to hell with , to hell with sameness, to hell with Corporate America."'^ b 2

While libertarian attitudes toward contemporary issues could be detected in the civil rights, anti-wax, and campus demonstrations throughout the sixties, 1969 will probably stand as the anniversary year of the present Libertarian Movement. This was the year for specifically libertarian ideology, activity, and organization.

This was the year of separating libertarian wheat from other ideological chaff, of splitting libertarians from their more conservative Republican brethern. This was the year of the 17 libertarian - righteous, proud, and above all, radicalized.

Presaging the actual emergence of a codified Libertarian

Movement was former Goldwater speechwriter ' article

"The Death of Politics," in the March 19&9 issue of Playboy.

In this now-classical libertarian essay, Hess attacked conservatism and differentiated it from what soon came to be known as

Libertarianism t

Capitalism is rejected by the modern right - which preaches enterprise but practices protectionism. The libertarian faith in the mind of man is rejected by religionists who have faith only in the sins of man...The libertarian insistence that each man is a sovereign land of liberty, with his primary allegiance to himself, is rejected by patriots who sing of freedom but also shout of banners and boundaries.

Hess believed that the then burning issue of the draft was particularly indicative of the libertarian stancet

The radical preachment of libertarianism... would be that as long as the inanity of war... remains a possibility, free nation-states will at least protect themselves from by hiring volunteers, not by murdering voluntarism. ^9 43

In this issue as in so many others, Hess saw the choice

essentially as one between politics and commerce, "and it is between

politics and commerce that the entrant into radical or revolutionary 20 politics must continually choose."

This was the choice that the "Libertarian Caucus" made at the 21 Young for Freedom convention on August 30* 19^9 over

the same issue of concern to Hess - the draft. The libertarian

element was inspired by an open letter to the convention from

Dr. Murray N. Rothbard. Rothbard exhorted them to "get out, form

your own organization, breathe the clean air of freedom, and then

take your stand, proudly and squarely...with the rising movement

in opposition to /the despotism of the United States government/.

They were incited to the actual walkout by a personal appearance from Karl Hess, who urged the libertarian Right to form a coalition with the New Left in a return to the principles which championed

individual liberty.^

The Libertarian Caucus saw their candidates and resolutions defeated. Disaffection intensified when the majority of the

convention voted down the libertarian resolution advocating active resistance to the draft, a young anarchist dramatically and

ceremoniously burned his draft card before a hushed convention.

A vocal riot ensued, and shortly thereafter, 350 libertarians walked 24 out of the YAF convention.

The libertarians decided to form a separate organization which they called the Society for Individual Liberty. This new organization resulted from a merger of the Los Angeles-centered California 44

Libertarian Alliance and the Maryland-based Society for Rational

Individualism in addition to drawing members from such disparate

groups as Hess' Anarcho-libertarian Alliance, New York's Radical

Libertarian Alliance, California's Libertarian Connection and two

SDS anarchist chapters. The aim of the Society for Individual

Liberty was to entice as many libertarians as possible into leaving

narrow-minded apologists for conservatism and into joining the new 25 and radical defenders of freedom.

Slightly more than a month later, the first libertarian

convention, sponsored by the Radical Libertarian Alliance, was

held in . The purpose of this convention was to form a Left-Right libertarian coalition, welding "the fringes into a

solid anarchist center." Tuccille, the iconoclastic self-appointed historian of the Movement, saw the convention as serving

...as a rallying point for our homeless legions. There we could begin the process of molding them into good libertarian radicals, unyielding free-market rebels...A hundred thousand revolutionary individualists tearing away at the American eagle feather by feather, claw by claw.27

Unfortunately, libertarians could splinter from other

libertarians as vfell as from conservatives. Karl Hess led a march on Fort Dix, which so offended the more moderate libertarians that they left the convention in disgust. Of the original 300 28 conventioneers, only fifty "middle-of-the-road anarchists" remained.

It seemed as if the splintered splinter movement would never get off the ground, much less stay together. However, the Movement still exists; it has even grown. The development of the Libertarian Movement since the initial events in

1969 is the subject of the next section.

Growth of the Movement

In evaluating the development of the Libertarian Movement since 1969* 1^ Is instructive to view external publicity, internal growth, and changes in strategy which have occurred over the last five years.

Murray N. Rothbard began his book, For a New Liberty by noting 29 that in 1971* the Movement "burst upon the public consciousness."

He listed publications such as . Newsweek, Time,

Playboy, Esquire, The V,rall Street Journal, The National Observer, and several dailies in , Philadelphia, and Boston.

Rothbard also cited radio and TV appearances, and the publishing of libertarian books by major publishing houses as proof of interest in the new movement.

Interest there was. However, while most of the articles authored by those outside of the Movement were objective in their descriptions of the various facets of the Libertarian Movement, an underlying incredulity can be detected. Statements such as

"But the conservative youth revival will probably accomplish at least one thing...From now on, kids wearing long hair and work shirts are worth a second look: their T-shirts may be painted 30 with dollar signs,' "much of the anarchism from the right seems 31 more symptomatic than serious,' and "these crusades are quixotic, 32 of courseindicate that, though considered interesting, the

Movement was not to be taken too seriously. The opportunities

for a libertarian impact on the larger society were considered

slight. These types of reportorial descriptions of the Movement

were general and inclined to be rather superficial, i.e., they

focused on certain tenets of the ideology relevant to the article's

primary interest rather than the total philosophical system.

Perhaps the reason that Rothbard chose 1971 as the year for publicity about the Libertarian Movement was that the full-page spread "A New Right Credos Libertarianism" appeared in The New

York Times in January of that year. Here was an article entirely devoted to Libertarianism, rather than lumping Libertarianism with other "fringe" ideologies as so many other articles had previously done. Granted, the article was written by known

33 libertarian sympathizers, but appearing as a cover story in this 3b publication was no mean feat. The article carefully set the historical stage for Libertarianism, examined the now well-known split with YAF, and assiduously explicated the libertarian philosophy and introduced its principle spokespersons. In addition, the authors showed how libertarian solutions would treat many contemporary problems. The authors concluded, in all seriousness, that when people began asking what government was doing to them rather than asking what they could do for their government, "the Libertarian Movement will be well on its way toward the liberation of the United States."^ The most recent article worthy of comment was "Zero Governmentt

Anarchy on the Right" written by Sam Blumenfeld in the November 1973 issue of Penthouse. Blumenfeld appeared to be a sympathizer, too, although he was not known to be active in the Movement. To his particular credit, he treated the Movement so carefully that he interviewed representative spokesmen of the various factions of the Movement, and recorded clearly their particular libertarian biases. From this in-depth approach, he drew no judgmental conclusion; he summed up merely by saying, "These men have faith in the ability of their fellow human beings to control their own lives and destinies."

While not as much in the public eye as other movements, such as Women's Liberation, the Libertarian Movement seems to have received its proportionate share of publicity since its inception.

Another sphere of publicity, outside of "public" consciousness, but still not specifically libertarian, is that of the scholarly journal. As far as libertarian contributors are concerned, Murray N.

Rothbard has probably been the most rhetorically prolific in this area, having written (in 1973 alone) for such diverse academic publications as Phenomenology and the Social Sciences, Business and

Society Review, Journal of Forum for Contemporary History, Modern Age. 17 The American Economist, and Washington and Lee Commerce Review.

Nearly all articles in scholarly journals have been devoted to libertarian points of view on specific issues rather than to systematic discussion of the libertarian philosophy. 48

Three scholarly articles have appeared which have discussed

Libertarianism as a broad-based philosophy and served the purpose

of bringing Libertarianism to the attention of those inside ivied

walls. The first of these discussed the libertarian spectrum,

the second explored the "convergent themes of political discontent" 39 emanating from the left and right, and the most recent and most

significant linked libertarian criticism to the larger body of 40 social criticism that emerged from the New Left in the 1960's.

Articles of this sort can be considered valuable to the

Movement because they have achieved some name recognition for

Libertarianism. And, it is often thought that since can have an influence on public policy, this particular type of attention might yield favorable results. And even better results are obtained when Libertarianism can be made to appear part of a broader trend. ' The latter article attempted to demonstrate this trend not only by finding similarities between left and right in socio-economic origins, in analysis and plans for action, and in the broad goal of demanding an end to state coercion; but also by seeing this convergence as "not some temporary youth fad, but an integral element of American culture that will remain so long as 41 the United States is a literal, middle class society." The more a basic theme can be found to emerge in events, the more influential the underlying philosophy of that theme will appear. 4 9

A very recent hopeful sign for libertarians in the area of academic publications is the founding of The Libertarian Scholar which "each quarter...will list and sometimes comment on the best articles published in the scholarly journals and quarterly reviews 4 2 and the best bocks published by university and foreign presses" that would be of interest and value to libertarians. It is hoped that this journal will not only "increase intellectual cross­ fertilization among libertarians in the various academic disciplines...

/but also/ help to bridge the gap between scholar and layman."^

One other area of external publicity is counter-culture publicity. Articles, editorials, and reviews about Libertarianism have appeared in "underground" publications such as the Whole Earth

Catalog. It is true that this is a minor area. Nevertheless, it is an important one because its audience is as specific as the academic publication.

One reason, of course, for recognition in the form of external publicity is that the Movement has experienced internal growth.

In fact, the Times article described it as "undoubtedly the fastest-growing movement in the country."

In sheer numbers the Movement has grown from the original small cadre of 350 dissidents who split from YAF. Although some would optimistically set the number much higher, there are at present approximately 7,500 self-declared libertarians in two major organizations - the Libertarian Barty and the Society for Individual h-6 Liberty. These two organizations constitute the mainstream of 50

Libertarianism? however, when the rest of the spectrum is considered the number of sympathizers could be estimated at over 100,000.

This number, if existent and capable of being mobilized into political 48 or direct action, could be significant.

The number of national organizations devoted to various libertarian styles and ideas has also grown from a few similar to 49 the conservative Foundation for Economic Education to over twenty.

Local organizations have likewise proliferated. The Libertarian

Party has organizations in 3^ states, and the Society for Individual

Liberty operates over 225 local organizations."^

Some organizations serve rhetorical purposes? they publish their own newsletters and magazines. In total, there are generally always approximately fifty magazines, monographs, newsletters, or newspapers in circulation.^^ When one dies, another usually arises to continue 52 steady production of internal publications.

Probably as important as the in-house publications is the growing number of books by major publishers on Libertarianism as a total philosophy. From over a dozen books about Libertarianism, one finds titles published by Macmillan, Nash, Harper & Row, and 53 New American Library.

An increase in publicity, numbers of members, organizations, and internal publications does not necessarily constitute impact on reality; a movement can develop having meaning only for its own and not the larger society. 51

The model offered for study in the first chapter of this

dissertation implied that progression through various stages

indicated growth and direction of a movement. The first stage of any movement is inception; that has been described. After inception, with its initial statement of goals and organization, one would

expect subsequent growth to result in some acts which would influence the environment in some observable way.

The next logical determination to make, then, is whether the movement has progressed from the inception stage.

Progression into Political Action

In one sense, at least, it has, with the formation of the 5 4 Libertarian Party on January 31» 1972 in Denver, Colorado.

Because political action appears to be the most recognized, accepted and therefore viable means of effecting change, this development alone could be considered progression into other stage of operational strategy. The Libertarian Party is seen as providing "a means for the opponents of despotism to say 'no' to both /Republican and

Democratic/ alternatives.”'^ But not only was a party born, thus directing some libertarian activity into the mainstream approach to change, the Party itself had an impact on the environment of the

1972 elections, less than a year after its Inception. As described by the admittedly biased Libertarian Handbook 1973* the impact was thus; 52

On the night of December 18, tens of millions of Americans watching Walter Gronkite learned about a- new political party. The dean of television journalists screwed his brows into a quizzical look and announced that the third place in the 1972 presidential^race had gone to Libertarian Party candidates.-^0

Electoral college delegate Roger Lea MacBride had defected

from Republican to Libertarian John Hospers.

But acts and impact must be consistent and in the direction

of avowed goals.> To determine whether there has been impact that

is instrumental to libertarian objectives, where the Movement

stands at this moment and what it has accomplished in terms of

furthering its goals must be assessed.

Problems Within the Movement: Factions and Focus

At this point in time, the Movement appears more factionalized

than united, even though members do, in fact, nearly all adhere 57 to the basic principle of "non-aggression." Members tend to

disagree on points of theory, which, in turn, sometimes leads them

to disagree on the appropriate strategies for achieving their

objective of individual liberty and freedom from state power.

The basic theoretical question which has plagued the Movement

from its beginning, which has been the subject of most dispute, and which has caused more ill feeling than any other point, is the debate over anarcho-capitalism vs. limited government. While some

consider the controversy senseless and/or easily resolvable, 58 Movement literature continues to devote time and space to this issue. 53

One side holds that the state is totally illegitimate. The anarcho-capitalist adheres strongly to the position that is the only belief a rational man can possible hold; the free market can more morally and efficiently provide all the services which government has monopolized in the past. The limited governmentalist, on the other hand, while regarding state power as inherently coercive and dangerous, contends that it is still necessary to maintain individual liberty, primarily by providing national defense and a court system.

Not only does this debate drain energy from the Movement, it also causes disagreement over strategy. Some of the anarcho-capitalists argue that since the state is illegitimate, it is therefore immoral to participate in the political process in any way. This faction supports the idea personified by the League of Non-voters, a 59 California-based anti-political faction. This group agrees with

Le Fevre that one "should refuse to participate in the process by means of which some men obtain power over others.../one should/ refrain from participating in a process that is calculated to remove the life, liberty or property from any other person.

There are other philosophical anarcho-capitalists who do not see anything immoral about working through the existing political machinery. Hurray N. Rothbard contends that since politics is thrust on citizens by their state, they must deal with and work within the given power structure.^ Furthermore, not only is the quest for political office not immoral, it is the only possible way for the 62 Movement to achieve victory. Philosophically, the limited governmentalists have no objections to working within the system to restrict its power. This faction has also been the victim of dissension, however. The main controversy in this area is whether any candidates who do not hew the straight and narrow libertarian line should be supported. For example,

Steve Symms, a Republican Congressman from Idaho who las advertised himself as a student of Libertarianism, has been seen by ,

Chairman of the Libertarian Party as "a conservative, not a libertarian.../bringing/ to Congress an inconsistent conglomeration of views, many of which are good but some of which contain the seeds of statism as do the views of all his colleagues." Symms is thus summarily repudiated.

Rothbard holds a middle-of-the-i-oad position. He urges appealing to anyone who will listen, forming alliances with anyone who sympathizes and supporting anyone who takes a libertarian stand on a specific issue. His dictum is "rigidity in principle, but flexibility in tactics."^ While he does not approve of what he considers blatant pragmatism, and so shares Crane's attitude toward Symms, he does see the Movement as working with others in specific areas while holding firm to general libertarian standards.

At the other end of this continuum are those who will form any alliances in the cause of freedom. Karl Hess, for example, in his quest for freedom, not only urged a strong coalition with the radical left, but assimilated some of their revolutionary tactics 66 in the process. This is a minor faction, it is true, but it 55 could be symptomatic of possible frustration with the lack of progress toward meaningful libertarian goals.

The line at which practical action destroys principle is vague.

Some libertarians draw the line at political involvement of any sort; others draw it anywhere beyond official Libertarian Party activity, while still others see libertarian ends as justifying any means.

Aside from the principle vs. practice issue enmeshed in the anarcho-capitalist-limited government debate, factions exist over the proper focus of the Movement. Rothbard has been arguing for five years for a "critique of the present state of affairs....In order to change the present system we must be able to analyze and explore it, and to see in the concrete how our libertarian view can be applied to such analysis and to the prospects for social change.

Rothbard continues to believe that the primary focus of the Movement should be on contemporary issues.

Rampart College and other members of Le Fevre's following have recently turned to psychology as the most important focus. Buying into the current enthusiasm for humanistic psychology, Le Fevre urges libertarians to understand that "the enjoyment of freedom is very much a state of mind...As we gain confidence in our ability to run our own lives, we become less tense, less confused about social conditions...and more involved in creating an environment of personal 68 freedom for ourselves." Rampart College has even offered a seminar entitled "Introduction to Self-Liberation" which focused on 69 "the here and now concerns of individuals," rather than broader social and political issues. Another focus is art. While Ayn Rand continues tenaciously to 70 admire romanticism (as she defines it) in all its various forms, another New York-based group is concerned with the value of .71

Another focus comes from the West Coast. One of the Californian

Libertarian Connection’s main concerns is vitamins and health food.

And so they include prices of vitamins and health food and recipes 72 to make.

Rothbard has bemoaned this lack of definite focus and has excorciated members of the Movement for their digressions from relevant issues: "Unless we are to assume — God forbid— that our readers get all of their information about life and reality from our little magazines, it becomes a tragic waste of space to allocate 73 so much of it to these tangential or irrelevant matters."

While some cannot tolerate the emphasis on peripheral concerns, others are distraught over the substitution of theorizing and intellectualizing for practical action. One rather blunt libertarian suggested that "definitionalising is a form of intellectual 74 masturbation among libertarians." His exasperation can perhaps be understood when such articles as the following are found in even the most respected libertarian publication, Reason: a computer model of

rye n o social systems, the new biology, Turing theorem, and the oQ Austrian-Chicago monetary debate. As Sandy Cohen, subject of a

Reason profile has suggested, theory and philosophy already exist, 79 what is needed now is action. And another libertarian in more 57

incisive terms has insisted that libertarians "leave the cloying games in which pious ideologue intellectuals meet in clusters of a few dozen to conjure with abstractions, to pretend that logic if go pure enough is magic. Nevertheless, many libertarians continue to be concerned with making rigorous and minute distinctions and Q1 preventing "intellectual sloth" in the Movement, with the result that at this point libertarians appear to spend more time talking to each other than to external audiences. Some are truly concerned that the libertarian stand be precisely articulated and understood, while it is suggested that others are content to theorize because it is easier and safer than attempting to act out the freedom go philosophy in reality.

In a movement where nearly everyone agrees that education is a primary necessity, a general lack of action may be understandable.

Added to this predilection for theorizing is that Libertarianism is a strongly individualistic movement. Consequently, any number of people can be found going any number of different ways according to their own particular version of theory and practice. Tuccille has described this vast variety of individuals found in the Movement

...business executives from the Midwest whose vest pockets bulged with bank accounts and credit cards.,.twenty-year-old Objectivists from campuses all over the country...love children...with beads... and a serene gentility glazing their eyes...some giggling teenyboppers...and at least two matrons... communal anarchists...and hard-eyed profit mavens... who got horny reading The Nall Street Journal. 58

In great measure, the factors inherent in an individualistic

movement which lays greatest stress on a narrow definition of

non-coercion may explain why the Libertarian Movement is not too

far removed from where it began.

Libertarian Goals

The goal of the Libertarian Movement can best be summed up

by the term "non-aggression." Libertarians desire a society which

is free from coercion; therefore

If no man may aggress against...the person or property of another, this means that every man is free to do what he wishes, except commit such aggression.•.

If no man may aggress against another... this...implies that the libertarian stands foursquare for...the freedom to speak, publish, and assemble, and to engage in such "victimless" crimes as , sexual deviation, and prostitution...he regards conscription as ...

...since the libertarian also opposes invasion of the rights of private property, this also means that he...opposes government interference with property rights or the free through controls, regulations, subsidies, or prohibitions.^

Libertarians see the state as the ultimate in aggression: it is QC institutionalized coercion, a "giant gang of organized criminals."

Therefore the question logically arises: has the Libertarian

Movement made any progress toward its objective of reducing state power? The answer seems "hardly." Though perhaps somewhat paranoid, the libertarian tends to

see maintenance or increase of state power and profligacy at

every turn. Beginning in 19^9, libertarians saw such events as 86 87 repression on campus, the request for more defense appropriations, OO the establishment of the National Defense Executive Reserve, the 89 90 91 war, gun , wage and price controls, transportation 92 9^ 94 O'? regulation, the oil crisis, inflation, the Bank Secrecy Act, 96 and the encroachment on freedom in the areas of sex and drugs -

to name a few - as rampant growth of state control. In 1974, two 97 of the major areas of concern are the energy crisis and the 98 economy. Libertarians are convinced that this is an era in which 99 the "rancid intellectual soil"^ of collectivist ideas has borne

its fruit of burgeoning bureaucracy. And libertarians comment,

cavil, and criticize and seemingly have no effect.

There have been one or two libertarian bright spots on the

statist horizon. The most important social step toward freedom has been the of laws. Libertarians viewed the moral principle that a woman has a right to her own body as confirmed by the new laws, and also saw such beneficial pragmatic effects as decreasing the number of children on we If are.

The most important economic step toward freedom has been allowing the dollar to float freely on the international market.

Libertarians have viewed this as a mcve in the direction of a free market approach to international trade. 60

In 1974-» Libertarians view the following as indicating small and localized but significant trends toward freedomj a record level of which is reaching such proportions as to

"frighten” the IBS, Oregon’s repealing its law prohibiting the private possession and use of marijuana, the end of a St. Louis' public housing project, the overturning of a restrictive zoning law in , a revolt against the new obscurity ruling by publishers, librarians, film producers and distributors, an end to wage and price controls, and Senator Proxmire’s call for the 102 elimination of 16 wasteful federal agencies.

All of these are considered to be fortuitous events from the libertarian vantage point, but it would be naive to assume that because these are occurrences of which Libertarians approve that they are moves which libertarians caused. In point of fact, except for a few isolated instances, such as Libertarian Party Mayoralty

Candidate for New York Fran Youngstein's alleged influence in 103 defeating a transportation bond the Movement seems to have had little success in accomplishing its ultimate goals.

Of course, libertarians have long held education to be an intermediate goal - a goal which seeks to inform general public 10^ about the libertarian philosophy and to gain adherents to the cause.

But although subscribers can be listed and pieces of disseminated literature counted,there is still no valid way of knowing whether the Movement has accomplished even this intermediate goal to a significant degree. 6l

The most that can accurately be said of the Movement is that it has acted in the environment; it does not appear that it has acted upon the environment in relation to its major goal of reducing state power.

From the development of the Libertarian Movement which has been traced, it can be concluded that the Movement has progressed through only the first three stages of Bowers and Ochs' phases of agitation.

The Movement has petitioned; it has used "all the normal discursive means of persuasion." The Movement has promulgated; it has gained access to the mass media, found some legitimizers in people like Nicholas Von Hoffman and ; and staged events such 107 as National Tax Protest Bay. The Movement has solidified; it has attempted to "reinforce the cohesiveness of its members" through such acts as slogans (TANSTAAFL), symbols (libersign) and in-group publications.V H 4. • 1 0 8

Though the Movement certainly has "flag issues and flag individuals," it still does not seem to have moved into the stage 109 of "polarization." It has not forced "a conscious choice between agitation and control.Generally, the Movement has remained primarily at the verbally symbolic stages in agitation.

According to Bowers and 0chsf the Libertarian Movement barely qualifies as agitation, since it is only one step removed from the

"strictly verbal" strategies of petition and promulgation. 62

It could be concluded then that although the Movement has

grown and developed a political arm that it appears to be stuck 112 in a stage which is primarily internal and verbally rhetorical. 113 Furthermore, though libertarians believe their efforts have helped, J

the Movement has had little impact on reality in terms of its ultimate

objectives.

When the Libertarian Movement is contrasted to another

contemporary ideological movement, such as the New Left, it is even more apparent that Libertarianism has not had much significant effect.

The New Left movement, whose ideology is founded in a search for an individualistic, existential approach to improving the quality 114 of life, had existed as a codified movement for approximately the same amount of time as the Libertarian Movement.At that time it was seen as having effected the following results in the environment:

...Negroes’ civil rights in the South have been advanced because The Movement's active presence forced the government to move more quickly than it had planned. The American universities are changing for the better, because The Movement’s direct actions...have made the universities uncomfortably aware of the students’ presence on the campus. In the anti-poverty drive the emphasis upon participation by the poor is partially,..a response to pressures stimulated by The Movement...issues of foreign policy are being debated, far more intensely and by fare more people,

The Libertarian Movement cannot boast the same. 63

Summary

This chapter has pinpointed the initiation of the contemporary

Libertarian Movement as occurring in 19^9• The growth of the

Movement since that date was noted by focusing on the increase in external attention to and publicity about Libertarianism. Internal growth evidenced in increased membership, organisations, and internal publications was traced. A stage of political action was identified and then assessed to determine its effect by examining problems of faction and focus inherent in the Movement and their possible influence on the achievement of libertarian goals. It was found that the Libertarian Movement has progressed little toward its ultimate goal of eliminating stage aggression, that it appears to be stuck at an internal and verbal stage not far removed from its

inception, and that, when compared to other contemporary movements,

it has experienced little success.

The remainder of this dissertation will be devoted to discussing the major rhetorical strategies of the Libertarian Movement. After having identified and characterized these strategies, an explanation for the reasons that the Movement has made little progress toward its declared goals, and has moved only one phase in its development will be offered.

For each major strategy, the symbolic acts effected, the symbolic environment and desired social order portrayed, the roles performed and the rhetorical tactics employed will be examined. 64

The reason for focusing on rhetorical strategy and corollary tactics is that it is through the communicative symbolic agencies that the libertarian perceived environment, desired social order and adopted roles can be identified. These together determine the content of acts effected in reality.

The major strategies, and symbolic tactics inherent in these strategies, that will be the subject of analysis are education, 11 retreatism, political action, synergy, and revolution. ?

The first rhetorical strategy to be explored is appropriately enough, education. The editors of Individual Liberty suggest that libertarian focus should remain on education, that activity in what has been characterized as the stage of political action may be counterproductive. In order to nourish the "roots which replace and renew membership and which supply worthwhile growth," to provide for organic rather than static growth, libertarians should return 118 to organizing "traditional educational activity on their campuses." Notes to Chapter II

1. (ed.), The Libertarian Alternative; Essays in Social and Political Philosophy (Chicago: Nelson-Hall Company, 1974), p. XI. See also Jerome Tuccille, Radical Libertarianism: A New Political Alternative (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1970)» P» 6, hereafter referred to as "Tuccille, Radical." Ayn Rand, who regards Aristotle as "the world's first intellectual, in the purest and noblest sense of that word," has had a great influence in the inclination of many libertarians to revere Ai'istotle. For the New Intellectual: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand (New York: Random House, 19oi)» p. 20.

2. Dorothy Buckton James (ed.), Outside Looking In: Critiques of American Policies and Institutions. Left and Rigrht (New York:Harper & Row, Publishers, 1972), pp. 2-7, hereafter referred to as "James." See also , The Discovery of Freedom (New York: The John Day Company, 1943), PP* 142-152; George Charles Roche III, Legacy of Freedom (New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1969), pp. 213-216; Murray N. Rothbard, "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty," Left and Right: Selected Essays, 1954-1965 (New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1972), pp. 5-7.

3. David DeLeon, "The American as Anarchist: Social Criticism in the 1960's," American Quarterly Vol. XXV (December 1973)* p. 524, hereafter referred to as "DeLeon." See also Henry J. Silverman (ed.) American Radical Thought: The Libertarian Tradition (Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1970), pp. 5“7, hereafter referred to as "Silveman." Murray N. Rothbard, "Confessions of a Right-Wing Liberal," Ramrarts , Vol. 6, No. 11 (June 15, 1968), p. 48, 50, though Rothbard indicates that the more "pure" libertarians would have such heroes as American Individualistic anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin R. Tucker.

4. James, p. 8.

65 66

5# Leonard E. Read, personal letter in response to questionnaire, June 12, 1974.

6. What’s Past is Prologue* A Commemorative Evening: to the Foundation For Economic Education (irvington-on-Hudson, New York* The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1968), pp. 56-58.

7. Robert Le Fevre, personal letter in response to questionnaire, July 1, 1974, P« 1» hereafter referred to as "Le Fevre, letter."

8. Le Fevre, letter, p. 1.

9. Le Fevre, letter, p. 1.

10. DeLeon, p. 524; Tucille, Radical, p. 7.

11. Ayn Rand, "What Can One Do?" The Ayn Rand Letter. Vol. 1, No. 7, January 3» 1972, p. 3; "How Now Ayn Rand," L. P. News. No. 17 (November/December 1973) i PP« 4, 5«

12. Nathaniel and , Who Is Ayn Rand? (New York* Random House, 1962), p. 64, hereafter referred toas "Branden, Who Is AR."

13* Branden, Who Is AR, pp. I-65 .

14. Branden, Who Is AR, p. 65.

15. Jerome Tuccille, It Usually Begins With Ayn Rand (New York* Stein and Day Publishers, 1971), P* 19» hereafter referred to as "Tuccille, It Begins."

16. Silverman, pp. 199-201. See also Murray N. Rothbard, "The Student Revolution," The Libertarian. Vol. 1, No. 3# May 1* 1969t PP» 1“4; DeLeon, pp. 519“523* DeLeon notes that the New Left abandoned its original anarchist inclination for that of socialism.

17. Tuccille, Radical, p. 104.

18. Karl Hess, "The Death of Politics," Playboy, March, 1969, p. 102, hereafter referred to as Hess.

19. Hess, p. 181.

20. Hess, p. 181. 67

21. YAF is considered "the nation's largest young conservative fund-raising organization." Rod Manis "Beyond Left and Right," in James, p. 419.

22. Murray N. Rothbard, "Listen, YAF," Libertarian Forum. Vol. 1, No. 10, August 15, 1969. P. 2.

23. Tuccille, Radical, p. 123.

24. Tuccille, pp. 126-129.

25. Murray N. Rothbard, For A New Liberty (New York; Macmillan Publishing Company, 1973), PP« 5"7, hereafter referred to as "Rothbard, New Liberty;" Tuccille, Radical Libertarianism, p. 130; Tuccille, It Begins, pp. 104, 105. For a humorous description of disparate elements see Tuccille, It Begins, pp. 105-109.

26. Tuccille, It Begins, p. 114.

27* Tuccille, It Begins, p. 113.

28. Tuccille, It Begins, pp. 122, 123« Frank Mintz warned against "inordinate concessions to leftism" which he saw as threatening to the movement in "The RLA Convention," The Rational Individualist, Vol. 1, No. 12, (), p. 3 a>s did Murray N. Rothbard in his article "The Conference," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. 1, No. 15 (November 1, 1969), pp. 1-4.

29* Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 1.

30. "Youth, The New Right," Newsweek, 76 (December 7» 1970), p. 25.

31. Kingsley Widmer, "Anarchism in Revival," Nation,211, November 16, 1970, p. 502.

32. "Beyond the Fringe," Newsweek. October 23, 1972, p. 47.

33« "Youth, The New Right," p. 24. See also the pamphlet "The Libertarian Alternative," distributed by Laissez-Faire Books by these same authors.

34. This exposure was so significant that it alarmed Tuccille; "Not The New York Times! Please 1 The Nation. The New Republic, the Progressive, even Newsweek I can handle. But once the Times starts in, you might as well put a lock on the door and close up shop. You'll never build a sane movement and keep out the crazies once you're discovered by The New York Times." in It Begins, p. 149. 68

35« Stan Lehr and Louis Rosetto, "A New Right Credo: Libertarianism" reprinted in Colorado Springs Gazette - Telegraph. Sunday, March 7, 1971» P* 7c, hereafter referred to as "Lehr and Rosetto*"

36. Lehr and Rosetto, p. 147.

37. "Rothbardiana," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 2, February, 1974, p. 4, and Vol. V., No. 6, June 1973> P« 8*

38. M. Stanton Evans, "Varieties of Conservative Experience," Modern Age. Vol. 13, No. 2 (Spring 1971)» pp. 130-137*

39. David R. Schweitzer and James M. Elden, "New Left as Right: Convergent Themes of Political Discontent," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 27, No. 2 (1971), PP* 141-166. , a libertarian expanded on this initial study by focusing on libertarians in Individualist Libertarians: A Psychological Study, unpublished M.A. thesis, San Francisco State College, January 1971*

40. DeLeon, pp. 518-537•

41. DeLeon, p. 535*

42. Promotional Flyer, received July 18, 1974. Edited by Paul Varnell and Robert H. Meier, the first issue is scheduled for September 1974, hereafter referred to as "Varnell and Meier."

43. Varnell and Meier.

44. See, for example, "Libertarian Periodicals," The Last (New York: Random House, 1971), p. 344. At the University of California, Berkeley, "Anarcho-capitalism is the new thing," Esquire. September 1974, p. 99*

45« Lehr and Rosetto, p. 7c.

46. Even this number may be optimistic as there could be duplication across organizations. L. P. News. No. 20 (May/June 1974), p. 6 and SIL pamphlet.

47* The number of Objectivists lies between 40,000 and 200,000. George Mason "The Libertarian Spectrum," in Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frazier (eds.) in Libertarian Handbook. 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts: Avenue Victor Hugo, 1974), p. 8, 9» hereafter referred to as "McCaffrey and Frazier," and there are 10,000 contributors to FEE. Leonard Read, "Memo cn Aims, Activities, Methods," 1974, p. 4. Rothbard estimates the number at 10,000. See "The Case for Optimism," tape^ 69

*4-8. David F. Nolan, "Minority Parties in America," in McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 29-31•

49. "Organizations" in McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 48-50.

50. L. P. News, No. 20 (May/June 1974), p. 6 and an SIL promotional pamphlet, no date.

51• "Periodicals" in McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 53-57*

52. Dale Haviland (ed.), A is A Libertarian Directory 1972 (Brighton, Michigan: MEGA, 1972) lists 180 diverse periodicals under a much broader definition of libertarian publication than McCaffrey and Frazier's more recent handbook. Of these, 58 were definitely defunct in 1972 and 20 more did not answer the query.

53* See "Books" in McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 63-64.

54. "News Fronts," in McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 11.

55. David F. Nolan, "Political Perspective," Libertarian Party Newsletter, No. 6 (May 1972), p. 3»

56. "News Fronts," in McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 11.

57* Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 8. Also see Don Franzen "Forethoughts on the Post-revolutionary World," SIL News Vol. 1, No. 7 (September 1970), p. 1.

58. , "Anarcho-capitalism vs. Limited Government?" in McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 83. Also see Reason's special supplement on anarcho-capitalism, Vol. 3» No. 12 (March 1972), pp. 17-28.

59* Rampart College Newsletter. March 1974, p. 4.

60. Robert Le Fevre, "Abstain from Beans," pamphlet published by Rampart College.

61. "The Need For a Movement and A Party," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. 5» No. 6 (June 1973)* PP» 6, 7* hereafter referred to as "Rothbard, Need For Movement»" Joseph R. leien "Comment," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. V, No. 9 (September 1973)* P« 8.

62. "Purity and The Libertarian Party," The Libertarian Forum Vol. VI, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 7. 70

63. Don Ernsberger, Dave Valter and George Morrone, "Libertarian Politics* An Interview with Congressman Steve Symms," Reason, Vol. 5» No, 10 (February 197**), pp. **-13, hereafter referred to as "Symms, Interview."

6^. "Symms a Conservative?" Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 197*0, P. 132.

65. "What Kind of Purity," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. VI, No. 2 (February 197*0, P« 3«

66. James Boyd, "From Far Right To Far Left - and Farther - With Karl Hess," New York Times Magazine. December 6, 1970, p. **-8. Hess is notorious among Libertarians for various versions of his "to the barricades" speech; Tuccille, It Begins, pp. 121, 122.

6?. "Five Years Old!" The Libertarian F o r m . Vol. VI, No. ** (April 197*0, P« I*

68. Rampart College Newsletter. February 1973, P« 1.

69. Rampart College Newsletter. April 1973, P* **•

70. The Romantic Manifesto* A Philosophy of Literature (New York* The World Publishing Company, 1970). See also her The 0b.jectivist Newsletter. Vols. 1-4 (I962-I965) an(* The Ob.jectlvlst, Vols. 5-10 (1960-1971)" which carried regular critiques on books, films, plays, painting, sculptoring, dance, and music.

71. New Libertarian Notes. January 197** as reported in Murray N. Rothbard, "Relevance," The Libertarian Forum Vol. VI, No. 2 (February 197**), P* 2, hereafter referred to as "Rothbard, Relevance."

72. As reported by Rothbard, "Relevance," p. 2. Also see Miriam Daniels, "Of Interest to All Who Eat - and Other Things," Libertarian Connection. No. 28 (May 29, 1972), pp. 50-55; salad recipe, Libertarian Connection. No. 15 (November 17, 1970), p. 23, and The Free Market. August 5, 1973*

73* Rothbard, "Relevance," p. 2.

7**. Mike Marotta, "Wolf Back," Libertarian Connection. No. 26 (March 6, 1972), p. 31*

75* Jay W. Forrester, "Counterintuitive Behavior of Social Systems," Vol. 3, No. 4 (July 1971), PP. **-13. ?1

76. Winston L. Duke, "The New Biology," Vol. 4, No. 4 (August 1972), pp. 4-11.

77* Adam V. Reed, "An Obituary for Machines of Loving Grace," Vol. 5* No* 6 (October 1973)» PP* 25, 26.

78. Alan Reynolds, "In Defense of the Chicago Approach to Economics," Vol. 4, No. 12 (April 1973). PP* 22-23*

79. "Reason Profile," Vol. 6 , No. 3 (July 197*0» P* 37» hereafter referred to as "Reason Profile."

80. Lowell Ponte, "Tax Tac-Tics," in McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 3**»

81. Murray N. Rothbard, " Unraveled," Individualist, Vol. 3d No. 2 (February 1971). P* 7*

82. "Reason Profile," p. 37*

®3* It Begins, p. 114,

84. Rothbard, New Liberty, pp. 8 , 9*

83. Murray N. Rothbard, "Confiscation and the ," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. I, Ho. 6 (June 15, 1969). P* 3*

86. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Student Revolution," The Libertarian, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Hay 1, 1969), pp. 1-*+.

87. Murray N. Rothbard, "Defense Funds," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 1, No. 6 (July 1, 1969), P* 3*

88. Murray N. Rothbard, "Lurking in the Wings," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 1 (January 1, 1970), p. 2.

89. Murray N. Rothbard, "Massacres in Vietnam," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 3 (February 1, 1970). P* 3*

90. Murray N. Rothbard, "Gun Laws," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 20 (October 15, 1970), p. 4.

91. Manuel Klausner, "The Wage Price Freeze: Bold Action Against Free Enterprise," Reason, Vol. 3, No. 7 (October 1971), PP* 21-23* 72

92. Joseph G. Kaspar, Frederick G. Pfrommer and George W. Hilton, "Transportation Regulation* A Debate," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 3 (June/July 1972), pp. 17-24.

93. John Hazel III, "Oil and American Foreign Policy," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 8 (August 1973)» PP« 1-6.

94. Paul Craig Roberts, Gary Santoni, and Norman Van Cott, "Unmasking the 'Guilt Triangle* Theory of Inflation," Reason, Vol. 5» No. 6 (October 1973)» PP* 7-11•

93. Davis Keeler, "Banks and Secrecy," Reason. Vol. 5* No. 8 (December 1973)* P» 25.

96. Manuel S. Klausner, "Breaking and Entering as a Way of Life," Reason. Vol. 5, No. 5 (September 1973), P« 34.

97. Murray N. Rothbard, "Energy ," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. 6, No. 1 (January 1974), pp. 1, 2, 4-8.

98. Special Financial Issue "Financial Survival in a Troubled World," Reason. Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1974), pp. 6-109.

99. Symms, "Interview,” p. 11. 100. "Trends," Reason. Vol. 4, No. 7 (November 1972), p. 28; "Political Perspective," L. P. News. No. 12 (January/February 1973), p. 5.

101. "Two Tiers Grumble," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. 6, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 1. See also "Political Perspectives," a monthly column in the L. P. News, which details latest government sins.

102. See the monthly "Trends" column in the following issues of Reason; January, p. 30, February, p. 35, March, p. 47; April, p. 38; May, p. 126; June, p. 42; July, p. 32.

103. "Youngstein fifth in nine-way N. Y. race," L. P. News. No. 17 (November/December 1973), P« 1*

104. Murray N. Rothbard, "When Revolution?" The Libertarian Forum. Vol. II, No. 19 (October 1, 1970), p. 4; Eric Scott Royce, "Don't Write off Symms," Reason. Vol. 6, No. 3 (July 1974), p. 38. 73

105• The Libertarian Party, for example, estimated dissiminating 250,000 pieces of literature in 39 months. Susan L. Nolan, .David F. Nolan, "A Personal Note from your Chairman and your Editor," L. P. News, No. 20 (May/June 1979), p. 5»

106. John Waite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Reading, Massachusetts! Addison- Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1971), P» 17, hereafter referred to as "Bowers and Ochs."

107. Bowers and Ochs, pp. 17-19. See Nicholas Von Hoffman "Liberty, A Revolutionary Idea," The Plain Dealer April 18, 1973; Senator Mark Hatfield "*s Libertarianism," Individualist. Vol. 3, No. 2 (February 19?l), p. 9»

108. Bowers and Ochs, p. 20.

109. Bowers and Ochs, p. 27*

110. Bowers and Ochs, p. 26.

111. Bowers and Ochs, p. 37*

112. Rothbard saw the Movement as having two phases! one when it began in 1969; two, when Libertarianismreceived a spate of publicity. In 1972 just before the birth of the Libertarian Party, Rothbard saw the Movement as "stuck on a plateau... doing little more than milling around," "The Movement," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. IV, No. 10 (December 1972), p. 1. I have tended to see the formation of the LP as the second phase and to view the Movement as "stuck" in 1979 as Rothbard did in 1972. I do not view receiving publicity as progression into another stage; it appears passive rather than active.

113. David F. Nolan, "Political Perspective," L. P. News, No. 12, (January/February 1973), p« 5* Nolan says "although we certainly can't claim that they've started to act more libertarian because of the influence libertarians have had on mass opinions, our efforts have undoubtedly helped." This is in reference to the abortion issue (among others); however, feminists rather than libertarians are given credit for the new law. See "Abortion on Demand," Time, January 29, 1973, P* 96, 4-7; "The Abortion Revolution," Newsweek. February 5, 1973, p. 27* 74

114. Paul Jacobs and Saul Landau, The NewRadicals: A Report With Documents (New York: Random House, 1966), pp. 83, 84, hereafter referred to as "Jacobs and Landau."

115. Jacobs and Landau, pp. 8-14.

116. Jacobs and Landau, p. 82.

117. This approach provides somewhat of a spectrum of approaches which is different from those offered by libertarians. Libertarians tend to categorise on a spectrum of conservative to liberal, or anarcho-capitalistic to limited-government. See, for example, Rothbard., pp. 12-20j McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 8-10. I am using a classification similar to that discussed in the first chapter: David F. Nolan, "The Case for a Libertarian Folitical Party," The Individualist, July/August 1971* P« 25 and Dale Haviland’s in A is A 1972 Libertarian Directory, p. 7* This classification has emerged from my study.

118. "A Time To Re-emphasize College Libertarianism," Individual Liberty. Vol. 5. No. 7 (July 1974), p. 1. Chapter III - Strategy Ij Education

The purpose of this chapter is to "begin answering the research questions "What are the major rhetorical strategies employed "by spokespersons within the Movement?" and "Who are the major spokespersons of the Movement?"

In order to answer these questions, the first major libertarian rhetorical strategy of education as utilized by three major spokespersons - Leonard E. Read, Robert Le Fevre, and Ayn Rand - will be explored. From an examination of the rhetorical acts these educators effect In reality, the ways in which they rhetorically describe their environment, their rhetorical vision of the desired social order, their view of their rhetorical role and functions, and the specific verbal and non-verbal rhetorical tactics they employ, the rhetorical strategy of education and its variant will be identified and described.

These three spokespersons have been chosen as representative of the Movement because their particular and approaches are recognized and described wherever the libertarian spectrum is discussed.^ That they are representative of the educational strategy will be evident from an analysis of their rhetorical acts.

75 76

Their educational strategies will be identified, compared and

contrasted and inferences will be drawn about each. Finally,

some conclusions about the effectiveness of education as a strategy

for achieving libertarian goals will be offered.

The educational strategy is the strategy which is designed to

achieve libertarian goals through rhetorically promoting audience

learning. Learning can occur through self-education or through

transmission of the knowledge held by a teacher. Leonard E. Read

is representative of the conservative educational strategy, which

encourages self-education within the confines of Christian and

Constitutional tradition. Robert Le Fevre is representative of the

pacifistic educational strategy which also promotes self-education,

but within the confines of complete and radical non-aggression.

Ayn Rand is representative of the Objectivist educational strategy

which demands education in and adherence to a complex philosophical

as defined exclusively by Ayn Rand.

Nearly all libertarians are sympathetic with the strategy of 2 3 education, be they anarcho-capitalist or limited governmentalist,

4 e. sticklers for principle or pragmatists. The primary difference among libertarians concerning this strategy is that some view

education as an instrumental design which is necessary but not

sufficient to attain the freedom after which libertarians quest, while others view it as a consummatory strategy which is necessary and sufficient to accomplish libertarian goals.^ 77

It is to these latter libertarians that this chapter is devote.d. While a number of educational organizations such as the

Institute for Humane Studies, Society for Individual Liberty, and

Institute for Libertarian Studies exist, concentration will be focused on the educational efforts of three major spokespersons in the Movement* Leonard E. Read, Robert Le Fevre, and Ayn Rand.

Leonard E. Read - Conservative Education

Leonard E. Read is president of the philosophically conservative (limited-gcvernment) Foundation for Economic Education.

Read has the distinction of being the first person to use the term

7 "libertarian." However, since he believes the term has come to g be distorted and misused, he has refrained from employing it,

9 using instead the phrase "movement for a return to liberty."

There are a number of educational rhetorical acts for which

Read has been directly or indirectly responsible. For twenty-seven years, he has been president of the Foundation for Economic

Education (FEE). FEE has sponsored a number of activities which are designed to be "grist for inquiring minds.It publishes an average of 50*000 copies of a sixty-four page monthly "study"

journal, The Freeman, edited and managed by Dr. Paul L. Poirot.^

Each year, under the supervision cf Mrs. Bettina Bien Greaves, FEE distributes material in support of free-market solutions to government problems. This material is sent to college and high school debate coaches for use in debating the national topic from libertarian 12 premises. 78

FEE maintains a "Freedom Library" which offers over one hundred

volumes of many difficult-to-find classical libertarian books to

purchasers, advertising them through its catalogue, "A Literature

of Freedom.

FEE also conducts seminars under the direction of Robert G.

Anderson. Three weekend seminars are held at FEE throughout the year, and others are held in various states such as California and

Washington. Intensive one-week summer seminars have been held 14 for thirteen years. Fellowships and travel grants are available to students for these seminars which provide a "thorough introduction to the free market, private ownership, limited government way of life and the '’ approach to economics.Lecturers have included the following well-known libertarians in addition to

Read himself: Henry Hazlitt, Dr. George C. Roche III, Dr. Benjamin

E. Rogge, and Dr. Hans F. Sennholz.

Read has devoted thirty percent of his time to lecturing, and other members of the FEE staff have traveled both throughout the nation and to other countries hoping to discover and stimulate 17 "tomorrow’s leadership for freedom."

Notes From FEE is a four-page, bimonthly newsletter written personally by Read, which "presents the FEE theme of improving self IS as opposed to reforming others."

From the description of these rhetorical activities, the mission to educate, especially oneself, is obvious. These acts all entail the use of symbolic agencies, primarily verbal, which will now be explored. 79

Read, and his colleagues have characterized their environment in specific ways. As early as 1951» Read defined the authoritarian disease undermining America as social cancer, the "cell" of which

"is the belief in the use of force-power-as a means of directing the creative activities of individuals within society.../and which/ has extended itself into practically every kind of activity...and... 19 continues to grow." The cause of this affliction seemed to Read to be that people had no confidence in their ability to be self-sufficient, or that they had been "sold the idea that their wants /could/ be supplied without personal effort," or a combination of both,*^

Today, Read continues to see the environment as beset by authoritarianism. Authoritarianism has resulted in "wage, price, production, and exchange controls, /imposed/ hours and terms of labor, social security, medicare, food stamps, and countless other pi phases of the and the ."' But he now perceives the cause much more clearly: the "wily wizards" are the ones responsible for selling people the idea that no effort or 22 cost is involved in attaining reward. These "self-styled gods" who are seen as dictating everything from where and for how much one works to one's aspirations, are the real authors of socialism 93 in this country.“■

According to Read and his colleagues, these wizards are not devoid of definite attributes. They reside in the Washington 2k bureaucracy and create national crises from that vantage point. 25 They reward sloth, protect people from the logical consequences 26 27 of their actions, thereby inverting the natural order of things. 28 They live on and promote a system of status and privileges. While 29 they are ignorant of economic law and have no coherent public 30 philosophy, they purposefully reverse the meaning of cherished 31 words to confuse the populace. Not only do they not protect 32 freedom, they consciously play on man's tendency toward envy to 33 further destroy liberty and lead us down the path to total tyranny.

They are undoubtedly godless, precipitating the decline in religion 34 and thus removing the basis of god-given rights.

These wizards, these merchants of authoritarianism, offer 35 "an utterly absurd way of life." Because of them, freedom has been eroded and what liberty remains is constantly in danger.

In contra-distinction to them, Bead has offered his freedom philosophy. He has contended that anyone who believes along with him "that man's earthly purpose is growth in awareness, perception, consciousness, has no choice but to side with individual liberty."

Read has held that individual liberty in social and economic action results in the practice of free-enterprise. He has provided some hint of his faith in this order in his description of "The

Miracle of the Markets"

It allows freedom for each to do as he pleases - live in accord with his own uniqueness as he sees it - so long as the rights of others are not infringed... In short, this way of life commends no controls external to the individual beyond those which a government limited to keeping the peace and invoking a common might impose. Each individual acts on his own authority and responsibility. 81

The social order envisioned and rhetorically described by Read and his colleagues would truly be miraculous. There would be 38 39 increased economic growth followed by a higher standard of living. 40 Further, there would be new innovations and concomitant opportunities 41 42 for everyone. The free market would encourage excellence, 43 stimulate the release of creative energy, and allow each individual 44 to grow toward his own unique potential. In a social order based on the freedom philosophy, the market would solve all the problems that government has, in its ineptitude, created* poverty would be 45 46 conquered, waste would be avoided, and economic stability would 47 reign. This free society would be characterized by social 48 cooperation rather than international war. Who, living in such a beneficent atmosphere, would not be "awed by the mysteries and 49 charmed by the beauties of freedom?"

The environment as perceived and the rhetorical vision as conceived are truly opposite rhetorical conceptions. Government is an instrument of evil which inflicts harm and upon its subjects. Freedom is an instrument of good which bestows blessings and unthought of opportunities on those who use it in the proper spirit.

The libertarian educator would pursue his role in the proper spirit of freedom. However, Read has argued that education today approaches propaganda in its self-serving attitude. He has preferred to be known as an "educator," one who extracts, develops, and helps to self-realize. 82

In Read's view, the libertarian educator must begin by teaching himself: "No person can do more than attend to his own improvement and thus rise to the position where others will draw on him, call on 51 him, invite him into counsel." It is thus through self-education and improvement, through the humility that comes from being aware of one's own ignorance and the integrity that comes from saying what 52 one truly believes, that libertarian leadership emerges.

Read has detailed three levels of libertarian leadership, all of which are concerned with education. On the first level, the libertarian leader achieves that degree of understanding of liberty which makes him incapable of approving of any ideological evil, 53 i.e., incapable of advocating socialistic measures. On the second level, he acquires the talent of exposition; explanation of the fallacies of socialism and the principles of the freedom philosophy 5^ are within his ability. On the third level, the leader reaches such a degree of excellence in understanding and exposition that others are inspired, because of his knowledge and expertise, to 55 seek him out as a teacher.

It is perhaps obvious that humility has long been one of the principle characteristics of Read's rhetorical role. In his life-long search after truth, he has continued to maintain that he does not know how to explain the free market philosophy with utmost clarity.^

Consistent with his attitude toward self-improvement, he perseveres in searching and trying, while modestly continuing his role of 57 educator, as he views it. There are four basic rhetorical tactics which have resulted

from Read and his colleagues’ use of symbolic agencies: justification,

mythification, refutation, and humbilisation.

Justification as a rhetorical tactic employs verbal symbolic

agencies as a means of validating claims, usually by establishing

premises and deducing conclusions from them. Read has justified

his contentions about the evils of authoritarianism and the beauties

of liberty by working from three ideological premises or assumptions

which are stated definitely and clearly:

1. A belief in the... supremacy of an Infinite Consciousness;

2. A conviction that the individual human consciousness is expansible; and

3. A faith in the immortality of the human consciousness.5^

From these basic premises he has concluded that since man's

purpose on earth is to grow and evolve, any system which prohibits

that growth is immoral; conversely any system which promotes that 59 growth is moral. Man must have the freedom to choose, to make his own decisions, in order to grow and improve.^0 The free market provides this atmosphere in which man can choose and must bear the responsibility from his choices: "the free market renders justice."^

Kythification as a rhetorical tactic employs symbolic agencies to create hyperbole: events, objects, and people are larger and more stereotypical than life. Mythification has taken two forms in

Read's rhetoric: that of creating heroes to worship and villains to despise. Consistently, the heroes have been those who have advocated Qk

62 or personified Read's view of freedom: the Founding Fathers,

Edmund BurkeLudwig von Mises.^ All have been conservative,

believing in limited government, and upholding the Constitution.

Read has suggested that "the thinking that shaped the earlier

American design.../was based on/ the and acceptance of

/the/ Creator-as-sovereign concept."^ The heroes who revered the Constitution and relied on the state only to safeguard life, liberty and property, seemingly held the same basic premises as

Read himself.^

The villains have been those who work to destroy freedom, such as the "wizards" mentioned previously. Read has always named his villains vaguely and collectively, often coining terms of disparagement. Recent villains have been the sisyphists, the antipreneurs,0^ and the worrycrats.^ The rhetorical tactic used to create heroes and villains therefore yields a caricature of the villain, while painting a more specific and real picture of the man of excellence.

Refutation utilizes symbolic agencies to disprove opposing arguments or concepts of the environment and desired social order.

Read and his contributors to The Free.man have relied heavily on refutation as a rhetorical tactic. As has been indicated, Read has long believed it essential to be able to refute the theoreticial and philosophical fallacies of socialism. Those who have written for

The Freeman have often approached refutation much more specifically from a free market viewpoint, attacking such concrete issues as press 85

70 71 72 73 control. Inflation, the , drug legislation, 7k and price controls. In employing this technique, historical and contemporary case studies have been used analogously to demonstrate 75 why such governmental proposals do not and cannot work. When refutation is concluded, the free market has been consistently offered as a solution which would bring about the millenium.^

Indeed, often the authors have utilized the basic freedom philosophy and demonstrated, in a single article, how it could solve any number 77 of problems which the government has failed to eliminate.

Humbilization as a rhetorical tactic employs words to create the impression of extreme, self-effacing modesty. This is the final tactic which Read has used and this rhetorical technique is consistent with his definition of education and leadership. It has emerged so often, however, that it seems to have served as more than just his description of his role. The three 197^ Notes from FEE have indicated this to be a valid conclusion.

Read has been modest about his understanding of the attribute, faith:

/it is an/ error...for the practitioner of faith to ascribe the results to his own genius... Actually we do not know what goes on here...It is^ a phenomenon, as mysterious as it is miraculous.7°

About being a teacher:

Accept the fact that neither you nor anyone else has gone very far in understanding the freedom philosophy and explaining it clearly. Frankly, we ai'e all tabes in the woods. The best any of us can do is to concentrate on achieving maturity, on becoming better.79 86

And about being a student:

The teachable are those who have taken the first step in wisdom: acknowledging mystery, they have emptied themselves of qq know-it-allness; humility is their hallmark...

He has taken little credit for his abilities and instead has

assumed the posture of humility.

By arguing from traditional Christian premises; refuting

socialistic doctrine, methods, and proponents, and offering us,

humbly, a philosophy of freedom, Read has worked for the Movement

to regain liberty. His rhetorical tactics have been based on arid

portrayed a dichotomous view of the world: authoritarian/libertarian,

good/evil, humble/prideful. For those who wish an easy choice,

the opposites simplify the task. For those who do not view the world

in black and white, who can not believe socialism so terrible nor

freedom so perfect, the alternatives offered must appear too

simplistic.

Overall, Read has viewed his strategy as being designed to

affect one individual - the person's own self: "Waiting for the

one, big, strong organisation to appear is but to postpone attention

to one's own depth of understanding, strength of libertarian

conviction, and competence in exposition. It is to avoid, not to 81 accept, freedom as a personal matter."

Internally, in the Movement, libertarians tend to view this as

a self-effacing circuitous route to freedom. Read's humble approach which has led him to argue certain positions (such as the moral

imperative to obey all laws) is rejected outright by many of the younger libertarians, who see Read’s position on and pronouncements 82 about government as inconsistent.

Externally, Read seems to have accomplished about as much as any educator can. Through his educational strategy designed to promote the cause of freedom, he appears to have reached more people in a more acceptable manner than other spokespersons in the 83 Movement. ^

Robert Le Fevret Pacifist Educator

Read is equalled by Robert Le Fevre in his active dedication to the libertarian cause. In his newest publication, Le Fevre*s

Journal, he explained to his readers that for more than thirty years, 8^ he has "been trying to understand the meaning of human freedom."

And indeed he has. In this endeavor Le Fevre has developed his own unique philosophy, "autarchy," as opposed to "anarchy." 85 To him, autarchy implies self-rule rather than no rule at all.

Because he has viewed self-rule in absolute terms, he is avidly apolitical, believing this to be the logical stance which follows 86 from being "consistently libertarian at all levels of thought."

Because he has taken this stance, he has been labelled a

On "libertarian pacifist." Le Fevre has not been unaware that to many determined libertarians this is a derisive tern, implying 88 impracticality and self-imposed martyrdom. To some, Le Fevre 89 and his following are even somewhat mystical. This opinion has generally derived from his view of justice, which, in all objectivity, could be considered an unusual one, though certainly consistent with . 88

"Non-aggression" is not an unfamiliar term to libertarians,

but Le Fevre's definition and application of this concept to achieve

justice is. For example, Le Fevre contends that a knife in the hands of an assailant should be treated as an "unwelcome gifti"

By treating an unwelcome property /the knife/ as an unwelcome gift, you can return the property to its owner...You are always on sound moral ground to reject a gift...

You are clearly within both your power and your right to return it. This does not mean that you have somehow acquired a right to injure him. You are merely reducing the conflict to zero by the most expeditious and moral method.90

To Le Fevre's way of thinking, if someone is attacked with a weapon, he should simply reply, "I appreciate the offer, but no thanks," and that will be the end of it.

Because he is apolitical, Le Fevre clearly belongs in the group of strategists who rely solely on an educational design to achieve their goals. He has suggested that libertarians concentrate on 91 themselves rather than on attempting to change society. The apolitical libertarian must concentrate his efforts on "education, communication, example, and precept, by means of which he hopes to 92 encourage a better world for himself and others."

In the thirty years in which Le Fevre has been an active proponent of Libertarianism, he has attempted to create a better world through specifically educational symbolic acts.

He began by presenting commentaries on liberty over Los Angeles and Miami, radio stations and a Ft. Lauderdale television 89 station. Through such action groups as the Wage Earners Committee and the Congress of Freedom, he disseminated information to those °3 interested in libertarian philosophy.

From 1955 to 1965 * he Fevre wrote for the Colorado Springs

Gazette - Telegraph, a part of the chain of Freedom Newsna-pers founded and owned by R. C. Hoiles. His editorials, of which 95 Hoiles asked only that they be consistent, "took an uncompromising 96 zero government position."'

At the same time as he was writing for the Gazette-Telegraph,

n o he founded Rampart College (first known as the Freedom School). 98 From five cabins set in the foothills of the Rocky Mountains,

Le Fevre promulgated his philosophy of through seminars conducted by famous libertarian scholars and through the college's Q9 quarterly publication, Ramuart Journal.'' Other publications included a newspaper, Pine Tree magazine, pamphlets, and books.

Pine Tree Publications recently distributed two issues each

Pine Tree and Ran. The magazines did not have financial support and are now defunct. Lack of financial support and over-rapid expansion also plagued the college. In 1969 the campus was sold and

Rampart College was relocated in Santa Ana, California. Le Fevre passed the torch to Seymour and Riqui Leon in 1973» resigning his position as president so that he could devote more time to freelance speaking, writing, and teaching.

Philosophically, Rampart College remains similar to what it had been under Le Fevre's direction. The college busies itself offering seminars ranging from those based on Le Fevre's theoretical philosophy 90

102 to informal evening discussions to courses on self-liberation.

The college sells books and cassettes, primarily Le Fevre*s home study courses, in addition to sponsoring sporadic seminars across the country such as Harry Browne's "You Gan Profit from the Coming

Monetary Crisis.

From the symbolic agencies employed within these educational acts, Le Fevre has revealed how he perceives his environment.

Le Fevre has long viewed and described government (the political environment) as evil, and not a necessary one. Like most libertarians, he has blamed government for creating and exacerbating such problems 104 105 as the , inefficient postal service, the My Lai massacre,the national debt^^ - in general - an accelerating 108 loss of freedom and increase in oppressive acts.

The criticisms of Le Fevre and his colleagues have become less specific than in the past years, now being more oriented toward a global theoretical attack on the concept of the state and the premises 109 supporting it. Like Read, Le Fevre believes that Americans have been sold a bill of goods: "As a result of the constant barrage of propaganda...we have been led to believe that the American government has some kind of divine right to impose its will on us and to take our money and property and lives if it chooses.

Nothing better illustrates this attack nor more clearly depicts the present environment as Le Fevre sees it than his metaphorical piece entitled "Tiger in the Land:" 91

It is time we awoke to realize that the tiger of tyranny has come from its cage. It is on the prowl in our midst. Its victims are legion. There is scarcely a family...but has felt the dread terror of unbridled taxation, and has learned to fear the forays which...hamper our production. Jaws dripping with the blood of our youth, the tiger crouches in slavering watchfulness as we try to help our children toward...self-supporting lives.

...Until it is caged, we are not our own masters. A reign of terror...keeps us cowering in our homes, afraid to walk the streets, afraid to excel, fearful of the penalty of doing our best.—ill *-1-

Consistent with the difference in Read's and Le Fevre*s stand on government is their difference in metaphors. Wizards and worrycrats are pesky, but more amenable to control than a ferocious tiger, who in being hunted, may turn on and destroy the hunter.

As does Read, Le Fevre has offered a rhetorical vision of the proper social order which is perceived to be in direct opposition to the present environment. In rhetorical contrast to the tiger of tyranny, Le Fevre has presented the Spirit of Liberty. Le Fevre has maintained that emergence as a self-fulfilling individual occurs when reliance on government is terminated and an atmosphere of freedom 112 is established. In such a , there is room for every type of individual who is willing to live as he wishes and let 113 others live as they wish.

Although Le Fevre does suggest that more opportunities for a 114 better life for all would exist, he does not wax as eloquent over the social benefits obtainable by the free market as does Read. 92

Le Fevre's rhetorical vision appears to be more concerned with individualistic freedom and with the state of being; free rather than with what that state will provide.This focus on the individual state of freedom can be witnessed in his inspirational poem, "Spirit of Liberty." Le Fevre has Her sayj

If you live with me, you will achieve gloriously. I do not promise success. But with me, even a failure is magnificent. I disdain groups and collections of people. I am always alone. But I am never lonely. If you aspire to my radiance you will experience the job of creation... There are other and easier paths to follow than the one you must travel if you come with me. But if you abandon me - you and generations to come will drift into oblivion and death.

In aspiring to the radiance of liberty, Le Fevre also sees his role as that of an educator. He views self-education and the continual striving after knowledge as being as important as Read does.

The first type of knowledge after which Le Fevre would have his followers quest, and which he believes is prerequisite to 11? libertarian victory is theoretical. Liberty has failed, Le Fevre has argued, because of the inability of its adherents "to generalize... to be consistent, to explain and to make /the individualist/ position X18 attractive." Too many libertarians do not adhere to individualism in a true and consistent sense. To develop this purity and consistency, 119 Le Fevre believes that "human liberty" and its course through 120 history should be studied as he has studied it. In that way, the individualistic position can be truly understood and attractively articulated. 93

The second type of knowledge that need be acquired is indicative

of Le.Fevre's focus on the individual* individual responsibility

and self-sufficiency. Today he continues to advise learning

"to earn your own living and to solve your own problems. Never

call on the government for help of any kind...Stand on your own

feet...There are only two rules that need apply: (l) Hurt no one.

(2) After that do as you please. Be honest. Work like hell. 121 Smile."

Le Fevre has contended that a one-to-one exchange of ideas produces the most effective learning and constitutes the most 122 appropriate way to inform. In addition to this dialogic approach,

Le Fevre believes in educating by example:

If libertarians will make themselves attractive and successful by market-place activities and by solving their own problems without recourse to government, they will establish a pattern of behavior that cannot help but attract both the wise and the honest. ^-23

Le Fevre is not as humble as Read. He holds that he has found the consistent and pure libertarian principle: use coercion for no reason whatsoever. He believes that he, personally, lives by this rule. He views his role as that of providing an example of his freedom philosophy, and he believes that he can serve the cause of freedom best by teaching others about the philosophy and joys of a highly individualistic freedom.

The basic rhetorical tactics Le Fevre employs are definitionalisation, justification, and demonstration. Definitionalizatlon as a tactic exhaustively defines terms which are then used as a basis for the tactic of justification.

While Le Fevre has justified his ideas by arguing from basic premises, his arguments have been based more on definition of abstract concepts than Read's. For example, before he offers his conclusion that "the only limitation on /man/ is the recognition that his right to do as he pleases with his own property does not 124 bestow on him a right to impose his will...on any other person," he details the concept of right, both by negative and positive 125 definition. Le Fevre and his followers believe in the power of definition, having suggested that the way to safeguard freedom is to define it correctly. So heavily has he relied on defining- before-arguing that in the Le Fevre commentaries, a series of fifty-four cassette lectures, in all but the purely historical tapes, he has devoted the first part of the lecture to defining relevant concepts such as communication, objectivity, motivation, responsibility, 127 rights, value, and wealth. It is especially important to note that 1 Oft a definition of freedom is the sole subject of an entire lecture.

One method that Le Fevre has employed to define terms is contrast. Because he believes that "we learn by comparison... 129 to know liberty, we must know what non-liberty is all about," 130 Le Fevre has contrasted such concepts as right and privilege, 131 132 liberty and tyranny, , protection and molestation, and government 133 and country to yield a clearer, more precise meaning to the concept in question. 95

In passing, it is interesting to note that Le Fevre has generally devoted more time contrasting concepts while Read has devoted more time to contrasting heroes and villains. Le Fevre has not been a name-caller, which, considering the certitude with which he maintains his philosophical position, seems refreshing. Though he disagrees with nearly everyone on the libertarian spectrum, to one degree or another, he has described them objectively and 134 tactfully without resorting to ad hominems. And although he and his followers have regarded the state as an unadulterated evil, he has not devoted many words to carping about it; when he has, 135 the terms are broad and vague rather than specific or pointed.

This approach is consistent with his belief that if concentration is focused on self-sufficiency, the state, by natural progression, *1 will decay and die. ^ Therefore, in his specific approaches to problems, more emphasis has been placed on positive measures that can be taken rather than on the negative situation which exists.

Following definition of concepts is .justification, the rhetorical tactic of arguing from basic premises. Le Fevre*s basic premises appear more convincing and less mystical than Read's because he has attempted to base them in reality and in the nature of things. To

Le Fevre, man's rights are inalienable, not because they are god-given, but because they are inherent in the nature of things, i.e., natural law 137 or the objective order. In fact, Le Fevre believes that the premises or principles one argues from must "apply universally, have a predictable outcome, and be part of the objective order." 96

To argue consistently from one's premises is important to

Le Fevre, so important that he has explicitly constructed pure syllogisms, such asj

All political action is at once collective and coercive. No individualist wishes to partake of collectivist or coercive activity. Therefore, no individualist will participate in political action.139

And again, by argument, he can move from the premises "Any violation of a human boundary is evil," "All government activities begin their operations by trespassing human boundaries," to the conclusion "All governmental activities are evil" upon which the syllogism above is based.

Le Fevre has not been elusive about the appeal that justification has held for him and, he believes, for others; "The doctrine of libertarianism is precise, strict and demanding. It requires careful reasoning and is based on philosophic axioms which are 141 potent and compelling. These philosophic axioms, principles or premises, applied consistently, should govern our thought and 1^2 ultimately our behavior.

The final tactic Le Fevre has utilised is demonstration.

This tactic includes both verbal and non-verbal symbols of example.

It has been shown that Le Fevre exhorts his audiences to live a freedom-oriented life by relying, not on government but themselves.

Further, it has been noted that Le Fevre himself has applied his principles in practice. For example, in raising money for the Freedom

School, Le Fevre approached people who liked the idea; "when they 97 helped it was because they were willing to put up money so that what we had to offer continued to be available in the marketplace...They 143 were...purchasers of our produce, libertarian education." He accepted no government aid, but actively sought to employ free 144- enterprise, a concept he has ccntinuosly advocated verbally.

Le Fevre and his following have lived their creed in exemplary fashion.

Le Fevre has argued along with Read, that the free market is practical as well as moral. But in contrast to Read, he believes not in political action within the system, but in simply demonstrating to the public that freedom-oriented people can and do achieve without 145 the aid of government, and therefore, their achievement is moral.

He has attempted to show in observable action that freedom will work.

In conclusion, Le Fevre has held that in the philosophical battle for men's minds, the ultimate weapon is the superior idea, superiorily 146 communicated. Again, he has attempted to "practice what he preaches: he devoted his first commentary to improving communication about liberty. Le Fevre has been interested not merely in the content concerning freedom but also in communicative technique. He has viewed the problem of advancing liberty as an educational one in the broader 147 sense, a communicative one in the narrower.

But even as Le Fevre has argued that the Movement could use more professional communicators, he has consistently returned to his highly individualistic approach: "surely the task of advancing the 98 cause of liberty begins by recognizing that unique individuality each of us possesses and hence by granting each individual the 148 right to communicate his own significance in his own way."

Le Fevre and his fellow autarchists are one of the smallest 149 factions in the Movement and have been dismissed by some as unrealistic because of their stand on justice and absolute pacificism,Nevertheless, he has had a fairly successful strategic record. Over 5*000 people have studied at Rampart College^'*' and he has acquired a corporate clientele to whom he teaches the 152 freedom philosophy. Because of this, his influence has been extended beyond the Movement itself.

Fellow libertarian, Murray N. Rothbard, has summed up the successful and the sad about Robert Le Fevre:

Le Fevre had a thing going when he had the Freedom School. It was a fantastically successful operation...he had a very high conversion rate. He got them out there and he gave them the business. In two weeks they came out and they were dedicated. After that they had no place to go...He never organized them...After awhile, with no further nourishment...they sort of fell off.153

The educational strategy used by itself is beginning to confirm what common sense initially suggests. It helps; it may even be necessary, but it is not enough. 99

Ayn Rand: Ob.jectivlst Educator

A final example of educational strategy is the Objectivist.

While Ayn Rand definitely does not consider herself a part of the

Libertarian Movement, she has had great influence upon it.

So many present day libertarians were educated in the philosophy of Ayn Rand, that it is worth quoting at some length the type of effect Rand has had on initiates who have had a predisposition to seek for the certainty of a total philosophical system. Jerome

Tuccille, though rather irreverent, has done an accurate job of describing her impact:

The young crusader in search of a cause enters the world of The Fountainhead or Atlas Shruarred as though he were about to engage in unheard-of sexual delights for the first time...There is no need to search any further. The quest is over. Here is all the truth you've been looking for contained in the tightly packed pages of two gargantuan novels.

It is all a^uite heady, this stuff, when fed in massive doses to the impressionable young mind all at once. It is especially appealing to those in the process of escaping a regimented, religious background... You realize you can't go home again, but where do you go?

And then you discover Galt's Gulch /the rational capitalistic utopia/ at the end of Atlas Shrugged and you know everything is going to be all right forevermore... 154 You've become a devout Objectivist.

The core belief which she has held places her squarely in the strategical camp of the educators: an intellectual/moral revolution is prerequisite to a , which, in turn, is prerequisite to a . 100

In 1961, she argued that "the New Intellectuals must assume the task of building a new culture on a new moral f oundation, and over ten years later her theme continues to be the same; the battle is not in the political arena but the intellectual.

First and foremost, Hand has contended that an educational campaign is needed. Today is not the proper time for a movement of those 157 new intellectuals who are devoted to reason; education must precede social action.

Consistently, the rhetorical acts in which she and her small, approved cadre have engaged are far removed from the realm of agitation. She is best known, of course, for her novels, the most 1 famous being The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged. She has published books of essays, such as The Virtue of Selfishness and 159 Capitalism; The Unknown Idea, which are primarily compilations of articles formerly published in The Qb.jectlvlst Newsletter and

The Objectivist. ^ 0 From 1962 - 1971 these latter two were published; in 1971 they v;ere replaced by an expensive fortnightly, The Ayn Rand

Letter. S h e continues to present an annual speech at Fordham

University, but her public appearances have become more infrequent in recent yearsA number of activities, such as the Objectivist

Sook Service, various sponsored artistic activities, series of public lectures, and tape transcription courses have decreased or fallen into disuse since the excommunication of her one-time protege,

Nathaniel Branden, who was largely responsible for organizing them under the auspices of the Nathaniel Branden Institute. 101

Ayn Rand has been comfortable with verbal symbols, especially her own, and she appears righteously content in restricting her rhetorical acts to the verbal sphere. Even when she and her disciples have taken an interest in the political scene, it is only through the rhetorical vehicle of words. Objectivists remain l6k objective observers of political events.

Ayn Rand, more than any other spokesperson, has described the current environment as an intellectual-philosophical-moral vacuum.

She has held that while the United States has become ever more statist, that it is doing so by default, rather than by design: the state has burgeoned in the philosophical abyss which has 165 existed. Rand has witnessed the death of a once gloriously free

United States of the Declaration of Independence. She has accounted 166 for this demise by blaming such irrational philosophical concepts as altruism,, pragmatism,anticonceptualism, 171 172 collectivism, and subjectivism. So much have these other philosophical approaches angered her that she has devoted a great deal of time to denouncing various philosophical villains, the most hated being , the man who "closed the door to the 173 philosophy of reason."

I7V4. Lurking behind every corrupt statist obscenity such as Watergate,

1 n r "j n r censorship, and the energy crisis,- Kant's philosophy of self-sacrifice - altruism - has been discovered. The basic premise of altruism, that man is his "brother's keeper" has led us conclusively 177 to our present state. And the situation will, unless the premise is questioned, get worse: 102

...the sacrificial animals will merely breed, new hordes of sacrificial animals— as the history of all tyrannies has demonstrated— while the unfocused eyes of a collectivized brain will stare on, undeterred, and speak of a vision of service to mankind, mixing interchangeably the corpses of the present with the ghosts of the future, but seeing no men.-?4*

Where Rand differs from Le Fevre and compares to Read is in 179 her belief in the necessity of government. Though she has consistently deplored nearly all governmental activities, she has 180 been extremely anti-communistic, seeing a real need for national 181 defense. Therefore, vrhen detailing the ills of the environment, she has seldom attacked the governmental provision of defense, especially as it has protected the United States from the menace of .

In contrast to the existing order, Ayn Rand offers not merely the vision of a free society as do Read or Le Fevre, and not merely liberty based on philosophy, as do the other two educators. She offers a rhetorical vision of liberty based on a particular philosophy of reason, objectivity, and the nature of man.

While Ayn Rand has described the present order as being irrational and against nature, she has envisioned her proposed order as philosophically consistent and objectively verifiable. The order:

Capitalism. The philosophy: Objectivism. With Objectivism as 162 the "moral, philosophical defense and validation," a free society consistent with the nature of man can be established: "It is the basic, metaphysical fact of man's nature - the connection between his survival and his use of reason - that capitalism recognizes and protects. 103

No one has more eloquently detailed Ayn Rand’s rhetorical vision than the rational, productive hero of Atlas Shrugged.

John Galti

...this country will once more become a sanctuary for a vanishing species: the rational being...Svery man will stand or fall, live or die by his rational judgment...

In that world, you’ll be able to rise in the morning with the...spirit of eagerness, adventure and certainty which comes from dealing with a rational universe...You will live in a world of responsible beings, who will be as consistent and reliable as facts; the guarantee of their character will be a system of existence where objective reality is the standard and the judge. Your virtues will be given protection, your vices and weaknesses will not...What you'll receive from men will not be alms...but a single values .justice. And when you'll look at men or at yourself, you will feel, not disgust...but a single constant: respect...

Fight with the radiant certainty and the absolute rectitude of knowing that yours is the Morality of Life and that yours is the battle for any achievement, any value, any grandeur, any goodness, any joy that has ever existed on this earth.

You will win when you are ready to pronounce the oath...

I swear by my life and my love of it— - that I will never live for the sake of another man, nor ask another man to live for mine.-*-04

As can be noted from this liturgy, the focus is on the world of the rational man. In fact, one of the main ways that Ayn Rand has presented a contrasting world view is through characters as well as through philosophical system. The altruist-collectivist character who is set on destroying the Individual has been made to say: 104

...collectivism...isn't that the god of our century? To act together. To think - together. To feel - together. To unite, to agree, to obey... to serve, to sacrifice...Give up your soul to a council - or give it up to a leader...Offer poison as food and poison as antidote...Give the fools a choice, let them have their fun - but don't forget the only purpose you have to accomplish. Kill the individual. Kill man's soul. The rest will follow automatically.1^5

On the other hand, the individualist has been portrayed as offering no advice, working through no man. He has been made to speak only for himself:

I do not recognize anyone's right to one minute of my life. Nor to any part of my energy. Nor to any achievement of mine. No matter who makes the claim, how large their number or how great their need...

I recognize no obligations toward men except one: to respect their freedom and to take no part in a slave society.

The physical contrast between the character of the altruist and that of the collectivist is as stark as the contrast between their souls. The altruist spreads "out on a couch.../with a body in/ the shape of a sloppy X - arms stretched over his head, along the edge of...back pillows, legs open in a wide fork." The individualist leans "back against the sky.../with a/ body of long straight lines and 188 angles...rigid, his hands hanging at his sides, palms out."

Rand's contrasting visions have thus found their clearest presentation in her fictional characters. The irrational, false, and ugly has been personified in the collectivist; the rational, true, and beautiful, in the individualist. 105

Education is primarily an intellectual endeavor to Ayn Rand.

She has viewed the role of the educator as that of instructing man's mind, so that he may discover the immutable laws of nature and 189 act according to them. At the base of a proper education, of course, lies a proper philosophy. Rand has held that if curriculum was based on the correct philosophy that perhaps students' minds, 190 and ultimately the culture, would be salvageable.

Although Rand has educated people to her philosophy through seminars and publications she has asserted that she is not a teacher.

She has even maintained that she is not a philosophert

...my purpose is not the philosophical enlightenment of my readers, it is not the beneficial influence which my novels may have on people, it is not the fact that my novels may help a reader's intellectual development. All of these matters are important, but they are secondary considerations, they are merely consequences and effects, not first causes or prime movers. My purpose, first cause and prime mover is the portrayal of...John Galt...as an end in himself not as a means to any further 5 S . I 9 1 ------

Thus, Rand has conceived of her function as expressive rather than persuasive. However, because of the reported excommunications, ostracisms, and purges which have occurred in the Objectivist circle, her assertion that her rhetorical acts are expressive and consummatory rather than persuasive and instrumental must be questioned.

For example, Capitalist though she is, she has been known to cancel 192 subscriptions if readers dare to disagree with her, and her pointed and publicized excommunication of one-time protege Nathaniel Branden 193 shook the Objectivist world at its foundation. 106

ig/j. As the founder of Objectivism and protector of its dogma,

it follows that she must, in some way, conceive of herself as a

. As an intimidating debater who has consistently and 195 abruptly set her questions on the path to truth, it follows that

she must, in some way, conceive of herself as an educator. The fact

that she has published An Examination Study - Guide to the Ethics of

Objectivism indicates that viewing her as a philosophy-educator 196 appears to be an accurate description of her role.

Her role does appear to end with education, however. She has

not engaged in politics and remains uninterested in doing so; she 197 has considered personal political activity to be self-sacrificial,

therefore against principle, therefore inconceivable.

Compared to Le Fevre and Bead, Rand has built a larger and more

tightly guarded philosophical fortress to serve as a base for

instruction. She remains the professor who is questioned by the

student at his own risk.

With Ayn Rand's background as a philosopher-novelist, one might

expect her to utilize definite rhetorical tactics. One is not

disappointed, then, in finding the following symbolic tactics used:

definitionalization, justification, conceptualization, and quotation.

Le Fevre has used definition as a symbolic tactic, but he cannot

compete with Rand's use of the same tactic. She has defined less in

her recent newsletter than she did in The Objectivist. perhaps because

she is speaking more to current events than those philosophical foundations which require definition. Nevertheless, the definition of 107 such terms as: nature,^® intelligence,^^ morality, 201 202 anti-conceptual, and tribalism can be found as she uses them in support of her theses.

Her general pattern has been to begin by defining terms and to define all the terms that she might use in an argument. For example, in discussing definitions, she defined "definition" and then proceeded to define other terms which she considered important to her argument: sensation, description, essential, conceptualization 203 context and truth. Rand has explained the importance of this symbolic tactic: "The truth or falsehood of all man's conclusions, inferences, thought and knowledge rests on the truth or falsehood of his definitions."^^

As does Le Fevre, Rand has used definition as a basis for her second rhetorical tactic, justification. She has approached her main premises from natural law in the same manner as Le Fevre, but she has taken them much further back in developing logical support for her conclusions. For instance, to arrive at the conclusion that Capitalism is the only possible moral order, she began "at the beginning" with a definition-premise of value: "that which ore acts to gain and/or keep."" From that, she moved through arguments pertaining to the nature of reality, the nature of man, and, finally, the nature of government.

It was noted before that in her arguments against the state, she has intransigently sought out the hidden premise of altruism, which she has seen as leading inevitably to the undesirable environment 108 she has described. Another favorite place-to-begin in her logic has been from the premise "/man's/ consciousness is volitional.

From this premise and its variants she has been able to arrive at an amazing number of conclusions, some of which have been; Watergate 208 is a manifestation of modern tribalistic mentality, B. F. Skinner 209 is a "mystic of muscle," it is obscene to regard "scientific 210 progress as 'aggression' against nature," and progressive educators have established a calculated "system devised to cripple /the child's/ 211 rational faculty.

Another tactic which Rand has used more extensively than any other spokesperson is conceptualization, the creation of new concepts, or at least new labels for old concepts. She has been quite adept at coining her own words. This technique has been consistent with her insistence on precise definition; if no such symbol for a particular concept existed which indicated her analysis of the essential meaning of that concept, Ayn Rand invented one. Over the years of her writing she has coined a number of memorable terms: 212 213 214 215 mediocracy, sense of life, psychologizing, anti-concept,

Attila and the Witch Doctor. Nearly all of the terns she has originated, as can be inferred from the examples above, are negative.

It appears that Rand could not find enough opprobrious terms in her search to describe the moral and philosophical destitution of today's culture - therefore, she has been forced to invent them.

It is interesting to note, then, that a number of her favorite negative terms begin with the prefix "anti," and she has been most 109

skilled in threading them together into one statement denouncing the

philosophy of altruism: "the real nature and deepest, ultimate

meaning of /altruism/ is anti-man, anti-mind, anti-life,

The art of coining new labels has also allowed her to contrast

more effectively. What could be a better contrast to life than 2X0 anti-life? Believing as she does in Aristotle's law of knowledge,

she has been aided in perpetuating her view of a world of opposites: black versus white, rational versus irrational, good versus evil, 219 capitalism versus socialism. Rand, therefore, by literary ingenuity, has provided herself with new and various ways to denounce the status quo.

The final rhetorical tactic which Ayn Rand has employed is quotation. The quotations she has inserted into her rhetoric are not the testimonies of others, but her own. Presumably, she has utilized this technique - because she has said most of what is necessary to say before - and more precisely and eloquently than anyone else. In the first six Ayn Rend Letters of 1973* she used this technique four times, often as many as five times in six pages.

Her favorite reference has been Atlas Shrugged, which was quoted 220 nine times. The quotes were consistently applied to support the basic argument of the newsletter; for example, she used numerous and extensive quotes to refute the theory of justice proposed by John 221 Rawls in his current book.

Very often, she did not even provide a full quotation, but 222 referred the reader to proofs in her previous articles. 110

It can be inferred, from the use of this particular tactic in combination with the others, that Rand does consider herself an authority and what she writes as authoritative. It appears that she is inclined to be more dogmatic than other libertarian spokespersons.

For this reason, she is perhaps more unique and less flexible in her use of rhetorical tactics.

On the one hand, Rand's rhetorical techniques could be considered responsible for her initial impact on libertarians. On the other hand, they also seem responsible for her currently waning influence 223 among many libertarians who appear to desire a bit more flexibility and less dogmatism. Realistically, if one is a "true" Objectivist it is impossible to be involved in the Libertarian Movement. Ayn

Rand has said that you shouldn't be. Therefore, although initially influential, the very nature of her tactics and particular educational strategy prevents her from being of much current help to the Movement, perhaps precisely because she does not want to be.

Educational strategy alone does not appear to be sufficient for the success of the Libertarian Movement. Furthermore, a dogmatic educational strategy can be counterproductive to the internal cohesiveness of the Movement as well as counterproductive in its external effect on the environment it hopes to influence. Robert

Le Fevre has expressed this opinion nicelys "If all libertarians 224 began to think, talk and act alike, the movement would die." Ill

Some libertarians would like to believe with Le Fevre that no educational campaign is needed, that "the finest teacher of the libertarian doctrine is the government itself, which by precept and example is showing millions that government...is archiac...at best, and at worst a barbarous device against which every contact breeds 225 contagion and corruption." ^ Some believe that Watergate is 226 achieving precisely that objective.

Many others, however, believe that something other than or in addition to an educational campaign, especially one which proposes that each individual concentrate on his own accretion of knowledge, or one which is content to wait while the government 227 proves its own , illegality and inefficiency, is needed.

Summary

This chapter has defined and identified education as a major rhetorical strategy employed by the Libertarian Movement which seeks to obtain libertarian goals through audience learning. Three variants of educational strategy as chosen by three major spokespersons of the Movement were identified and described. Leonard E. Bead, with his conservative educational approach was found to engage in rhetorical acts that were primarily verbally symbolic, he described the present environment as being controlled by authoritarians and offered his rhetorical vision of the conservative free market as a substitute. His rhetorical function was viewed as promotion self-education, and he employed the verbal symbolic tactics of justification, mythification, refutation and hniifolisation to achieve that end. 112

Robert Le Fevre's variant on the educational strategy was found

to be.definitely apolitical and pacificistic. His rhetorical acts

were identified as being both verbally and nonverbally symbolic

which was found to be consistent with his use of the verbal rhetorical

tactics of definiticnalization and justification, and the nonverbal

rhetorical tactic of demonstration. Le Fevre rhetorically portrayed

his environment as an unnecessary evil and offered a contrasting

rhetorical vision of complete individual freedom. He, too, was

found to see his role as that of promoting the individual quest for

knowledge.

Ayn Rand was identified as representing the educational strategy

in the form of Objectivism. Her rhetorical acts were found to be

exclusively verbally symbolic. Through the use of literary verbal

symbols, she described her environment as existing in a philosophical vacuum and envisioned a social order of rational capitalists as the proper replacement for the current situation. F'rom the use of the rhetorical tactics of definitionalization, justification,

conceptualization, and quotation, it was inferred that her rhetorical function was philosophical-educational in nature.

It was suggested that although these educators do have a following, education, as a rhetorical strategy designed to achieve the libertarian goal of minimisation or elimination of state power, may be necessary but is not sufficient to that end. Notes to Chanter III

1. See, for example, Murray N. Rothbard, For a New Liberty (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973)* PP* 12-20, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, New Liberty; Robert Le Fevre, The Libertarian (Lansing, Michigan: Bramble Minibooks, no date), pp. 14-16, hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, Libertarian; Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frazier, Libertarian Handbook 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts: Avenue Victor Hugo, .1973)» PP* 6-10, hereafter referred to as McCaffrey and Frazier.

2. See, for example, Murray N. Rothbard "101 Ways to Promote Libertarian Ideas," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 8 (August 1973)* PP* 6, 7; letter to libertarians from David K. Walter, director of Society for Individual Liberty (no date); pamphlet, "Join Society for Individual Liberty... For a Free Society," and SIL Representative Handbooks published by the Society for Individual Liberty.

3. "In sum, the Youngsteln - for - Mayor campaign was an immense success, in terms of educating the public about the existence of the libertarian movement...’They know who we are, and what we stand for, now,'" "Youngstein fifth in nine-way N. Y. race," LP News, No. 17 (November/December 1973)* P* 1* See also, advertisement for Reason, edited by Tibor Kachan, a limited-governmentalist, "Everybody claims to be in favor of ’freedom.' Yet how many people really understand what it’s all about.?.. .Each month Reason explores the implications...of the libertarian point of view," Reason, Vol. 6, No. 2 (June 197^0* P* ^L*

4. See, for example, Leonard E. Read, "Memo on Aims, Activities, Methods," Foundation for Economic Education, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Read, "Meno." Le Fevre, Libertarian, pp. 53“5b*

5* See, for example, David Friedman, The Machinery of Freedom: Guide to a Radical Capitalism (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1973)* PP* XVI, 223; Harry Browne, How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1973)* pp. 9* 10* These two libertarians adhere to or speak to no certain ethical principles; they are concerned mainly with providing convincing and helpful information.

113 114

6. See, for example, Murray N. Rothbard, personal telephone interview from New York City, July 8, 1974, hereafter .referred to as Rothbard, Interview.

?. Leonard S. Read, Personal letter, June 12, 1974, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Read, Letter one; also Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 15.

8. Read, Letter one, p. 1; also Leonard E. Read, "The Miracle of the Market," xeroxed lecture, no date, pp. 8, 9» hereafter referred to as Read, "Miracle."

9. Read, Letter one, p. 1.

10. Read, "Memo," p. 1.

11. Read, "Memo," p. 2.

12. Read, "Memo," pp. 2, 3*

13. Read, "Memo," p. 3*

14. Read, "Memo," p. 3*

15. Advertising flyer, "Summer Seminars at FEE 1974," published by the Foundation for Economic Education, hereafter referred to as Flyer.

16. Flyer.

17. Read, "Memo," p. 3*

18. Read, "Memo," p. 4.

19. Leonard E. Read, "The Study of Freedom," (irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., July 1951), pp. 2, 3, hereafter referred to as Read, "Study."

20. Read, "Study," p. 3*

21. Leonard E. Read, "Wizardry," unpublished ms., 1974, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Read, "Wizardry."

22. Read, "Wizardry," pp. 1, 2. 115

23. Read, "Wizardry," p. 2. Although most of the writing of Read and his colleagues supports this view, there is also room •devoted to an opposing viewpoint. See, for example, Duke Burgess, "The Fault Is Ours," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 100.

24. Paul L. Poirot, "Made in Washington," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 267. See also, , "How Not to Cure an Energy Crisis," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 71; Edward Y. Breese, "Hobson's Choice," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 9 (September 1973)» P* 534.

25. Robert Patton, "Drug Legislation - Mainline to Disaster," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 1 (January 1973), P* 53«

26. Paul L. Poirot, "Freedom Is an Uninsurable Risk," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No, 5 (May 1973), p. 272.

27. Edmund A. Opitz, "Stubborn Facts and Hard Heads," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 5 (May 1973), PP- 283, 284.

28. Morris C. Shumiatcher, "Status* End Product of Welfare," The Freeman. Vol. 22, No. 5 (May 1972), p. 309*

29. Charles R. LaDow, "Free Giving vs. the Welfare State," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 2 (February 1972), p. 111.

30. Perry E. Gresham, "Liberty and Public Opinion," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 6 (June 1973), P* 326.

31. , "The Individual in Society," The Freeman, Vol. 21, No. 6 (June 1971), p. 353-

32. Paul H. Jacobson, "On Institutional Senescence," The Freeman, Vol. 21, No. 2 (February 1971), p. 86.

33* Henry Hazlitt, "On Appeasing Envy," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 3 (March 1972), p. 143'.

34. Edmund A. Cnitz, "Our Disordered. Lives," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 7 (July*1973), P. 404.

35* Read, "Miracle," p. 6.

36. Read, "Miracle," p. 5*

37* Read, "Miracle," pp. 7 , 8. 116

38. Gary North, "Public Goods and Fear of Foreigners," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 3 (March 1974), p. 137.

39* Bernard H. Siegan, "Competition: Key to Consumer Dominance," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 300.

40. Brian Summers, "Complications," The Freeman, Vol. 23* No. 8 (August 1973), P* 483.

41. V. Orval Watts, "Industrialism: Friend or Foe?" The Freeman. Vol. 23, No. 4 (April 1973), p. 21?.

42. David J. Handel, "Zoning Laws: The Case for Repeal," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 7 (July 1972), p. 441*.

43. Clarence B, Carson, "The Impact of Intervention," The Freeman, Vol. 21, No. 3 (May 1971), p. 283.

44. Leonard E. Read, "The ," The Freeman. Vol. 24, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 115*

45. John Chamberlain, "Reviewer's Notebook: The Conquest of Poverty," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 6 (June 1973), P* 378.

46. P&ul L. Poirot, "Socialized Error," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 7 (July 1973), P» 410, hereafter referred to as Poirot, "Socialized Error."

47. Paul Stevens, "The Making of an International Monetary Crisis," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 4 (April 1973), P* 251.

48. Leonard E. Read, "Strive for the Simple Life," The Freeman. Vol. 24, No. 3 (March 1974), p. 165.

49. Edmund A. Cuitz, "Stubborn Facts and Hard Heads," The Freeman. Vol. 23, No*. 5 (May 1973), P* 286.

50. Leonard E. Read, "Education versus Propaganda," Notes from FEE, , p. 1.

51. Leonard E. Read, Elements of Libertarian Leadership (irvington-on- Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1962), p. loO, hereafter referred to as Read, Elements.

52. Read, Elements, pp. 92-112. 117

53* Leonard E. Read, How to Advance Liberty: A Learning, not a SelllrjT, Problem (Irvin.5ton-on-Hud.30n, New York: The Foundation •for Economic Education, Inc., recorded on March 10, 19o5)» p. 8 , hereafter referred to as Read, How to Advance.

54. Read, How to Advance, p. 9«

55. Read, How to Advance, p. 10.

56. Leonard E. Read, Then Truth Will Out (irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1971), p. 134, hereafter referred to as Read, Then Truth.

57. Read, Personal letter, June 28, 1974, p» 1«

58. Read, Elements, p. 42.

59. Read, Elements, pp. 42, 43.

60. Ridgway K. Foley, Jr., "In Quest of Justice," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 5 (Hay 1974), pp. 301-310.

61. Read, Then Truth, p. 45 .

62. George Charles Roche, III, "The Real American Revolution," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 7 (July 1973), P« 397* Generally, passages which refer to the Founding Fathers do not stress their radical, revolutionary roles which libertarians at the other end of the spectrum seize upon.

63. Gary North, " on Inflation and Despotism," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 2 (February 1973), P* 117•

64. John Chamberlain, "A Reviewer's Notebook: The Essential Von Mises," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 7 (July 1973)* PP* 447, 448.

65. Leonard E. Read, Talklna To Myself (irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1970), P* 114, hereafter referred to as Read, Talking.

66. For an example of the reverence with which the Constitution is held, see Clarence B. Carson, "The Founding of the American Republic: The Beacon of Liberty," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 4 (April 1973), PP* 195-206.

67. Leonard E. Read, "Sisyphus," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 6 (June 1973), P. 366. 118

68. G. Howard Hardesty, Jr., "Objectivity and Accountability: A One-Way Street," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 4 (April 1972), ,p. 196.

69. Leonard E. Read, "The Worrycrats," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 4 (April 1971), p. 203.

70. Melvin D. Barger, "Back Door Press Control," The Freer,an. Vol. 24, No. 2 (February 1974), PP. 105-113*

71. Morris J. Markovitz, "Is Inflation Here to Stay?" The Freeman. Vol. 24, No. 4 (April 1974), pp. 238-242,

72. Paul Stevens, "How Not to Advocate a Gold Standard," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 8 (August 1973), PP* 471-482.

73* Robert Patton, "Drug Legislation - Mainline to Disaster," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 1 (January 1973)* PP* 45-53* hereafter referred to as Patton, "Drug Legislation."

74. Milton Friedman, "Morality and Controls," The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 1 (January 1972), pp. 28-32.

75* See, for example, Wesley H. Hillendahl, "Inflation: By-Product of Ideologies in Collision," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 7 (July 1974), pp. 413-425, for a contrast between socialist and free economies; William H. Peterson, "Mises and Fisher on ," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 6 (June 1974), pp. 323“32o ; Gary North, "The Puritan Experiment with Sumptuary Legislation," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 6 (June 1974), pp. 341-355, Bernard H. Siegan, "Another Case History of a ," The Freeman, Vol. 24, No. 6 (June 1974), pp. 362-364.

76. See, for example, Patten, "Drug Legislation," pp. 48, 49; C. R. Balten, "The Natural Controls," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 3 (March 1973), p* 142; Foirot, "Socialized Error," p. 410; Arthur S. Mode, "Down With National Priorities," The Freeman, Vol. 23, No. 9 (September 1973), P* 52^.

77* See, for example, W. A. Paten, "Gan We Sustain Prosperity?" The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 1 (January 1972), pp. 33“41; Hans F. Sennhoiz, "Are 'We Marxians Now?" The Freeman, Vol. 22, No. 8 (August 1972), pp. 451-460. Henry Hazlitt, "(Jan We Keep Free Enterprise?" The Precran, Vol. 23* No. 6 (June 1973)* PP« 339_34S.

78. Leonard E. Read, "Faith Works Miracles," Notes From FEE. Kay 1974, p. 2. 119

79• Leonard. E. Read, "Who Is A Teacher?" Notes From FEE, March 1974, P* 3*

80. 'Leonard E. Read, "The Keek Shall Inherit the Earth," Notes Fron FEE, January 1974, p. 2.

81. Read, Talking;. p. 117.

82. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 14.

83. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 16.

84. Robert Le Fevre, "Freedom...What It Means to Me," Le Fevre's Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Winter 1973)* P* 1*

85. Samuel L. Blumenfeld, "Zero Government: Anarchy on the Right," Penthouse. November 1973* P« 144, hereafter referred to as Blumenfeld.

86. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 55*

87. McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 10.

88. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 24.

89. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 24. See also Nicholas Raeder, "Rights vs. Retaliation," Free Earth Newsletter, Vol. I, No. 3 (September 1972), p. 2. Raeder suggests that Le Fevre belongs to a "fairyland school of thought."

90. Robert Le Fevre, Justice (Santa Ana, California: Rampart College, no date), pp. 20, 21, hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, Justice.

91. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 54.

92. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 561.

93* Ruth Dazey, secretary to Robert Le Fevre, personal letter including vita, June 14, 1974, hereafter referred to as Dazey, Vita.

94. Dazey, Vita; also Robert Le Fevre response to questionnaire, July 1, 1974, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, Questionnaire. See also, Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 17.

95* Blumenfeld, p. 144. 120

96. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, p. I.

97. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, p. 1.

98. Robert Le Fevre, "Three Counts Down and Up She Goes," Le Fevre1s Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Spring 1974), p. 6.

99. Dazey, Vita.

100. Dasey, Vita.

101. Blumenfeld, p. 144.

102. Seymour and Riqui Leon, Ramnart College Newsletter, March 1974, pp. 2, 4.

103. Seymour and Riqui Lecn, Rampart College Newsletter, December 1973, P. 1.

104. Carl A. Taylor, "Vietnam" RAP, Fall 1970, p. 37 is an implicit swipe at the State in describing the horrors of war. See also Frank Bubb, "what Causes War?" Pine Tree. Summer 1970, p. 16.

105. Red Mania, "The Government Should Stop Playing Post Office," Pine Tree, Summer 1970, pp. 6-10.

106. Robert Le Fevre, Rampart Col'J.e.?e Newsletter, Hay 1971, P» 1 *

107. Robert L e Fevre, Rampart College Newsletter, October 1971 , P « 1 .

108. See Ruth Dasey, Ra-ncart Colleme Newsletter, January 1973. pp. 1, 2; Riqui Leon, Ramrare Collets Newsletter, February 1973» pp. 1, 2.

109. Compare authors and articles from "Table of Contents," Rsnpart Journal c.f_ individualist Thought 1965~1Q6B, reprinted from Rar.v.mrt Jcurral, Vol. IV, No. 4 (Winter 19eo), to articles and authors in Pir.e Tree, RAP, the latest Rampart Col lore Newsletters and Le Fevre's J0urna1.

110. Robert Le Fevre, "The Illegality, Immorality, and Violence of all Political Action," Le Fevre*s Journal, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Summer 1979), p. 3* hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, "The Illegality."

111. Le Fevre, Libertarian, pp. 581 59* 121

112. Robert Le Fevre, "Primer to a New World," RAP. Winter 1970, P. 34.

113. Riqui Leon, "Voluntarism vs. Coercions The Libertarian Distinction," Rampart College Newsletter, March 1974, p. 1.

114. Rod Manis, "Poverty: A Libertarian View," pamphlet (Santa Ana, California: Rampart College, no date).

115. Robert Le Fevre, "Individualist Cohesion," Rampart Journal. Vol. Ill, No. 2 (Summer 1967), p. 53» hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, "Individualist Cohesion."

116. Robert Le Fevre, This Bread Is Mine (, Wisconsin: American Liberty Press, I960), appendix, hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, Bread.

117. Le Fevre, "Individualist Cohesion," p. 43.

118. Le Fevre, "Individualist Cohesion," p. 44.

119. Le Fevre, "Individualist Cohesion," p. 55*

120. See, for example, Le Fevre, Bread, and his cassette tape home study course for his historical approach.

121. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, pp. 2, 3*

122. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, p. 3*

123. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 51*

124. Le Fevre, Justice, p. 6.

125. Le Fevre, Justice, pp. 6-8.

126. A. V. Diveglia, "Snistemology and The Politics of Freedom," RAP, Fall 1970, p.'14.

127. Brochure, "Le Fevre Commentaries on Cassette," hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, "Commentaries." The writer bias heard the first eighteen.

128. Le Fevre, "Commentaries." The advertisement describes the first lecture: "Communication about Freedom. There are ways to improve one's ability to communicate what is meant by abstract ideas; by authoritarianism and libertarianism." 122

129. Robert Le Fevre, Rampart College Newsletter, November 1972, p. 1.

130. ‘Le Fevre, Justice, p. 6 .

131. Le Fevre, Justice, p. 2.

132. Le Fevre, Justice, p. 11.

133- Riqui and Seymour Leon, "The Government vs. the Country," Rampart College Newsletter, June 1973* P* 1*

134. Le Fevre, Libertarian, pp. 10-19.

135. Seymour Leon, "The Grabbles, The Gimmies, and the Traders," Rampart Collets Newsletter, November 1973* PP* 1* 2, hereafter referred to as Leon, "The Grabbles."

136. Robert Le Fevre, "What Is A Libertarian?" Colorado Springs Gazette - Telegraph, reprinted in Ramrart College Newsletter, November 1972, p. 2; Leon, "The Grabbles," pp. 1, 2.

137. Le Fevre, "The Illegality," p. 2. The writer does not know whether or not Le Fevre is theistic; however, his arguments do not seem to rest on a theological premise.

138. Robert Le Fevre, "Deducing to Morality," Ramrart College Newsletter, December 1972, p. 1.

139. Le Fevre, Bread, appendix.

140. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 31; also see "Pacifist?" in McCaffrey and Frazier, pp. 93“95* f°r a similar syllogistic development.

141. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 5*

142. Robert Le Fevre, "The Unresolved Ultimate Good," Le Fevre*s Journal, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Winter 1973)* P* 5*

143. Robert Le Fevre, "Selling Ideas...How Do You Get the Dollars?" Le Fevre*s Jourra1, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Summer 1973)* PP* 6 , 7* hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, "Selling Ideas."

144. Le P'evre, "Selling Ideas," p. 7*

145. Robert Le Fevre, "Freedom is Practical" and "Those Who Zero In," Ramrart Coliere Newsletter, July 1971* P« 1.

146. Robert Le Fevre, Ramrart College Newsletter, June 1972, p. 5* 123

14?. Robert Le Fevre, "Those Who Favor Liberty Must of Necessity Oppose Tyranny," Le Fevre's Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Spring 1974), p. 3.

148. Robert Le Fevre, Ramrart College Newsletter, February 1972, p. 2 .

149. "The Spectrum" in McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 28. Being a part of a minority does not disturb Le Fevre: "All it takes to advance is a handful of men," John Roberts, "Libertarian Idea Advanced," The Times-Picayune, New Orleans, , February 8 , 1971, reprint.

150. See Murray N. Rothbard, '"The Libertarian': The Gospel According to Le Fevre," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 10 (October 1973), PP* 3, 4.

151. Seymour Leon, Ramrart College Newsletter, April 1973, P* 1.

152. Blumenfeld, p. 144.

153* Rothbard, Interview.

154. Jerome Tuccille, It Usually Begins with Ayn Rand (New York: Stein and Lay, Publishers, 1971), pp. 13“15, hereafter referred to as Tuccille.

155. Ayn Rand, For the New Intellectual (New York: Random House, 1961), p. 63, hereafter referred to as Rand, New Intellectual.

156. Ayn Rand, The Ayn Rand Letter, January 3, 1972, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rand, AR Letter.

157. Rand, AR Letter, p. 2.

158. The Fountainhead (New York: Bobbs-Kerrill Company, Inc., 1943), hereafter referred to as Rand, Fountainhead; Atlas Shru~red (New York: Random House, 1957), hereafter referred to as Rand, Atlas.

159. The Virtue of Selfishness (New York: The New American Library, 1964), hereafter referred to as Rand, Virtue; Carl tali cm: The Unknown Idea (New York: The New American Library, i960), hereafter referred to as Rand, Capitalism.

160. The Cbfectivd st Newsletter, Vols. 1-4, I962-I965; The Ob.-’ectivist. Vols. 5-10, 19oo-1971. 124

161. Charter subscriptions are thirty-six dollars a year; regular subscriptions are fifty dollars a year. Prices are taken from an announcement in The Objectivist, Vol. 10, No. 5 '(Kay 1971), p. 17.

162. See, for example, "Objectivist Calendar," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. 11, No. 23 (August 13, 1973), p. 6.

163. Before the Eranden disinheritance, "The Objectivist Calendar" was always one, sometimes two pages long (see The Objectivist prior to the 1965 spring issues); afterwards, the calendar decreased to cne-half page, if it appeared at all. In her present newsletter, a calendar appears infrequently and usually contains only two or three items. Activities by Dr. dominate the scene more than activities by Ayn Band. For an account of the Eranden purge see Ayn Band, "To Whom It May Concern," The Ob.iectivist, Vol. 7» No. 5 (Kay 1968), pp. 1-9, hereafter referred to as Band, "To Whom." "Break Free! An Interview with Nathaniel Eranden," Reason, Vol. 3, No. 7 (October 1971), p. 13, hereafter referred to as Branden, "Break Free." Branden says in that interview that "She told me many times that I was responsible for...'the * - which I accomplished through Nathaniel Branden Institute."

164. The strongest political action Band has ever taken is to endorse a candidate. See "A Nation's Unity," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 3 (November 6, 1972), p. 4. And she has infrequently — urged her readers to write Congress about a specific issue. See "Brief Comments," The Objectivist, Vol. 10, No. 1 (January 1971), PP* 15, 16. She has also suggested writing a letter for publication on some controversial issue. See "Brief Comments," The Objectivist, Vol. 8, No. 2 (February 1969), pp. 1, 2. The latter activity occurs very infrequently. Students of Objectivism do, however, write letters to newspapers without her explicit directions. See Dora Jane Hamblin, The Cult of an An.rrv Ayn Band, Life, Vol. 62 (April 7, 3-967), p. 10Q, hereafter referred to as Hamblin.

165. Ayn Band, "Censcrshin: Local and Express," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 23 (August 13, 1973). ?• 1, hereaf ter referred to as Rand, "Censorship."

166. Leonard Peikoff, "America's Philosophic Origin," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. Ill, Nos. 5 and 6 (December 3 and 17, 1973), pp. 2-6; 1-4. Peikoff is part of the remaining circle; Rand will not allow anyone to write for her with whose ideas she does not agree. 125

167. Ayn Rand, "An Untitled Letter," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 11 (February 2b, 1973)» P* 2, hereafter referred to as Hand, "Untitled Letter."

168. Rand, "Untitled Letter," pp. 1-3.

169. Ayn Rand, "Brothers, You Asked For It," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 14 (April 9, 1973), p. 2.

170. Ayn Rand, "The Missing Link - Phrt II," The Ayn Rand Letter. Vol. II, No. 17 (May 21, 1973), PP* 1”6, hereafter referred to as Rand, "Kissing Link - II."

171. Rand, "Censorship," p. 2.

172. Leonard Peikoff, "Nazism and Subjectivism," The Ob.iectivist. Vol. 10, No. 1 (January 1971), pp. 8-13.

173* Rand, New Intellectual, p. 31*

174. Ayn Rand, "Brothers, You Asked For It, Part II," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 15 (April 23, 1973), P« 2, hereafter referred to as Rand, "Brothers."

175. Rand, "Censorship," p. 2. The term "altruism" does not appear here; collectivism does. Rand often uses this as a synonym for altruism or in combination such as "altruist-collectivist." See Rand, "Untitled Letter," p. 2.

176. Ayn Rand, "The Energy Crisis," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. Ill, No. 4 (November 19, 1973), PP* 3, 4.

177. Rand, Virtue, p. 103.

178. Rand, Virtue , p. 110.

179* Rand, Virtue, Chapter 14, "The Nature of Government," pp. 144-156.

180. See, for example, Ayn Rand, "The Shanghai Gesture,"parts I-II, The Ayn Rar.d Letter, Vol. I, Nos. 13-15 (March 27, April 10, April 24, 1972), pp. 1-4. See also, We The Living (New York: Random House, 193°)•

181. Ayn Rand, "A Preview," The Ayn Rar.d Letter, Vol. I, No. 24 (August 26, 1972), pp. 1-6.

182. Rand, Virtue, p. 31* 126

183« Rand, Capitalism, p, 11.

18^. Rand, Atlas, pp. IO67-IO69.

185« Rand, New Intellectual, pp. 88, 89.

186. Rand, New Intellectual, p. 100.

187. Rand, Fountainhead. p. 592.

188. Rand, Fountainhead, p. 3*

189. Ayn Rand, "An Open Letter to Boris Spassky," The Ayn Rand Letter. Vol. I, No. 25. p. She does not here, however, explicitly connect the educators role with the "laws of nature."

190. Ayn Rand, "Fairness Doctrine for Education," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. I, No. 19 (June 19, 1972), p.

191. Ayn Rand, The Romantic Manifesto; A Philosophy of Literature (New York: The World Publishing Company, 1970), p. 161, hereafter referred to as Rand, Manifesto.

192. See, for example, R. A. Child’s, Jr., "Objectivism and the State: An Open Letter to Ayn Rand, The Rational Individualist. Vol. 1, No. 10 (August 1969), pp. 4-12; Jarrett V/ollstein, "Objectivism: A New Orthodoxy," The Rational Individualist. Vol. 1, No. 6 (April 1969)* PP* 5-1^*

193* See, for example, Rand "To Whom," pp. l-9» Branden, "Break Free," pp. 12-18; Murray N. Rothbard, "Know Your Rights," WIN (March 1, 1971), p. 8; Tuccille, p. 20.

19^. See, for example, Tuccille, pp. 20-33; Albert Ellis, Is Objectivism A Religion?(New York: Lyle Stuart, Inc., 1968).

195* Hamblin, p. 100.

196. Prepared by Leonard Peikoff, NBI Press, 19^7* See also an account of her lectures in Hamblin, pp. 98f. In a recent article, she describes herself as a philosopher and she is said to be pleased that her ideas are influencing the younger generation, "The Chairman's Favorite Author," Time. September 30. 197^# PP* 88-89. 1 2 7

197* "Playboy*s Interview with Ayn Rand," reprinted by NBI Press, p. 14-.

198. Ayn Rar.d, "The Metaphysical versus the Man-Made," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No*. 12 (March 12, 1973), p. 2.

199* Ayn Rand, "The Metaphysical versus the Man-Made - Part II," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 13 (March 26, 1973), P« 4.

200. Rand, "Brothers," p. 2.

201. Ayn Rand, "The Missing Link," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 16 (May 7, 1973), p. 3.

202. Rand, "Kissing Link - II," p. 2.

203. Ayn Rand, Introduction to Ob.iectivist Enistenology (New Yorks The Objectivist, Inc., 1967), PP« 4-0-46, hereafter referred to as Rand, Introduction.

204. Rand, Introduction, p. 4-7. Rand regards a definition as a "condensaxion of a vast body of observations" which can be true or false, p. 46.

205. Rand, Virtue, p. 5*

206. Rand, Virtue, pp. 5~34. Specifically in order, pp. 5-71 pp. 8-30; pp. 31-34.

207. See, for example, Rand, Virtue, p. 13.

208. Rand, "Missing Link - II," p. 4.

209. Ayn Rand, "The Stimulus...," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. 1, No. 8 (January 17, 1972), p. 2.

210. Ayn Rand, "The Anti- - Part II," The Ob.iectivist, Vol. 10, No. 2 (February 1971), P* 9*

211. Ayn Rand, "The Conprachicos," The Objectivist, Vol. 9, No. 8 (August 1970), P« 11*

212. Ayn Rand, "An Untitled Letter," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 9 (January 29, 1973), ?• 4.

213. Ayn Rand, "Don't Let It Go," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. 1, No. 4 (November 22, 1971), p. 1« 128

214. Ayn Rand, "The Psychology of 'Psychologizing'," The Ob.iectivist, Vol. 10, No. 3 (March 1971), p. 2.

215. •Ayn Rand, "Causality versus ," The Ob.iectivist. Vol. 9* No. 7 (July 1970), ?. 1.

216. Rand, New Intellectual, p. 8.

217. Ayn Rand, "Is Atlas Shrugging?" The Objectivist Newsletter, Vol. 3, No. 8 (August 1964), p. 29.

218. Rand, New Intellectual, p. 20.

219. For these contrasts, see The Ob.iectivist Newsletter, Vol. 3 (1964), pp. 21, 4a, 4b, 37 respectively. For her philosophy of opposites, see "The Cult of Moral Grayness," Virtue, PP* 95-102.

220. Ayn Rand, "To Dream the Non-Commercial Dream," Vol. II, No. 7 (January 1, 1973). P* 4; "An Untitled Letter," Vol. II, No. 9 (January 29, 1973), PP* 1, 2, 4; "An Untitled Letter - Phrt II," Vol. II, No. 10 (February 12, 1973), up. 1, 2, 4; "An Untitled Letter - Part III," Vol. II, No. 11 (February 2b, 1973), PP* 1, 2, 3, 6.

221. Ayn Rand, "An Untitled Letter," Parts I - III, The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, Nos. 9-11 (January 29, February 12, February 26, 19?J), pp. 1, 2, 4; 1, 2, 4; 1, 2, 3, 6 respectively. A Theory of Justice, incidentally was given a favorable review by William Stoddard, "In Search of Justice," Reason, Vol. 5, No. 11 (March 1974), pp. 20-23.

222. See, for example, Ayn Rand, "An Untitled Letter," The Ayn Rand Letter, Vol. II, No. 9 (January 29, 1973), p* 3*

223. See, Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 15; McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 9; Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 17•

224. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, p. 3*

225. Le Fevre, Questionnaire, p. 2.

226. Donald C. Ernsberger and David K. Walter, "An Open Letter to .President Nixon Concerning the 'Watergate Scandal," Society For Individual Liberty News, Vol. 4, No. 7 (July 1973), P* 3*

227. See, for example, Murray N. Rothbard,"Strategies for Achieving Liberty," cassette tap*?, March 14, 1971; David F. Nolan, "The Case for a Libertarian Political Parry," Individualist, Vol. 3, Nos. 7 and 8 (July/August 1971), pp. 24-2o. Chapter IV - Strategy II: Retreatism

The purpose of Chapter IV is to continue answering the research questions related to identifying the rhetorical strategies and major spokespersons of the Libertarian Movement. To accomplish this, the second major libertarian strategy of retreatism and three major spokespersons who utilize this strategy - Harry Erowne, Micheal

Oliver, and Nathaniel Branden - will be examined. From a sociodramatistic analysis of rhetorical acts, contrasting rhetorical visions of the perceived environment and desired environment, description of their rhetorical function, and verbal and nonverbal rhetorical tactics, the retreatist strategy and its variants will be defined, classified and explained.

These three spokespersons have been chosen as representative of the Movement because their individual approaches to freedom are discussed widely within the Movement, and each of these spokespersons has a following.^ They each represent a particular approach to retreatism, the similarities and differences of which will be examined through an analysis of their rhetorical acts. Finally, the effectiveness of the retreatist strategy as a means to achieving libertarian objectives will be examined.

129 130

The strategy of retreatism contrasts with the strategy of education, whose approach has been summarized as "go forth and spread the Good Word, and, in time people will Gome To See The 2 Light." The retreatist strategy is the strategy which is designed to accomplish libertarian goals through rhetorically encouraging self-liberation rather than promoting environmental change. Three 3 types of self-liberation are promoted. The first variant, represented by Harry Browne, is the strategy of personal freedom, which is characterized by demonstrating that one can live within the state while ignoring it. The second variant, represented by Micheal Oliver, is the strategy of geographical freedom, which is characterized by promoting the establishment of new countries in geographical locations other than the United States. The third variant, composed of many different elements but most generally represented by Nathaniel

Branden, is psychological freedom, which is characterized by encouraging the liberation of one's inner self as opposed to liberation from the external environment.

Harry Browne; Personal Freedom

Although Browne's philosophy has many tenets which bring light to libertarian eyes and is influential with some libertarians for 4 that reason, Browne himself has been rather indifferent to the

Libertarian Movement. He has tended to believe that effecting social change is (l) a "much harder, more permanent job than most people realise; and (2) it isn't necessary."'* He has not been 131

interested, in hypothesizing about the Movement, probably because

he believes it will have no significant effect for the next fifty

years, and then even that is speculative.^

Browne has acknowledged having been influenced by both Ayn

Rand and Murray N. Rothbard, but has contended that he takes a

"uniquely personal and subjective approach to freedom."

This subjective approach of his is what has angered some of the more principled libertarians. Someone who is philosophically

illiterate cannot be considered a worthy spokesperson, they have

n declared. On the other hand, others have argued that Browne's amoral approach should be acknowledged and given consideration by g libertarians.

The area of expertise that libertarians have granted Browne

is that of an economically brilliant investment counselor.

Libertarians were impressed with How You Can Profit From the Coning

Devaluation,^^ in which he suggested investments to hedge against government caused inflation of the monetary supply and consequent devaluation of the value of held currency.Some, who followed 12 its advice, were even grateful. His new book, You Can Profit From 13 the Coming Monetary Crisis, in which he explained how the government is creating the monetary crisis, what Americans can

expect to happen in the future, and again, how to protect against

the crisis with alternatives to traditional fixed-dollar investments, 14 is being read with interest and anticipation. 132

It appears that Browne has, indeed, become "one of the most

well-known and respected financial counselors and practical libertarian

philosophers to capture the public fancy.

Browne's main rhetorical "acts," then, have been the publication

of the three previously mentioned books addressed to those individuals

interested in decreasing their reliance both on the state and other

people. His latest endeavor, based on the two investment books,

is a "Depression-Inflation Survival Course," recorded at a Rampart

College Seminar in January 197^* and available in cassette tape.

He also gives private four-hour consultations at a fee of $1,750 for four hours. 16

Consistent with his attitude toward the Movement and his description of himself as lazy, these acts are not effected with a view toward changing the society in which he lives, let alone the world. They have, however, had a beneficial effect. Publisher's

Weekly suggests that his How I Found Freedom "may be the 1973 champ 17 in the success book sweepstakes." More important to the Movement is this observation by Reason: "Browne's Devaluation...is the only bestseller...that has exposed to a large segment of the public a correct (and counter-establishment) account of the relationship 18 between government and the money supply,"

The author's tours that he has taken and the interviews he has 19 granted have all served to expose him and his brand of the freedom philosophy to the public eye. His rhetorical acts might well be fulfilling what Le Fevre described as the successful example of the freedom-oriented person. 133

Browne has described, the main controlling factor in the environment 20 as the-government, because it influences daily interactions with others. 21 Defining government (as all libertarians do) as "an agency of coercion,"

Browne has detailed a multitude of sins created by the State:

1. It imposes , license fees, and sales taxes upon businessmen...

2. It seizes income taxes as payment for the privilege of working.

3. It gives you the one-sided choice of paying property taxes or losing your property...

4. The government decrees what products you can offer to your customers...and how much you can charge for your services...

5. On top of all this the government uses the money it takes from you to operate that may be in competition with your o w n . 22

To those who fear the power of criminal organizations in an anarchistic society, Browne has summed up his perception of the government very pointedly:

So to protect you from the syndicates, the government makes you pay tribute for the privileges of working, going into business, or staying on your own property. It dictates the terns of your relationships with customers and friends. It finances your competitors with your money. And it can even enslave you in its army.

What could the mafia do that would be worse?'

Browne has described the cause of state control over its citizens' lives as more a matter of default than of design. He has maintained that government survives on popular misconceptions or as he calls them,

"Government Traps," of which there are four: 134

1. The belief that governments perform socially useful functions that deserve your support.

2. The belief that you have a duty to obey laws.

3- The belief that the government can be counted upon to carry out a social reform you favor.

4. The fear that the government is so powerful that it can prevent you from being f r e e . 24

From these traps, it is evident that Browne has defined the

problem as an individual rather than environmental one. He has

not accepted the argument that the government, through its vast

bureaucratic powers, can prevent anyone’s personal freedom. It

is the unawai'eness of available alternatives and unchallenging acceptance of certain assumptions that prevents freedom. And so, government is only one of fourteen traps which must be questioned 25 and from which one can escape in order to find personal freedom.

As might be expected, How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World was written to provide the means for achieving that freedom - right now - not in some future millenium.

Browne has not followed the pattern of other libertarians in his rhetorical image of the proper social order. It is not the slightest bit utopian; to the contrary, dreaming of a Utopia ia another trap, usually one "in which the dreamer hopes to be able to escape the simple prices required to live happily in the real world." Therefore, Browne's contrasting vision does not emphasize the environment, but personal existence within the environment. 135

The ideal personal existence, then, that Browne has projected

is in contrast to the manner in which he has seen most Americans

living. To Browne, personal freedom results from choosing only

those alternatives which require "direct action b^ yourself to get 27 a desired result." This approach can result in increased freedom

and happiness in interpersonal, group, business, social, and 28 governmental relations.

Browne has suggested that the breakthrough to freedom occurs as a direct result of learning to take responsibility for self and

self-initiated actions. And that breakthrough comes when there is

no desire to control others. This freedom is one which Browne describes as poetically as any other libertarian would describe his rhetorical vision:

When you have that freedom, you'll experience a wondrous sense of weightlessness, an absence of burdens, a freedom to let the world unfold as it will— adventurously, ehallertgingly. You'll know that whatever happens isn't your problem, because you no longer have the responsibility to see that others do what they should.29

Browne is thus far the only spokesperson who appears to be truly indifferent to the broader environment. He has advocated and encouraged ignorirg the state and has turned his attention from changing the environment to changing people's perceptions of and actions in the environment. In this way, he has contrasted self- imposed enslavement and self-initiated freedom. 136

Browne's role in some ways resembles that of an educator; he

has provided suggestions, alternatives, and opportunities for his 30 readers. In contrast to Rand, Browne is not a dogmatic teacher.

He cautions his readers: "...it's important to recognize that you

will make all the decisions yourself. I can't tell you how to live, 31 nor can I tell you what you 'must' do to be free.

Browne fulfills the educator function primarily by example.

He is living his life as he wants to, true to his philosophy. He

makes a great deal of money from very few work commitments; he has

positive relationships devoid of a sense of obligation; he enjoys

many wonderful things - good food, music, and sex, discovery, 32 stimulation and challenge.

These aspects of Browne's role seem to be merely side-effects

resulting from the role of "completely free person" that he has

chosen. He has claimed that he writes only for money, not to spread

libertarian ideas. 33 Therefore, any education which occurs concerning

Libertarianism is unintended; the only learning which appears to

concern Browne is education in ignoring the state, which he has

both discussed and demonstrated.

Before indicating what symbolic tactics Browne has used, it is

interesting to note which ones he has avoided. Browne has employed

definition, but the definitions he has offered are so simple and

realistic that he could not be said to be using the tactic of definitionaiisirg in the same way that the educators do. For example: 137

Freedoms "Living your life as you want to live it." Happiness: "The mental feeling of well-being." Objective: "Realistic; not colored by your own unique perception, knowledge, emotions and interpretation." Truth: "Information that leads to predictable results." Rights: "That vrhich you believe you're entitled to, despite the unwillingness of the person who must provide it."

Even the definitions of his "traps" are simple and immediately

understandable:

Certainty Trap: "The urge to act as if your information were totally certain. Despair Trap: "The belief that other people can prevent you from being free." Emotional Trap: "The belief that you can make important decisions at a time when you're feeling strong emotions."35

Some would say (and have) that his definitions are simplistic rather than simple, that they ignore important and subtle distinctions.''

This would undoubtedly be a crucial criticism if Browne had wished to engage in the justification tactic; he would have needed precise definitions from which to form his premises for argument.

However, Browne has refrained from using the rhetorical tactic

of justification based on definitional premises. For example, on the favorite libertarian issue of "rights," from which all conclusions

usually follow, he has said:

The Rights Trap is the belief that your rights will make you free...

Unfortunately, rights exist only in theory. In practice, they don't accomplish much— no natter how much people may discuss them.37 138

Consistent with the general trend of his subjectively individual approach, he has not created heroes or villains. And indicative of OQ his ability to make "complex subjects understandable," he has not confused issues by inventing words.

It is almost tempting to conclude that Browne is anti-rhetorical. 39 At least, he has no alleged interest in rhetorical tactics.

Perhaps, however, what makes How I Found Freedom "upbeat, positive, 40 and exhilarating" to some can be identified by a search for rhetorical techniques he has employed rather than the ones he has avoided.

The basic structural tactic which Browne has used is a problem- solution sequence. In the first part of his book he identified the basic problems - "traps: Traps are misconceptions which prevent one from being free, some of which are identity, intellectual, group, 41 despair, burning-issue, and certainty traps." In the second section of How I Found Freedom, he moved to solutions - how to spring free from the traps. For example, to free oneself from the government trap discussed previously, one follows three principles:

Don’t be awed by it... Don’t confront tr.e aovernment... Don't orranise... 43 The specificity with which Browne has presented his solutions leads to his second rhetorical tactic: •prescription. Browne tells one what he can do. Though other libertarian spokespersons are prescriptive, they have usually phrased ideas in such a way that the ideas must be believed, rather than saying that this is what one 139 must do to achieve the personal freedom one desires. Because of

Browne's disclaimer that what he offers are only suggestions, ideas which have worked for him; and because prescriptions are preceded by such qualifications as "No one can tell you what identity you should have. But we can discuss some ways to look inside yourself to discover the identity that's naturally yours;" one receives the impression that rather than commanding "You must do this because it is right," he is suggesting "Try this, I think it works." For example, in speaking of the "identity trap," after the qualification cited above, he directed;

Instead of taking for granted assumptions about what you "should" be, start from the inside from inside of you. Find out who YOU are that unique collection of feelings, desires, perceptions, and understanding...

Then look at the world and decide what you can have that would ignite your nature into real happiness. And then figure out how you can make it happen...

Don't try to identify with an ideal person, a label, or a code that others think is best for you. They aren't you; they can't make your decisions for you.2*6

And in suggesting how one can illegally side-step the state,

Browne offered first this qualification;

To determine whether or not to break a law, the only consideration should be the consequences to yourself. What is the risk involved? What would happen if you're caught? How much are you gaining by breaking the law?4? which he followed with the prescription; 140

As you evaluate those consequences, don't overlook your own emotional nature. Don't do something that will make it impossible for you to sleep nights...

But don't be swayed by considerations of patriotism.,.Those things are only slogans designed to further the government's at the expense of yours.^®

This tactic appears to emerge as an if-then, conditional form of logic: "If this is what you want, do this." At all times,

Browne allowed the receiver to decide the antecedent "if," after which he prescribed the "then." Whereas educational libertarians have tended to use categorical premises (the definitions which were noted before) from which to arrive at conclusions, Browne has used a hypothetical "If you want to start a new business, don't go looking for all the licenses and regulations you’re supposed to observe. 49 Just operate."

The third tactic that can be found in Browne's rhetoric is visualisation, or projection through example. It has been noted that Band projected her readers into the ideal order by using fictional characters and that Le Fevre used demonstration by example as a symbolic tactic. Browne seems to have the ability to combine these two tactics efficaciously. He appears to be able to project the receiver into a happier vision of his life by using himself as an example in, cor.bir_ation with helping the receiver look at himself in new ways.

For example, in discussing the "emotional trap," Browne used both himself and the receiver as examples to achieve a new image for the reader: 141

If you're enraged about your job, go off by yourself, relax, and wait until your mind clears. Then consider ALL the ramifications. You might still decide to resign if you believe such moments of anger are too high a price to pay for your income. But if so, you'll have decided at a time when you're equipped to do so— and you'll be better able to stick by your decision...

I've found that it's a good rule to NEVER MAKE AN IMPORTANT DECISION WHEN YOUR’e MOTIONS ARE IN CONTROL. I try to program myself in advance to remember this rule when I need it. When. I'm in an emotional state...I try to keep just enough intellect working to tell me one things DON'T DECIDE NOW. I wait until I've relaxed and can think more clearly.50

And in suggesting how to find freedom from insecurity, he employed the same technique:

No one can take the gamble out of life for you, no matter how much he may promise to do so. But when you recognize that you have the power to deal with anything that lies ahead, an uncertain future can be a source of adventure rather than a fearful liability.

I haven't the faintest idea what I'll be doing five years from now. I may be writing books; I may be doing something else that I can't even conceive of now. I don't know where I'll be living: I don't know whom I'll be with. I know only one thing— that life will continue to be as exciting and as full of happy surprises as it is now. 51

This last tactic, especially, may be responsible for producing what reviewer Mark Corske called "a beautiful treatise on individualism, and an example of it. The book addresses the reader's mind, insisting that thoughtful and imaginative action is the way to a better life."-^

At this point, the only measure of Browne's effectiveness is book sales. How I Found Freedom sold 45,000 copies in its first 53 three months' and has since gone into paperback. How You Can Profit

From the Cornin'- Devaluation was on the New York Times Bestseller List 142

54 twice and has sold over 100,000 copies. A similar fate is predicted for You Gan Profit From the Coming; Monetary Crisis.

Browne's ability to predict and advise has gained him a reputation as an experienced investment counselor. As one satisfied reader summed up the effects of these latter two books:

If you had acted on Browne's investment advice in his highly successful HOW YOU GAN PROFIT FROM THE COKING DEVALUATION, you would have seen your gold mining stocks triple and your silver bullion double in price, while your Swiss Francs appreciated some 6Q?o. Well, it isn't too late to cash in on the monetary crisis.-55

Although his most obvious effect has been in the realm of finance and the personal successes resulting from his advice,

Browne's ignore-the-state-do-what-you-want strategy may have more than just economic and individual effects. As Browne himself has expressed it in discussing the most significant problem facing the

Movement:

The most significant problem facing the movement today is the fact that it is a movement. My only suggestion would be that the members of the movement concentrate more on their own personal freedom— achieved individually. On that basis, some people will achieve more freedom— and there is always the outside chance that if enough of them do, it will have a noticeable effect upon the nation as a whole.5°

Mike Oliver: Geographical Freedom

The second type of retreatist strategy, which promotes the establishment of and re-location in countries other than the United 57 States, is very often regarded with incredulity. As one writer, 143 reporting on one of the new country projects, Operation Atlantis, expressed in admiring-amused disbelief t

Operation Atlantis is a real mind-blower, for they're not just interested in a floating community, but an honest-to-god independent COUNTRY. They are reportedly well-financed, well-managed, and VERY serious. How are they going to do it? They're going to build^ an island, baby, in the middle of the ocean.

Retreating-by-relocating is considered to be a realistic rather than a defeatist strategy by its defenders. Mike Oliver, who has been the most visible and outspoken promoter in this area has viewed retreatism as an intelligent means of protecting rational self-interestj "Let the establishment of 'social meddlers' reap its own harvest; let the innocent person, who tried in vain to stop the onslaught of , escape the horror." 59

Oliver speaks to those already convinced of the evil of government; he addresses those who are ready to withdraw physically from the horrors of statism.

These retreaters do not just talk, however; they act. Projects which have been or are under consideration are oceanic settlement, research into sites available and methods by which they can be obtained, and liberating the natives on the island of Abaco, whereupon a libertarian community would be founded,^

There are two ways to categorize these projects: by motive and by resources. John Snare, a participant in the Operation Atlantis project, has identified two different reasons for the quest to find politically virgin territory. One motivation is "ideologically-

inspired," in which "freedom is the major goal."^ Projects in

this category are Preform (the research group), Operation Atlantis,

Minerva, Oceanus Company, and Friends of Abaco. Another motivation

is "profit-seeking, in which greater freedom is only a means to 62 greater profit." Taluga and Tortuga are in this genre.

Another way to view the projects is by resources. At one end

of the continuum, the retreaters must literally start from nothing#

as in the ocean settlement concept. In the middle would be the

acquisition of unsettled land tracts, land areas or islands such

as those examined in Tortuga, New Caledonia, Curacao, and French

Guinea. At the opposite end of the continuum would be a project

such as Friends of Abaco, which plans to inhabit an already settled

island exhibiting little or no internal government and inhabited

by freedom-oriented natives.

Many of the projects have died because of no interest, lack of funding, technical and/or international complication. For example,

Preform has disintegrated and "silence has enveloped Operation 6 ^ Atlantis." Cf those mentioned at the beginning of this section

only Friends of Abaco and Minerva have seen any recent libertarian publicity.

Because negotiations must be somewhat surreptitious in the attempt to realise new country schemes, it is most difficult to acquire information about these ventures. The one endeavor which 145 still appears to be functioning, at least in the "back to the drawing board" stage, is Minerva. Therefore, this new country project will be taken as an example of this variant of retreatist strategy.

It seems necessary, at this point, to briefly summarize the story of Minerva in order to indicate some of the problems new 6*7 country developers encounter.

Around 1968, Mike Oliver originated the idea of the Minerva settlement, and organized a group called the Carribean Pacific to pursue that end. In January 1972, Carribean Pacific claimed two reefs 4C0 miles east of New Zealand. When the king of Tonga declared that he would thwart all efforts to civilize, and settle the island, began withdrawing their support.

Carribean Pacific split into two factionss those who wanted to look elsewhere, and those who wanted to stick with the original

Minerva project. Morris C. Davis, Minerva President, approached an organization of entrepreneurs, the International Maritime Legal

Research (IMLR), who decided enthusiastically to try to occupy

Minerva. In February, IMLR issued an abrupt announcement that

Minerva was no longer being considered as a settlement site; Cocos

Island, 540 miles west of Panama, was.

Carribean Pacific fired Davis, although an expedition to

Cocos was planned for April 1973* 146

The latest news on the project has come from Oliver who has

maintained that "the new country project is far from dead. People 68 are working on it full time."

Oliver, who was born in Lithuania and spent four years in a 69 Nazi concentration camp, has tended to view the present environment

not just with apprehension, but with fear, seeing ominous parallels

between the United States and Nazi Germany. When questioned about

his urgency in founding a new nation, he said, "I'd rather be five 70 or ten years too early than five or ten minutes too late."

Oliver has asserted that every problem occurring in the United

States is caused by "government interference in the lives of 71 individuals." For example, in arguing his case for a new country, he stated:

...we now have wage and price controls and various "phases" of coercive measures as a remedy to inflation and balance of payment problems. Yet, inflation can be directly blamed on government expansion of the money supply, deficit spending, compulsory labor unionism, and other totalitarian measures. The real solution to inflation is to do away with such destructive policies— the measures taken to tighten the noose on the American people. When these measures fail, even more restrictive policies will be offered as solutions, until it will be stated that capitalism has failed and that totalitarianism is the only alternative. 7-2

These "corrupt influences" are not seen as existing only in government, however. What has seemed to frighten Oliver even more are elements he has described as similar to Nazi Storm Troopers:

When I see that someone starts throwing bombs, shooting from roof tops, smarting fires, and blocking streets, I see Stern Trooper tactics. If we permit this to continue, these elements who scream for "freedom" to do this violence will take over the United States and install a fascist regime.73 Ik?

Perhaps more than other libertarians, Oliver's perception of 7k the environment might be colored by his past. However, he has accepted that perception as reality and means to act on it.

Oliver has codified his vision of the proper environment in the same precise way that he has listed his grievances against the present one. He has written a constitution for his new country.

Oliver has maintained that his vision is not Utopian, only that it 75 will work more morally and efficiently than other existing systems.

The main thesis of Oliver's Preamble and the Constitution is

"that a person may delegate only those functions to government which he, himself, may rightfully perform."'7^

The government is to be limited to the function of defense: 77 protection against force and fraud. As Oliver has it stated in the Constitution:

Government, under this constitution, can be construed as a private corporation, which is to be hired by participants on a voluntary basis, for the specific purpose of protecting their personal rights. Regardless ox majority vote, no person, entity, or governmental agency may take away these rights from others.^

Because the government would be financed on a voluntary basis, it would have no power to tax. And without the power to tax,

Oliver has reasoned, the government would not be capable of growing 79 and increasing its own ranks and power.

According to Oliver, the most radical concept written into 80 the constitution is the separation of state and economy. 148

This part of the vision is not new with Oliver, of course. He has 8l indicated, his intellectual debt to Rand, but virtually all

libertarians would agree that the state and economy should be

separated. His unique contribution seems to be that he has taken

limited government libertarian principles and systematized and

legalized them.

Oliver has not been as eloquent in picturing this new social

order as he has about describing the environment in which he presently lives. The most heartfelt statement he has made about a new country is "if we start out with the right type of people and the right type of philosophy, we may create a better society for a 82 fairly long time." Oliver’s rhetoric has been matter-of-fact.

He has appeared to be much more concerned about legal and technical problems than he has been about projecting his concept of the social order poetically.

Oliver's verbal role, then, rather than that of an oratorical educator, has been more that of a legalistic debater. He has been very aware of his own need for precision. For example, in speaking of his own constitution, he focused on some terms he would change for greater accuracy: "I enumerated the main duties of government...

Instead of using the words ’main duties', I should have said

'ONLY duties'."83

And in contrasting his concept of the proper government to that of a proprietary ccmmunity, in which the owner of the land makes 84 decisions which affect the people living on that land, he suggested 149

that words were being obscured: "Now supposing that, instead of

the word ',' the word 'government' is used...But if a

private party assumes all the functions of government, plus ownership

of the land, where is the difference?...Are we interested in mere

semantics?"^

Therefore, Oliver has seen his verbal mission as that of

simplifying and clarifying. Actively, his role is that of an

entrepreneur, though Oliver has sought opportunity outside of his environment, whereas Browne has found profit to be made within the environment. 86 A one-time land developer and coin dealer, he has been active in seeking a new country where he can put his skills to use. In a four year period (1968-1972), he and his corporation had devoted

15,000 manhours and travelled 250,000 miles to scrutinize twenty o9 sites as possibilities for a new country. He appears to have knowledge of the legal, financial, political, technical, and social problems that have been and are expected to be encountered in his 88 venture. He has seemed clear - rather than starry-eyed - in suggesting:

The actual implementation of a free enterprise nation is far more complicated than it appears at first blush...We are convinced that we are moving in the right direction. We are not merely overly cautious, and cei'tainly we are not lacking in adventurous spirit, but we don't want to accept any so-called solutions which have been presented to us as something new, but which are in fact„nothing less than reversion to chaos and dictatorship.0' 150

Oliver has been a trail-blazer, but not an impetuous one.

He has carefully surveyed the ground, both literally and figuratively,

that he is to occupy.

Oliver’s rhetorical tactics are nonverbal as well as verbal

and correlate with his two-fold retreatist role. He uses the verbal

tactics of definitionalization and justification. In his constitution 90 he has created a glossary of terms, which are defined and from

which he has argued. The conclusions of his arguments are found as

articles in the constitution. For example, by defining the proper

function of government as protection against force and fraud, he has

derived the following proper functions of Congress:

1. To approve funds necessary to maintain adequate military forces for protection of the country;

2. To establish the budget for operating the other national government agencies;

3. To act as an agency for declaring war and national emergencies when time permits; 91 To negotiate peace treaties.

Considering the legalistic nature of his subject, this tactic seems

appropriate.

Another tactic which Oliver has used is analogy, or comparison

of similar instances. This is not singular with him, as many

libertarian spokespersons have employed the same tactic. Nevertheless,

the parallels he has seen between the United States and Nazi Germany,

Cuba, Russia, and France are instructive in delineating his particular

brand of libertarianism, one which has unequivocally rejected Q2 anarchism.' 151

The final verbal rhetorical tactic which all of the new country retreatists seem to use can best be termed, reporting, an objective 93 description of relevant facts. The clear-eyed view of technicalities that was mentioned previously shows itself in this tactic.' For example, in describing various aspects of Minerva, the site being considered, Oliver responded to questions factually, with no embellishment, even where there was opportunity for its

REASON: Would you build this sort of structure instead ex' dredging? OLIVER: Both of these methods can be used. REASON: What about hurricanes? OLIVER: We could expect them from time to time. Everything will be designed with that in mind. REASON: Does the engineer's report you have obtained cover this? OLIVER: Yes, but not to the extent we hoped for. However, we already knew that we might have to build sea wall and pile the dredge material behind them. REASON: How about earthquakes? OLIVER: He know that the terrain around Minerva has not changed much since 1887.9-5

The new country retreaters, though they can exhibit excitement and enthusiasm over their vision, tend to act more than talk, which may explain their attention to necessary, factual detail when they do talk. And, those that are ideologically inspired probably believe that their actions serve as an example as well as providing them increased freedom. Rather than continuing and/or producing 96 newsletters on time they are exploring, building, negotiating.

Nonverbally as well as verbally they seem to be saying, "If you are truly dedicated to freedom, you will take the risk and join us 97 in our quest." 152

The nonverbal rhetorical tactics which the retreatist concerned with geographical freedom utilizes correlate with the nonverbal act of realizing in action what is usually only a verbal quest for a place to find freedom.

Within this act, the nonverbal tactics are basically pictorial.

Drawings and photographs of new country sites have been publicized as well as representations of equipment to reach and develop those 93 sites. Enticing pictures of such sites as the Minerva reefs and 99 the island of Abaco have been distributed. In such new country projects as ocean settlements, elaborate technical and futuristic drawings have been offered.'*'00 Finally, the special ocean vehicle conceived for the Operation Atlantis project was shown in its various stages of development.^'0'*'

In addition to pictures and drawings, such nonverbal symbols as coins and flags have been created. A coin embossed with a

"torch of freedom" has been minted and is being sold for the

10° Minerva project w and a flag composed of a blue background with 103 a gold torch has been designed. With symbolic objects and representations, the retreatist has attempted to gain attention and adherence to his cause.

For obvious reasons, such as tine, money, and absence of guarantees, the new country retreatists are a minority faction in the Movement. Though few libertarians insist that these new country retreatists have a duty to stay at home and wage war with the state, 153 many would agree with Murray N. Rothbard’s question: "Who wants to live on some damn platform? And besides what would happen if 104 everyone decided to emigrate?"

Jerome Tuccille, who, although not active in a new country project, has still enjoyed predicting their future, has disagreed with Rotnbard and has depicted a glorious vision of new countries of the future:

Within the space of thirty-six months, a veritable man-made archipelago had been built, beginning from a point sixty miles off Martha's Vineyard and extending in a wide arc all the way to the Straits of Gibraltar. A similar network running from southern California toward Hawaii was also in the works...

Many attractions on the ocean communities lured the masses away from their landlubberly existence.

Cleanliness, for one thing...

Approximately one-third of the ocean communities had facilities for year-round sports activities...

Residents, of course, were perfectly free to move hack and forth from summer to winter as the mood struck them.

Population was more or less stabilized...

Industry was welcomed with open arms...

Water...was no problem whatsoever...

An other great feature of the island communities was the virtual absence of moving vehicles...

Many sexual hangups were eliminated on the island by the invention of...sex dolls...

By the end of 1995* cryonics, cloning, ,nc. biofeedback, and hibernation were all routine... 154

It would be unfair to say of these libertarian retreatists

that because of their failures, they cannot form a reality from

their rhetoric. They have hardly had a chance; the odds against discovering an accessible, liveable, unclaimed site with which they

can begin to test their vision in peace are enormous. On the other hand, if they crash into existing reality at every turn and still continue their adventures, perhaps their common sense, but not their dedication, may be questioned.

Nathaniel Branden: Psychological Freedom

The final category of retreatists includes a number of disparate elements which can be treated together because of that which they have in common; psychological liberation. Some libertarians are interested in this type of liberation exclusively. Often they

"drop out" to "do their own thing," and so are referred to as leading a Waldenesque type of existence. These type of retreatists go so far as to become nomads, leading a life in camping trailers, houseboats, or even "crashing" in a different parking lot each night.

Libertarians of this genre live by the principle of minimizing

"dependence on the economic system and /maximizing/...self-sufficiency." ‘ '

Viewing the state as oppressive like every other libertarian, the nomad-retreatist goes about transcending the state, usually by 10S withdrawing from society, except for occasional odd jobs. 155

One nomad-retreatist has been reported as describing his free existence in happy terms; he apparently has created his vision of the ideal in reality:

I chose this way to freedom because it offers me the best of two worlds. I can live most of the time away from regimented, congested, indefensible cities, yet still "exporting" my labor into those cities. I have the freedom and security offered by mobility; yet I possess what is in most respects a permanent residence. I can fully enjoy life right now, yet live economically and accumulate capital for further ventures. Finally, I can "opt out" alone; while I look forward to trade with others who may choose similar or complementary ways of , life, my liberty does not depend on their decisions.

Because the nomad-retreatists tend to withdraw from the larger society, they commit few public rhetorical acts and do not see themselves as fulfilling a public rhetorical role. The basic communication they seem to have is internal and occurs through such self-reliance publications as Vonu Life, which is "a forum for libertarian nomads and others seeking invulnerability to coercion...describe/~s_7 methods and equipment for camping, mobile living, foraging, wilderness living, self-liberation, etc."'*''1'^

Seeking to live their own lives rather than influence others to change, they have a great deal in common with retreatist Harry Browne, who devotes a large portion of his book to psychological liberation.

However, Browne, who owns a $120,000 house, a modern tri-level which has a view of Vancouver, and the Pacific,does obviously have intercourse with the "real" world and cannot be considered in this category. 156

The second type of psychological liberation retreatist is one who has not dropped out of society, but has concentrated on personal 112 psychological freedom to the detriment (some libertarians would say) of educational or political liberation. These personal liberation retreatists have suggested that it is more important to know and accept oneself and others, to be personally free and allow others to be the same before (if it is then indeed necessary) taking on 113 the problems of the state.

Seymour Leon, president of Rampart College, has explained the reason that Rampart has turned its attention to psychology:

...we found that people were experiencing a profound emotional reaction to Le Fevre's course. People would burst into tears, become physically ill...It became apparent that people needed a high level of self-awareness and self-esteem before they could really come to accept a voluntary basis for social organization rather than a coercive one.l-^

Some of these libertarians are ego-centrists, believing that self-esteem is the key to a free society:

They argue that any attempt to introduce what might be called a moral law is an attempt to set up an authority over an individual and hence to rob him to some degree of his own self-esteem, and his own ability to make his own decision. They believe that all law, even moral law, creates psychological pressure which erodes freedom.H5

Since these people have not "dropped out" to achieve their psychological liberation, they have tended to remain on the H 6 libertarian scene. A Festival of Liberation has been established, 157

117 psychology books are numerous in libertarian catalogues, Rampart 11.3 College is offering psychology courses, and at least one libertarian psychotherapist, Nathaniel Eranden, has become famous through the 119 sale of books and cassette tapes, and interviews.

For these libertarians, the rhetorical focus has become the psychological oppression of the state. While some libertarian-minded people have been concerned with involuntary institutionalization of 120 mental patients, others have been concerned with the state's attempting to establish moral codes through "victimless" crimes such 121 as prostitution, gambling and drug use. Some have asserted that the present environment

...destroys the ability of people to respond honestly, to be open and warm and feeling, to recognize that each of us is on a higher trip called life and that on that trip we each deserve freedom and understanding and respect in our individual paths.

Branden, at a deeper metaphysical level, has seen the state as inimical to man's basic nature:

Man cannot escape from his nature, and if he established a social system which is inimical to the requirements of his nature— a system which forbids him to function as a rational, independent being— psychological and physical disaster is the result.125

The contrasting vision that these psychological-liberation retreatists have presented is that of the psychologically free individual - one neither externally nor internally oppressed. The psychologically free individual is honest and involved. As one young libertarian has expressed it: 158

There are many external ways to achieve liberation...and I'm into a lot of them, but all of them mean locking very deeply inside yourself...Inside you cannot afford deceit; the only thing you can betray is yourself. Honesty and involvement with yourself and with others is the path I'm trying to follow— and to me that's what libertarianism is, a search for fundamental gcod..,^-2'4'

Nathaniel Branden has described this concept of psychological

liberation and the discovery of self-esteem in his book Breaking Free.

The book was designed to help people attain mental health, "the

unobstructed capacity for reality-bound cognitive functioning - and

the exercise of /that/ capacity,or in layman's terms:

...an unobstructed capacity for "growth, development and self-actualisation" to "know who he is,"...to have insight into his own motivation; to have a high tolerance for stress; to be "self-accepting;" to be unencumbered by paralyzing conflicts; to have an integrated personality; etc.i2°

These libertarians have tended to view their rhetorical role as a limited one, that of concentrating on and encouraging the psychological liberation for themselves and others which they

believe to be requisite to social, economic, and political freedom.

Branden, as a therapist, has viewed his function as showing the person interested in psychological freedom how to achieve his goal. Though the person may not be a libertarian, he has been placed in the hands of a libertarian therapist and therefore has had exposure, on a very personal level, to the psychological aspects 127 of the libertarian philosophy. 159

Branden has used two types of rhetorical tactics. In justifying 128 the basis for his particular psychological approach, he has argued

from his definition of the nature of man:

...a study of the nature of man must begin with a study of the nature of life;...man's psychological nature can only be understood in the context of his nature as a living organism...

Neither the view of man as an instinct-manipulated puppet...nor the view of him as a stimulus-i'esponse machine...bears any resemblance to man the biological entity whom it is the task of psychology to study: the organism uniquely characterized by the power of conceptual thought, propositional speech, explicit reasoning and self-awareness.129

The second type of tactic he has employed have been commonly

called therapeutic techniques. He has not kept them secret for

exclusive use with his clients, but has included examples of them

in his latest books, Breaking Free and The Disowned Self. For example, he has employed the cognitive technique of sentence completion 130 to aid his clients in achieving insight. The client is asked to

complete such statements as "Ever since I was a child " and

1 3 1 "When I look in the mirror " which Branden has designed to promote greater self understanding. He has also used experiential techniques designed to bring the client in touch with his emotions.

For example, he has used the "deathbed exercise" in which he asks a client to speak to a certain person from his deathbed in order to 132 become more aware of his feelings toward that person. In this way he has attempted to achieve "technical eclecticism" or 160

"moving back and forth between the conceptual and the experiential" to achieve the cognitive and emotional integration which leads to psychological liberation and the achievement of self-esteem.

As do the other types of retreatist approaches, this one has also caused Murray N. Rothbard to objects

Libertarianism, the free society, is compatible with any psyche that holds firmly to the rights of person and property, whether for humanistic, traditionalist, or totally non-psycholcgical reasons... I know lots of people with "hangups", "authoritarian personalities," etc. who are excellent libertarians.

Rothbard believes that focus on psychological liberation is not only peripheral but counter-productive, indicating that the type of people who are "into psych lib" may not project the most favorable 135 image of libertarians and Libertarianism to external audiences.

All of the varieties of retreatist strategies that have been identified tend to postpone social change even more than the educational strategies because (l) they usually approach only one person at a time and (2) they depend upon breaking through several layers of the person involved in an attempt to develop the psychological security necessary to take the risks proposed. As helpful as any of these retreatist strategies are to the individual, they do not seem of immediate help to the Movement. As Browne implied, it would probably take as much time as the educational

"spreading the word" for enough people to bankrupt the government by ignoring it. And even if a libertarian nation were established soon (an unlikely possibility), it would have to operate for a length 161 of time before people would believe that severely limited government works,- if, in fact, it does. Finally, it usually takes one person years of therapy to establish a genuine sense of self-esteem, to break free from psychologically damaging thoughts and beliefs. One might tend to agree with Rothbard: "We conclude, then, that if the drive for liberty has to be more or less suspended until everybody's *i psyche is 'liberated', we will have to wait forever."

The search for appropriate strategies for achieving libertarian liberty must continue.

Summary

In this chapter, the rhetorical strategy of retreatism was defined as a design to achieve libertarian goals through rhetoric which promoted self-liberation. Harry Browne, spokesperson for the variant of personal freedom, was found to engage in rhetorical acts directed .toward demonstrating how one could live within the state and yet ignore it. Although Browne was seer, to describe the government as evil, his rhetorical vision of the ideal order was limited to the individual's ability to function freely within the given state of affairs. His role of demonstrating, both verbally and through personal example, that one can achieve personal freedom was effected through the rhetorical tactics of prcblen-solution, prescription, and visualisation. 162

Mike Oliver, spokesperson for the variant of geographical freedom, was identified as intending to reach those who desired to escape physically from the contemporary situation through the primary rhetorical act of conceiving and developing a new country project.

Describing the environment as imminently totalitarian, he offered a vision of a legalized social order in which the government could not gain power and diminish freedom. Oliver's rhetorical function was to define the proper order and then to take steps to create it visibly. His rhetorical tactics were found to include the verbal definitionalization, justification, comparison, and reporting, and the nonverbal pictorial representation of the ideal order.

Nathaniel Branden, spokesperson for the diverse elements concerned with the variant of psychological freedom, was found to stress the concept of self-awareness as a means to freedom in his rhetorical approach. The present environment was described as being psychologically debilitating and the contrasting vision of freedom through self-esteem was presented. Branden's role was identified as that of facilitating self-liberation through such rhetorical tactics as justification and therapeutic techniques.

It was concluded that the effectiveness of this strategy was limited for the present time, that any one of these variants, being long term strategies would be of no immediate aid to the Libertarian

Movement. Notes to Chanter IV

1. David F. Nolan, "The Case for a Libertarian Political Party," Individualist, Vol. 3 j Nos. 7 and 8 (July/August 1971), p. 25, hereafter referred to as Nolan and Dale Haviland, ed., Libertarian Directory 1972 (Brighton, Michigan: Mega, 1972), p. 7, hereafter referred to as Haviland, identify retreatism as a strategy within the Movement. John Hospers, "The New Epicureans," Reason, Vol. 5, No. 11 (March 197^0* PP* 2o-29, hereafter referred to as Hospers; Paul T. Sagal, "Can Harry Browne Be Found in a Libertarian Movement?" Reason, Vol. 6, No. 5 (September 197^)» PP* 20, 21, hereafter referred to as Sagal; Reason, special issue, Vol. 4, No. 8 (December 1972), pp. ^-35; "Break Free! An Interview with Nathaniel Branden," Reason, Vol. 3i No. 7 (October 1971)» PP* 20, hereafter referred to as "Break Free!"; "On Self-Discovery and Self- Responsibilitys An Interview with Nathaniel Branden," Reason, Vol. 5» No. 1 (March 1973)» PP* ^”17, hereafter referred to as "On Self-Discovery" indicate that these people are viewed as spokespersons within the Movement. Book for Libertarians, Vol. Ill, No. 9 (September 197^), PP* 9 ~ H offers publications from each of these spokespersons.

2. Nolan, p. 25*

3* Nolan, p. 25, identifies two of these variants, the geographical and psychological. Nolan has named these "new country" and "Waldonesque" approaches, respectively.

4. Hospers, p. 26.

5. Harry Browne, How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1973)»p. 100,hereafter referred to as Browne, Freedom.

6. Harry Browne, response to questionnaire, July 14, 1974-, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Browne, Questionnaire.

7. Samuel Blumenfeld, "Zero Government: Anarchy on the Right," Penthouse , November 1973» P* 1^2, hereafter referred to as Blumenfeld.

163 164

8. R. A. Childs, Jr., review of How I Found Freedom in Books for Libertarians, May 1973» ?• 3» hereafter referred to as Childs. In all honesty there are other libertarian ■reviews that are mixed (such as Hospers, already noted) or favorable, such as one by Mark Corske in the same issue of Books for Libertarians, p. 1, who believes that one should not focus on the philosophy of Browne's book: "The only agreement necessary is to take seriously the problem of making one's life personally important and satisfying."

9. Sagal, pp. 20, 21.

10. (New Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1970).

11. "Your Money and the Next Devaluation: An Interview with Harry Browne," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 7 (November 1972), p. 4, hereafter referred to as Browne, "Interview."

12. Browne, "Intervievr," p. 4.

13. (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1974).

14. E. Raymond Pastor, review of You Can Profit From the Coning Monetary Crisis, Laissez-Faire Review, January-February 1974, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Pastor.

15* James P. Kennedy, review of "Depression-Inflation Survival Course," Books For Libertarians, Vol. 11, No. 7 (1974), p. 5, hereafter referred to as Kennedy. This area of investment counseling is growing in interest for libertarians. See articles and advertisements, for example, in the special financial issue of Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1974).

16. Kennedy, p. 5*

17. Library Journal, Vol. 9S (April 1, 1973)» P* 1175*

18. Browne, "Interview," p. 4.

19« Author's tour is mentioned in the promotion notes of Publisher's Weekly; interviews were given for Reason and Pentheuse; a questionnaire was answered for the writer.

20. Browne, Freedom, p. 68. Freedom is the only philosophical writing which Browne has published, therefore, it is the only source relevant to this study. Freedom takes a philosophical approach to freedom whereas Yon Can Profit From the Cornin'- Monetary Crisis and How You Can Profit From the Ccmir.-T tevainarion take a singularly economic view. 165

21. Browne, Freedom, P* 86.

22. Browne, Freedom, pp., 30, 81.

23* Browne, Freedom, p. 81.

24. Browne, Freedom, pp., 67, 68.

25* Browne, Freedom, P* 6.

26. Browne, Freedom, p. 105.

27. Browne, Freedom, P* 61

23. Browne, Freedom, pp. 61, 62.

29* Browne, Freedom, P* 347.

30. Browne, Freedom, pp. 8, 9*

31. Browne, Freedom, P* 8.

32. Browne, Freedom, pp. 342-345

35* Harry Browne, "Harry Browne Replies," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 5 i Ho. 6 (June 1973), p« 5■ hereafter referred to as Browne, "Reply."

34. Browne, Freedom, pp. 359~363* Compare Rand's definition of rights, "a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man's freedom of action in a social context," The Virtue of Selfishness (New York: The New American Library, 1961), p. 124, and Ls Fevre's "a right is anything that a person may morally do without asking permission of someone else," Justice (Santa Ana, California: Rampart College, no dace), p. 6 with Browne's.

35* Browne, Freedom, p. 35? •

36. Hospers, p. 27; Childs, p. 1.

37. Browne, Freedom, p. 93*

33. Kennedy, p. 5 * On the other hand, it might be said that he is inventing the concept, "trap."

39* Browne, Questionnaire, p. 3* 166

40. Hospers, p. 29*

41. Browne, Freedon, pp. 13, 26, 55, 83, 110, 132.

42. Browne, Freedom, pp. 153, 159* Browne's problem-solving is different from the same rhetorical tactic when it is employed by the educators. They tend to remain at the theoretical level, while Browne suggests practical, concrete solutions.

43. Browne, Freedom, pp. 3°7» 322.

44. Even Le Fevre is rather vague on this point, saying, as was noted in Chapter III, general things like "Don't support the State," and "Work like hell."

45. Browne, Freedom, ?• 21.

46. Browne, Freedom, P- 22.

47. Browne, Freedom, P* 164.

48. Browne, Freedom, P* 164.

49. Browne, Freedom, p. 166.

50. Browne, Freedom, PP . 32, 33.

51. Browne, Freedom, P* 240.

52. Mark Corske, review of How I Found Book For Libertarianns, May 1973, P

53. Browne, "Reply," P* 5. Hew I Four.f List" in Tine, Fay 23, 1973> P« 87 and on the "Runners Up List" in Publisher1s Weekly, Vol. 203, Nos. 13, 15, 16, 17, and 21 (March 26, April 9, April 16, April 23, and May 21, 1973), pp. 122, 106, 6b, 84, and 84, respectively.

54. Browne, "Interview," p. 4.

55* Pastor, p. 1.

56. Browne, Questionnaire, p. 1.

57* Robert Poole, Jr., "Editorial Introduction: Time to Start Over?" Reason, Vol. 4, No. 8 (December 1972), p. 4. 167

58. "The New Gypsies," Esquire, Vol. ?4, No. 3 (September 1970), p. 110, hereafter referred to as "Gypsies"; for this same reaction, see Philip J. Hilts, "'-/here Is this Place?" •The Plain Dealer, Parch 14, 1973» ?• 10; Peter G. DuBois, "Utopia on the Rocks," Barron*s, March 26, 1973» P* 5*

59* M. Oliver, A New Constitution for a New Country (Reno, Nevada: Fine Arts Press, 1968), forward, hereafter referred to as Oliver, Constitution.

60. John L. Snare, "The Nation - Builders' Struggle," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 8 (December 1972), pp. 29-35, hereafter referred to as Snare. "For a New Country," Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1974), pp. 108, 109, hereafter referred to as "New Country;" Lynn Kinsky and Robert Poole, Jr., "Abaco: Birth of a New Country?" Reason, Vol. 6, No. 6 (October 1974), pp. 14-27, hereafter referred to as Kinsky and Poole.

61. Snare, p. 29*

62. Snare, p. 29*

63. Snare, p. 31*

64. Kinsky and Poole, pp. 19-24.

65. Snare, pp. 30» 31*

66. Kinsky and Poole; Mike Oliver, "Letters," Reason, Vol. 5, No. 12 (April 1974), p. 48, hereafter referred to as Oliver, "Letters."

67. The following account is summarized from "Newsfront: Minerva" in McCaffrey and Frasier, pp. 12-14. See also "The Minerva Ploy," Newsweek, October 23, 1972, p. 52.

68. Oliver, "Letters," p. 48.

69. "Designing A Free Country: An Interview with Mike Oliver," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 8 (December 1972), p. 5* hereafter referred to as Oliver, "Designing."

70. Snare, p. 31*

71. Mike Oliver, "The Case For a New Country," in Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frasier, Libertarian Handbook 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts: Avenue Victor Hugo, 1973)» P* 99, hereafter referred to as Oliver, "Case." 168

72. Oliver, "Case," p. 99* See also the extensive list of grievances in Constitution, pp. 11-15.

73. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6. Probably because of this perception Oliver will not take money from anarchists for new country projects, The New Banner, Vol. 1, No. 1 (June 15t 1974)e P* !•

74. See Ayn Rand, "An Open Letter to Boris Spassky," The Ayn Rand Letter. Vol. 1, No. 25 (September 11, 1972) for an indication of how she, too, may have been affected by her past experiences in Russia.

75. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6 .

76. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6 .

77. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6.

78. Oliver,-"Designing," p. 6 .

79. Oliver, "Designing," p. 7 ,

80. Oliver, "Case," p. 99*

81. Oliver, "Designing," p. 9*

82. Oliver, "Designing," p. 16.

83« Oliver, "Designing," p. 9*

84. Oliver, "Designing," p. 10. See also Spencer Mac Callum, The Art of Community (MenloPark, California: Institute For Humane Studies, 1970); "The ," A is A Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 6 (March 1972), pp. 1, 4.

85. Oliver, "Designing," p. 11.

86. Oliver, "Designing," p. 5*

87. Oliver, "Designing," p. 12.

88. The interview covers all these areas and his answers appear to be well-thought out.

89. Oliver, "Designing," p. 16. He seeks out experts. One of these is Thurlow Weed, a petroleum engineer and native of Columbus, Ohio. For his part in the project, see Betty Garrett "Goodbye Columbus...Hello Minerva," The Plain Dealer. April 7» 19731 p. 8-A, hereafter referred to as Garrett. 169

90. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6.

91. Oliver, "Designing," p.

92. Oliver, "Designing," p. 6.

93* The Atlantis News, edited by barren K. Stevens, also followed this pattern. The H. Oliver Newsletter is issued only "as significant information concerning the project...is ready for release," Kay 1971.

94. Of course, this does not prevent encountering external or internal obstacles as has been shown by their difficulties within the corporation and with foreign countries.

95* Oliver, "Designing," p. 14.

96. Oliver discontinued his newsletter (Mike Oliver Newsletter), and The Atlantis News has been suspended. Even while the latter was being published it was running months behind schedule. For example, The Atlantis News, Vol. V, No. 10 (November 20, 1970) was published March 26, 1971*

97. Tnurlow Need, who has been involved in both Minerva and Atlantis Projects, has said this.

98. Garrett, p. 8-A.

99. "New Country," pp. 108, 109.

100. Will Barkley, "Heme is the Ocean," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 8 (December 1972), pp. 20-23*

101. See The Atlantis News. Vol. 5, No. 4 (August 21, 1970), p. 1; Vol. VI, No. 2 ~(January 21, 1971), p. 2; Vol. VI, No. ? (April 2, 1971), p. 2; Vol. VI, No. 8 (April 16, 1971), p. 1.

102. Advertisement, Reason, Vol. 5, No. 3 (August 1973), p* 43.

103. Lacy McCrary, "A Tiny New Nation," Akron Beacon Journal, Sunday, February 13, 1972, p. E-l.

104. Murray N. Rothbard, "Strategies for Achieving Liberty," cassette tape, March 14, 1971, paraphrase. Rothbard also believes that no one can be truly free until we have liberated our society and sees this as an incredible waste of money. See "Living Free," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. Ill, No. 2 (February 1971), P* H- and personal interview July 8, 1974. 170

105. Jerome Tuccille, Here Gomes Immortality (New York: Stein and Day, Publishers, 1973)* PP* 110, 119— 118.

106. ’"Gypsies," p. 110.

107. "Gypsies," p. 110.

108. "Gypsies," p. 110.

109. "Gypsies," p. 109.

110. Haviland, p. 59; See also "The School of Living" which offers seminars on "living off the land," in Barry J. Serrin's, Vincent McCaffrey, Mark G. Frazier (eds.) 1972 Libertarian Handbook (Panorama City, California: Open Campus Publications, 1972), p. 86; and advertisement for Libertarian Periodicals in The Last Whole Earth Catalog (Portola Institute, 1971)» p. 394.

111. Blumenfeld, p. 142.

112. See, for example, Murray N. Rothbard "From the Old Curmudgeon," The Libertarian Fcrum, Vol. V, No. 11 (November 1973)* P« 3* hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Old Curmudgeon."

113. Lowell Ponte, "Freedom is Her Forte," RAP (Winter 1970)* P* 13* hereafter referred to as Ponte; Sharon Presley, "Psychological 'Laissez-Faire,'" Libertarian Connection, No. 13 (August 26, 1970)* p. 22.

114. Blumenfeld, pp. 145, 146.

115* Robert Le Fevre, The Libertarian (Lansing, Michigan: Bramble Minibooks, no date), p. 35* On the other hand is the "moralist" who sees private property as the key, but the distinction appears to be arbitrary, as Le Fevre suggests: "since moralists tend to agree that self-esteem is important, and since egocentrists apparently agree that people should not impose on others against their wills, there is more sound than fury in deb?.tes between these two positions."

116. Patrick Dowd (ed.), Libertas, Vol. II, No. 4 (November 17, 1970), p. 1.

117. See, for example, listings under psychology in Libertarian Cato. 1cm, Laissez-Faire Books, Hay 19?4, pp. 20-23; Bock for Libertarians, Vol. Ill, No. 6 (1974), p. 11. 171

118. Blumenfeld, p. 14s.

119* See Nathaniel Branden, The Psychology of Self-Esteem (Los Angeles, California: Nash Publishing Corporation, 1969), hereafter referred to as Psychology; Breaking Free (Los Angeles, California: Nash Publishing, 19?0)» hereafter referred to as Breaking Free; The Disowned Self (Los Angeles, California: Nash Publishing, 1971), hereafter referred to as Disowned Self; Cassette Tapes listed in Books for Libertarians, p. 10; "Break Free!" pp. 4-20; "On Self-Discovery," pp. 4-17*

120. See, for example, Thomas S. Szasz, "The ACLU's 'Mental Hines' Cop-Out," Reason, Vol. 5» No. 9 (January 19?4), pp. 4-9.

121. Nathaniel Branden, "Victimless Crimes," cassette tape listed in Books for Libertarians, p. 10.

122. Ponte, p. 11.

123. Nathaniel Branden, "Alienation," in Ayn Rand, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: The New American Library, 196b), p. 264.

124. Ponte, p. 13*

125• Branden, Psychology, p. 9^*

126. Branden, Psychology, p. 90* For a brief and clear explanation of the principles leading to self-esteem, see "On Self- Discovery," pp. 11, 12.

127. While Brar.ien's focus is naturally on psychology, he also speaks to political issues. See, "Break Free!", p. 19; "On Self-Discovery," p. 17* He personally does not argue, however, that self-esteem must precede social freedom.

128. Branden has called his approach "biocentric" psychology (meaning centered in the nature of man), Disowned Self, p. 257*

129. Branden, Psychology, pp. IX, VIII.

130* Branden, Disowned Self, p. 133*

131* Branden, Disowned Self, p. 138.

132. Branden, Disowned Self, p. 156f. 172

133* Branden, "On Self-Discovery," p. 13.

134. Rothbard, "Old Curmudgeon," pp. 3»

135* Murray N. Rothbard, personal interview, July 8, 1974; See also James D. Davidson, "Libertarians and Culture: A Challenge," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 10 (October 1973), PP« 1* 2.

136. Rothbard, "Old Curmudgeon," p. 4. Chapter V - Strategy III: Political Action

Chapter V continues to identify major rhetorical strategies of

the Libertarian Movement as represented by spokespersons within the

Movement. The third rhetorical strategy of political action and

its representative spokespersons - John Hospers, James Davidson, and Steve Symms - will be analyzed. Prom a continued application of the sociodramatistic model to libertarian rhetoric, the strategy of political action and its variants will be examined.

The strategy of political action is the strategy which is designed to achieve libertarian objectives by rhetorically promoting the libertarian cause through political channels. The first variant of political action is the political party strategy, which is characterized by promoting libertarian goals through a specifically libertarian political organisation. John Hospers, the first

Libertarian Party candidate for president, was chosen as representative of this variant because of his involvement and visibility within the

Libertarian Party.^

The second variant of political action is the political pressure strategy, which is characterized by promoting the objectives of

Libertarianism through focusing on specific issues and seeking to

influence those politicians who can affect the outcome of those issues.

173 17^

James Davidson, the executive director of the National Taxpayers

Union, was identified as representative of this variant because of 2 his success in accomplishing libertarian goals by this method.

The third variant of political action is political infiltration,

which is characterized by attempting to further the cause of

Libertarianism through supporting those elected and appointed officials

who are predisposed to hold some libertarian views. Steve Symms,

congressman from Idaho, was chosen as a representative example of

the type of spokesperson this strategy would support, because he is

an elected official who holds and voices a majority of libertarian

3 views within the political system.

After an identification and examination of the rhetorical

strategy of political action, conclusions concerning the effectiveness

of this strategy will be offered.

In Chapter II, it was suggested that a second phase of the

Libertarian Movement was entered ..with the foundation of the Libertarian

Ib.rty and the consequent of political strategy.

Those libertarians who support the use of this strategy have felt compelled to build a defense for it against libertarians who believe as Le Fevre. As has been noted, Le Fevre argued that it the political process is arricri immoral, then it is immoral to participate in that process even when the goal is ultimately to destroy the process. 175

It is interesting, then, to note the justifications offered

for libertarian use of political party strategy. The primary purpose

is "not to have libertarians elected into office.../rather/ the idea

is to focus enough attention on.../libertarian/ philosophy so as to generate popular acceptance and public tolerance, and thereby realizing 4 the merits cf laissez-faire." With this as the essential motivation,

the Libertarian Party might be able to realize the following objectives:

1. to get a great deal more news coverage...than we have ever gotten before...

2. /to/ reach (and hopefully convert) far more people than /usual/...

3. to get some idea of how much support /exists/...

to provide a "focal point" for libertarian activity...

5. to hasten the already emerging coalition between the libertarian "left" and libertarian "right"...

6. to put some pressure on the other parties to take a more libertarian stand...

7* Z?p/ EO!r-e libertarians elected!'^

John Hosrers: Political Party

The Libertarian Party has been more noticeably active in the environment than any other faction in the Movement. It has been noted previously that the Libertarian Party exists in thirty-four states with 3,5^0 dues-paying members. By far the greatest 176 accomplishment of this tiny third party was influencing a elector, Roger Lea MacBride, to vote for John Hospers instead of

Richard Nixon in the 1972 presidential election.^ Although this obviously had no real effect politically, it did seem to accomplish the objective of trying to inform the populace about the existence of a new and different third party. To some, the biggest feather in the libertarian hat was having a woman vice-presidential candidate,

Toni Nathan, received the first electoral vote in history, at a time

7 when Women's Liberation issues were considered politically important.

This showed, it was thought, that the Libertarian forty stood foursquare for liberty for all; libertarian justice was certainly blind to sex. 0 In addition to garnering over 5,000 votes and gaining attention for the Party through the audacious defection of an elector, Hospers and Nathan generated publicity for the forty and, supposedly therefore, its principles. The LP News reports that Hospers and Nathan

...traveled a total of over 10,000 miles, and spoke to over 5»000 people in person, and reached an estimated 25 million via radio and TV. The forty, and its candidates received newspaper and magazine writeups totalling approximately 2,000 column-inches that we know of...9

Supplementing mass media coverage was the of 200,000 pieces of libertarian literature by the national, state, and local chapters.^ The Libertarian Party also ran or endorsed twelve candidates, one of which was elected to Congress.^ The Libertarian Party became, in one year, one of six significant

minority parties offering a choice to the voting public and "in sum...

has done more, in its first year of existence, than any other 12 libertarian organization has ever done in an equivalent time."

It has been noted that effecting symbolic acts in the environment

external to the Movement itself proves a difficult task. It appears

that an organization with this symbolic activity as one of its goals

is therefore necessary and prerequisite to any real effect. The

Libertarian Party may serve this function of organization for the

Movement.

Another libertarian campaign worth noting for its effect on the environment in terms of primary libertarian objectives is the

1973 New York mayoralty campaign of Fran Youngstein. The Free

Libertarian Rtrty of New York is one of the strongest and most n 3 active state parties," and Fran Youngstein aided it in its quest for the public eye and ear.

A leading radio commentator suggested that Youngstein's views

"make a lot more sense...than anything we've heard yet from the II4, Liberal or Conservative spokesmen, or the Democrats or iiepublicans." concluding that "It's always good...to hear someone speak out for a change on behalf of individual freedom instead of proposing new ways by which Liberals or Conservatives may impose their life-styles, standards and hanr-uns unon the rest of us.""^ 178

This is just a sample of the publicity that she received; she was the subject of many special features in the newspaper and on radio and TV. However, as her campaign director expressed it,

"Fran is exciting;"^ and the suggestion should be offered that the fact that Fran is a woman; a tall, dark, willowy, and striking 17 woman at that, may have as much to do with the coverage of her campaign as her libertarian views.

Considering the fact that Youngstein began at zero and wound 18 up fifth in a nine-way race, beating out four minority candidates, indicates that perhaps she may have reached some people with her views as well as her visible good looks. She apparently also managed to raise some issues which the other candidates were then forced to speak to. For example, she was first to speak against a transit bond issue; "the major party candidates did likewise /and/ the Bond IQ was defeated at the polls." '

The party is barely two years old and has, in its short existence, engaged in more diversified rhetorical acts designed to bring attention to libertarian philosophy than any other sector of 20 the Movement.1' The 197^ national convention in Dallas was attended 21 by 170 delegates and 50 observers. Officers for the year were elected, a new process for selecting delegates was approved, and the

Statement of Principles was rewritten to appear more acceptable to 99 both limited government and anarchist Libertarian Party members." 179

The delegates returned home to work on their approximately thirty-five

local.campaigns for such offices as school superintendent, congressman, - 23 and governor, and to wait impatiently for 197°• These libertarian

politicos seem determined to continue their activity in the external

environment, though it may not have immediate effects in achieving

libertarian goals - at least for some time to come.

As do other libertarians, members of the Libertarian Party

"challenge the cult of the omnipotent state" which controls the

present environment and operates on the principle "that the State

has the right to dispose of the lives of individuals and the fruits

of their labor.

John Hospers, currently a libertarian candidate for , has described the environment as paternalistic.

Paternalism consists of "making people do something because the government representative thinks it is better for them, even if the 25 recipients do not think it is better for themselves."

According to Hospers, in a switch that would have "appalled the founding fathers, government has moved from being the "citizen's hired servant" to being "his lord and master.While it could not be said that swipes at individual politicians are completely avoided,' the emphasis of the rhetoric of the Libertarian Party has been more on the government as an institution at local, state, and national levels than individuals in government. The government has been described as the initial or compounding cause of all problems. 180

As Youngstein succintly expressed.: "It's tough living in the city. 28 City Hall sees to that." The national Libertarian Party would undoubtedly echo; "it's tough living in the United States. The

U. S. Government sees to that."

In indignation, Hospers cataloged and summarized the evils of the State as he saw them: it is

...an enormous bureaucracy, whose whim is law, whose ostensible aim is humanitarian but whose real aim is power; and which now holds the productive people of the nation in its control. Though it produces nothing, it holds a dagger at the throats of all those who do produce the goods and service without which the nation cannot survive; it wastes several dollars of the taxpayer's money for every dollar it distributes; and by increasing controls and subsidies and decreasing the incentive for those who do produce, has created millions of the very poor whom it professes to help— by taxing some to pay for the support of others, by increasing the cost of the goods they must buy through tariffs, grants, and subsidies, by hedging them about with endless legal requirements for starting and sustaining any economic enterprise, and finally by going into business itself (always at a loss) and charging the hapless taxpayer in the form of still higher taxation... This interference by government into the economy has multiplied a thousandfold in the first half century, until it has come to affect the life of every American today...it will result in the total control of the state over the lives of all its citizens. 29 Today the American dream has become a nightmare.

David Nolan, editor of the LP News and the primary originator of the idea of a Libertarian Party, has maintained that all politicians and political parties want power because they are a part of a government which desires power. They vary only slightly in how to exercise that power: "neither party is likely to take any stance in opposition to the prevailing somi-slut1st ethic in the foreseeable future; after all, they 181

30 both want to win." Therefore, Lolan saw no choice for voters in

1971. . Currently, the Libertarian Party continues to view itself as

the only alternative to all other political parties which condone 31 the philosophy of the paternalistic state, and ultimately, as the 32 only party which can prevent the facisrc imminent in the environment.

The Libertarian has provided a clear and systematized

picture of an alternative to the statism perceived. Its rhetorical

vision portrays a social order in which "governments...must not

violate the rights of any individuals; namely, (l) the right to

life...(2) the right to liberty of speech and action...and (3) the 33 right to property..." Therefore, the Libertarian Party opposes

"all interference by government in the areas of voluntary and

contractual relations among individuals. People...should be left 34 free by government to deal with one another as free traders."

The Libertarian Party's rhetorical vision has once again emerged as laissez-faire capitalism. This system has been perceived as the 35 only one consistent with the protection of individual rights.

Specifically, the Libertarian Party has advocated the following as necessary to the free society they wish to see established. In

the area of individual rights and civil order, it would abolish the following: all laws creating victimless crimes, any denial of due process for the criminally accused, all forms of government surveillance

of citizens, any kind of censorship, compulsory arms registration, the draft, restrictions on private use of property and compulsory labor. 182

Ridding the environment of these man-legislated ills would restore

the natural harmony that exists between the civil order and individual

rights.37

In the area of trade and the economy, the Libertarian Party has

wanted to abolish government intervention in the economy which occurs

in such measures as deficit spending, inflationary monetary policy,

antitrust laws, controls on wages and prices, subsidies, and tariffs.

Eventually, they hope to repeal all taxation. These measures would

result in the reinstatement of and a voluntary system for OQ financing minimal, legitimate government activity.

In the area of current domestic problems, the Libertarian Party

would repeal all laws which regulate consumer protection, population,

education, and .'' To correct the problem of pollution

they "support the development of an objective system defining

individual property rights to air and water." These measures

would encourage private, voluntary solutions to existing problems Li without government meddling.

In the area of foreign policy they would stop foreign aid and

regulated currency rates, terminate all military alliances except

those necessary to the defense of the U. S., and would reduce the 42 size of our defense establishment. In addition, the Libertarian

Party has held that the United States should withdraw from the

United Nations and establish a system of diplomatic recognition 43 which extends "ae_ facto recognition to any foreign government." 183

All of these positions seek to restore the libertarian image of

the "natural order of things." Hospers has maintained that the

closest the United States ever approached this natural order of

things was at this country's inception with the vision the Founding

Fathers projected. The contrast Hospers has perceived between the

present uncontrolled leviathan and the Constitution, which with care 44 and diligence limited the powers of government, is striking.

It is this regression from the ideal that necessitated the formation of the Libertarian Party to recall to mind "truths which 45 are at once so plain and so profound."

The same general pattern which has been found to emerge in

other libertarian strategies also emerges here. Not only is the perception of the status quo similar, but the vision of the ideal

is also. The libertarian vision of the ideal tends to take the form of an anti-vision more than a coryoetir.fr vision. This characterisation

seems valid because what is stressed is more a removal of what exists than a modification or an addition. Elimination is what is seen as necessary and sufficient to an improved environment. Those in the

Libertarian Party have fccused mainly on opposing, removing, repealing, and abolishing so that the natural order of things can emerge, uninhibited.

The consistent role of the candidates, then, has been to achieve office so as to speak influentially for removing or reducing these perceived obstacles to freedom. Hospers spoke firmly for the Party 184

48 platform as a national candidate. Sandy Cohen, running for

Congressman from New York, entered the political arena "for the

avowed purpose of eliminating the intervention of government in 47 moral, social, and economic affairs." Fran Youngstein favored the

"repeal of all laws that infringe on your right to determine how you 48 will live." William White, candidate for United States Senator

from California, pledged that he would "work to reduce the size and 49 power of the federal government." And Jerome Tuccille, candidate for governor of New York, held that "Bureaucracy is rampant, and it

is time to say ' STOP*

Some of the candidates such as Sandy Cohen have seen their role

in such principled terms that they promised to resign if they broke any campaign pledges.^

The Party members do view their role as more than an educational one; their function is greater than gaining attention for and an understanding of the Movement. If by any slight chance a Libertarian candidate were elected, he would see his role as acting politically, i.e., introducing bills and voting, to meet the ultimate libertarian objective - reduction/elimination of state power.

Within the Party there is another group, the Radical Caucus, which views itself as having the very specialized role of exposing the inadequacies of the Ihrty's bureaucracy, "the Fartyarchy" as the Radical Caucus has derogatcrily labeled it. The duty of the

Radical Caucus has been to 185

...be in the forefront of the battle for Party reforms of the day and for the building of hard-core activists for the long struggle against the State /byj

.../finding/7 irritating rules, unfair procedures, authoritarian officers, kick-cacks and skimming, protected incompetents, national office meddling and/or "minarchist" planks in /the/ candidates' c a m p a i g n . 52

Although members of the Radical Caucus would undoubtedly call

John Hospers an "archist," it seems appropriate to use him as a

spokesperson for the strategy of political party activity. A look

at his verbal symbolic tactics should be instructive and representative

of the political party strategy being discussed.

Hospers has used many of the same rhetorical tactics as the

educational strategists. He has employed definitionalization and

justification, usually for the purpose of setting up opposing images

of a system. For example, in a speech, "The Politics of Liberty," he polarized the opposing principles of socialism ("the government can forcibly dispose of the lives and property of others") and CO Libertarianism ("no one owns anyone's life but his own"). Deriving his libertarian premises from the "facts about man's nature and the world in which he lives,(i.e., natural rights philosophy), he demonstrated how the essential difference between these two definitions revolves around a "cynical view of human nature" on the one hand and an abiding "respect for the individual" on the other.^ Having established these definitions or principles as antithetical premises, he argued that the socialist premise leads to coercive government planning which leads to "legalized plunder" which inexorably and ultimately 186

results in "splendidly equalised destitution.""^ The libertarian

premise leads to economic freedom which causes economic prosperity 57 which results in a "utopia of liberty."

In his bock, Libertarianism, Hospers further contrasted "the

totalitarian ideal of the individual as the pawn of government, and the libertarian ideal of government as the hired servant of 58 the citisen. These ideals, he explained, have been implemented by opposite methods: the autocratic and democratic, respectively.

Hospers has not been content with merely a general contrast. He particularized the socialist premise by pointing to Italy, Germany, and Russia to indicate what he viewed as the logical and inevitable 59 conclusion of socialism, no matter what its variant.

The justification tactic was also employed in demonstrating how flaws in the libertarian premise such as the absence of prohibition against slavery, the absence of reference to economic freedom, and vague references to the "general welfare" have led to a violation of the original ideal of liberty.^

Hospers has approached mythification In his adulation of the

Founding Fathers, a tactic of which the anarchists of the Libertarian

Party (not abiding by the Constitution) heartily disapprove.^ He has suggested that

...the Founding Fathers knew from their own experiences in Europe the meaning of tyranny, oppression, and violation of the rights of man, and this time they were determined to make no mistakes, but to enshrine their conception of human liberty in the document that marked its inception, and ensure the preservation of the rights of individuals in the new republic for all time to come.°~ 187

With this as their well-intentioned motive, the Founding Fathers

would.be shocked and saddened and repelled at the changes that have

, . 63 transpired.

Hospers* villains have been the bureaucrats, those whom power 64 corrupts. Hospers has suggested that if a man is not considered

capable of making his own decisions, then a bureaucrat (also being

a man) should be considered incapable also.^ Nevertheless, Hospers

bemoaned, the bureaucrat is given that power

...of determining the course of their lives from the cradle to the grave, deciding on their work, their amusements, their income, their education, their profession, leaving them with no responsibilities and decisions of their own except those imposed by the state.^6

As have Read and Browne, Hospers has, at times, used a problem-

solution sequence. Naturally, government is the problem, and free

enterprise, the system compatible with individual liberty, is the

solution. Hospers has been adept at attacking numerous current

issues sharply, directly, rapidly. In a period of less than five

minutes, he applied the libertarian solution to the issues of the 67 draft, social security, the space program, and welfare.

In an effort to show specifically that while "government ruins

everything it touches," in a "laisses-faire society, released from

the debilitating effects of government intervention, prosperity would 69 abound and poverty would be virtually non-existent," Hospers devoted a chapter in his book to social functions normally regarded as the

province of government. Hospers showed what problems government

interference causes in the areas of public utilities, roads, 188

licensing and inspection, consumer protection, conservation, coinage 70 education, and taxes. He has indicated that the free enterprise

system would not cause these same problems and, in addition, would

yield benefits. For example, he offered a free market solution to

the current problems of education;

At the beginning, anyone who wanted to set himself up as a teacher could do so, simply by hanging out a shingle, or taking out an ad in the paper. He could teach the subjects he chose, at any level, or at any pace, to whomever he chose, for whatever fees he could get people to pay of their own . If he wishes, he could restrict his clientele to any ethnic, religious, or cultural group he chose— or he could accept all comers, if he preferred. He could vary his fees in accordance with ability to pay...or he could charge all students equally. He could specialize in teaching youngsters, or adults, bright or dull or anyone else. He could set his own hours, and open his classes with prayers, yoga exercises, or whatever he pleased.

Anyone who wished to learn any subject could apply to any teacher of that subject, and contract with him for whatever degree of education...he desired. Contracts could be set up so that pupils... would pay only for the actual amount of education they actually received...Students could select their teachers on any basis they chose, just as teachers could choose their students according to their standards.71

Hospers has contended that this free market approach would eliminate problems as simply and produce benefits as readily in all of the 72 difficult areas in which government has failed.

A final verbal symbolic tactic which Hospers has used is extm-colation, projection into the future. Indicating that the main test of the onslaught of totalitarianism is how much one cannot do 189

73 independently of government,'-^ he listed the warning signs of

totalitarianism, showing specific erosions of individual liberty in

the areas of , education, income, business enterprise, 74 private property, purchasing power, and private ownership of guns.

He would conclude that when the erosion is complete, Americans will 75 have no place to go; "there will be no place left to hide."

Hospers does not hold too strongly with slogans and labels, and

the Farty generally cautions against the use of them. One that

Hospers believes has been particularly effective, however, is

TANSTAAFL: "there ain’t no such thing as a free lunch. He has

considered this a catchy phrase, one that gains attention and allows

explanation of the principle behind the slogan.

The only nonverbal symbolic tactic Hospers would use is the

9 f t libersign This is the symbol of the Libertarian Party and

is used to indicate the direction in which libertarians wish to advance. Created by David Nolan, the libersign’s diagonal upward- pointing arrow stands for the concept of 100$ economic and 100$ social 79 freedom. Some have considered this an overly-complicated symbol.

It is not immediately comprehensible, and therefore requires more

explanation than is normally beneficial, thus minimizing the advantage

of using a nonverbal symbol.^

A conclusion to be reached about the symbolic tactics of the political strategists is that they appear to directly correspond to those of the educational strategists. Hospers discloses quite candidly that he believes the most significant problem facing the 190

Movement to be educational: the existence of an "educational system

which-doesn't even mention free enterprise solutions to our problems."

Perhaps this explains why the similarity exists. It does not explain

how the political strategists hope to affect any more people and

indeed to attain office by using tactics that have been indicated to

be perhaps necessary but not sufficient to the achievement of

libertarian goals. How do they hope to go beyond education?

It is not as if other tactics are not used or advocated. For

one thing, there appears to be much more latitude for differences

internally than exists in some of the educational factions. Hospers

suggests that "cohesiveness among individualists is achievable only at the expense of making many groups within the Party secede (e.g.,

the anarchists).""' And it has been noted that the platform of

the Party has been altered to better accommodate differences.

Also, the national party organisation has allowed for nearly

complete autonomy of local organisations. For example, The Political

Action Manual states that

Each state organisation will—

a.. Be entirely autonomous except for the requirement to support the national platform and candidates.

b. Handle its own finances.

c. Determine its own dues structure.

d. Select its own candidates and conduct its own campaigns. 191

The Manual has provided specific instructions about approaching

people in various audiences and what issues should be stressed.. For

example, in approaching students, issues of the draft, victimless

crimes, and foreign involvement should be emphasized. In recruiting

people from leftist groups, civil , peace and "voluntarism"

should be stressed while taxes, "capitalism," and opposition to

communism should be the emphasis in approaching rightist groups.

In general, the Libertarian Party member has been cautioned that

"before speaking to any group, /he should/ study their material

O r in order to judge which Libertarian Party stands to stress."

The manual has also suggested that each state organization should have a committee devoted to public relations which would distribute Party material selectively, gain access to free publicity 86 and attempt to utilize talk shows and press conferences. The

Manual has further given instructions on how to raise money for the 87 88 Party and how to run candidates. Since this latter problem is most important to the political strategy, it is worthwhile to list the specific instructions given;

1. Do not try to run candidates everywhere.

2. Select "target districts"— about 10?o of the state's congressional or legislative districts only.

3. Run one statewide candidate.

4. In odd-numbered years, concentrate on local, non-partisan elections. 5« Your "target districts" should—

a. 3e "swing" districts.

b. Have a high concentre-tion of young voters.

c. Not have an acceptable candidate of another party already.

6. Be very cautious in supporting candidates of other parties.

7. Carefully investigate all prospective candidates as to philosophy and prior voting record.

8. Utilize the Candidate Selection Committee for screening hopefuls.

9. Every candidate needs a campaign manager— preferably experiencedf and not the state's I

Finally, specific sources such as The Election Game and How to Win It are suggested as helpful aids to those interested in 90 running a successful campaign.

Perhaps the coordination of these specifically political tactics with the educational ones might yield results, by providing an outlet for specific action once the educational base is established.

However, it is difficult to ascertain effects of these suggested Q1 tactics, indeed, even to determine if they are being used.''

The media has been used fcr announcements, demonstrations, press conferences and general coverage of Libertarian Party events. What is more difficult to ascertain is what people and groups are being reached by these tactics, i.e., are Party members seeking out specific 92 audiences as they themselves have suggested that they do. 193

' For example, In an itinerary for Hospers all engagements except 93 one are either to students or other libertarian groups. Although it has been suggested that focus should be directed once again to 94 students from which many of the libertarians sprang, one wonders if established, influential audiences are being reached with the libertarian stand on specific issues. Being elected to office is perhaps the ultimate and most meaningful measure of libertarian effect. However, to demand of such a small, young, and radical movement that their influence be felt and demonstrated immediately is perhaps unrealistic.

James Davidson: Political Pressure

Another type of political action strategy does not necessitate membership in the party, but abides by the advice to be specific and selective. 95^ This type of political strategy can be termed pressure 9 6 group or sniper strategy. Generally, a pressure group focuses on one specific issue, such as the draft, and orients its messages to those concerned about the issue and, at times, to those who can influence the outcome of the issue.

Several organizations have existed to promote the libertarian stand on a specific issue. One such issue has been the legalization of gold. To promote the legalization of gold a National Committee to

Legalize Gold was formed. This was a group "designed to lobby and 97 educate for legal private ownership of gold." One of the symbolic 194 acts of this sniper group was to charter a small plane towing a banner which read "legalize gold" and to fly it during the °8 inauguration of President Nixon.'

Another group concerned with gold sought to re-establish the gold standard, seeing this not as a peripheral issue but one that has been central to many other vital issues such as inflation, budget deficits, and wage and price controls: "To triumph against these evils one must fight against the cause. And the cause is the 99 absence of a gold standard."

A libertarian pressure group recently established is the

Libertarian Task Forces. The plan of this group is to focus on

HEW and HUD, as yet "unscathed targets.This two-pronged attack would first "look for scandal and abuses in social welfare agencies," and secondly, "scrutinize the voting records of individual

Congressmen to estimate the rise in taxes needed to fund the spending measures he supported.

Another type of sniper group has been oriented specifically toward local issues. For example, the three year old Libertarian

Alternative is based in Los Angeles. Aside from proving to be a 102 "gathering place for libertarians cf all persuasions," the

Libertarian Alternative has managed to have some effect on the larger environment. Libertarian Alternative members are convinced, for example, that a Los Angeles fire department bond issue was defeated because the Libertarian Alternative presented the only editorial in 195

103 opposition to the bond. Members of this group believe that

"editorial replies are the cheapest, least time-consuming and most effective means of spreading the libertarian message to the public 104 at large," and thereby the best means of effecting libertarian change.

By far the most important issue on which libertarians have concentrated has been taxation. The Liberty Amendment Committee of the U.S.A. is currently focusing on the repeal of personal by constitutional amendment. Briefly this amendment has called for

1. Federal business activities that are not authorised by the Constitution shall be sold back to the public within a. three-year period; and that

2. At the end of the three-year period, the federal personal income tax...shall be repealed. This includes estate and gift taxes. -^-5

Taxation is an issue which finds Party members joining with

Liberty Amendment Committee members and Society for Individual

Liberty members. These three groups staged a nationwide protest

i a / against taxation on the weekend of April 13, 1974. ° Considered to be the "largest one-day project ever undertaken by the Libertarian 1 07 Movement,"* .National Tax Protest succeeded in giving a press conference in Washington, B.C., distributing 150,000 pieces of anti-taxation libertarian literature and sponsoring anti-tax 108 demonstrations in over fifty cities across the nation. One of the most notorious libertarian groups against taxation

is the Tax Rebels of America, lead by Sam Adams-type rebel, Karl 1QQ Bray. ' In addition to staging mass demonstrations against

taxation, Bray has suggested that the individual citizen bring pressure to bear against the government by open defiance of its tax laws.^^

To expedite this sniping activity, Bray published a pamphlet entitled

Taxation and Tyranny in which he detailed what could be expected from the Internal (i.R.S.) when a citizen places obstacles in their way, such as writing a letter of intent not to pay, keeping the employer from withholding taxes, using an inflated

W-4 form, sending in the tax form signed in protest with no accompanying payment and confronting the I.R.S. with its Code of 111 Ethics. From personal and long experience in ,

Bray has provided specific instructions on ways to deal with the

I.R.S. and has informed the reader what the I.R.S. cannot legally 112 do to coerce tax payment from him. Bray has maintained that when individual citizens are informed of their rights through such literature as he has disseminated and publicity that he has stimulated, that taxation will soon stop: "By refusing to pay...federal and state income taxes, you will be cutting our spendthrift government 113 off at its pocketbook. It cannot spend what it cannot collect."

By far the best organised and most successful anti-tax group 114 is run by libertarians: The National Taxpayers Union. These political pressure libertarians publish a monthly newsletter,

Dollars and Sense, in which they inform subscribers how their tax 197 money is being used, who is controlling that use, and what steps the National Taxpayers Union is taking against the misuse of tax money. A more subtle pressure group than some, National Taxpayers

Union has taken its business straight to the lobbies of Congress.

For example, presently the Union is working on the enactment of the

Patman bill which would force the System to undergo an audit as other federal agencies. Also, James Davidson, National

Taxpayers Union's executive director, recently testified before the

House Subcommittee on Interior and Insular affairs against massive cost overruns on projects run by the Army Corps of Engineers.

The Union is currently working on a constitutional amendment to limit income tax to 25/5 of a person's income.

According to Murray N. Rothbard, the National Taxpayers Union as organised and directed by James Davidson is probably the most 117 successful example of pressure group political strategy. Because of the Union's exemplary effectiveness, Davidson's approach to strategy will be used to demonstrate what the strategy of political pressure can accomplish for the Libertarian Movement.

In addition to publishing Dollars and Sense, and sending letter’s of recruitment for the National Taxpayers Union, Davidson has engaged in direct action witn congressmen "to push a piece of libertarian legislation or to block a particularly egregious bit of statism.

Davidson finds out which interests within the Establishment, not ordinarily libertarian, can be developed as allies on this particular 118 issue.” For example, on the issue of geld legalization, Davidson 198

"realized, that he could forge a 'left-right* alliance on the issue

between conservative gold standard advocates, senators from mining 119 states in the West, and...left-liberal Democrat ideologues."

Partially as a result of Davidson's behind-the-scenes work in representing the Union, the Senate voted to legalize the private ownership of gold.^^

Seemingly his acts have been both rhetorically and functionally effective in other areas also. 3esides the private ownership of gold, two other important libertarian goals have been accomplished with

Davidson's help: prohibition of governmental aid to North Vietnam 121 without Congressional approval, and a budget cut. Because Davidson has worked quietly, many libertarians are not aware of his existence, 122 organization, or accomplishments. However, where influencing congressmen is concerned, perhaps anonymity is beneficial. One must consider whether Congressman would want it known that they are being influenced by a libertarian.

Davidson has described the environment in terms not unlike other libertarians. Circumstances are miserable, specifically in his area of interest, taxation. He has thus portrayed the present situation:

...now only the most clever, resourceful persons can make it and keep it in an environment choked by government. The vast majority has helplessly watched its living standards decline over the past few years... people are deeply troubled. Their hemes...are being taxed away. Their saving and hard work are eroded by inflation. Their small businesses are folding under pressure of taxes and bureaucracy.123 199

Davidson has argued that "through support of agitation, tax 124 resistance, local organizing, and court action," the future can

he changed and that a contrasting environment can emerge. His particular rhetorical vision is that of a "civilized climate in which to live and trade, one where you can prosper without hindrance or favor."125

In pursuing this course of strategic activism, Davidson has held that America can be prevented from sinking "back into the philosophic and moral abyss from which Man has struggled so long to 126 emerge." In addition, Davidson has argued that further rewards can be gained. Not only will more personal material prosperity be gained but working to achieve a free market could yield a sense of 127 fulfillment derived from the quest for a noble objective.

Davidson has obviously viewed his role as that of an activist, albeit a quiet, non-demonstrative one. He was not timid about approaching powerful and well-known U.S. Senators, such as William 123 Broxmire, to garner support for the cause of gold legalization.

Bothbard listed some of his other fearless accomplishments: He managed to

...surprise and perturb the Nixon Administration by single-handedly inducing the Republican platform committee to include a call for gold legalisation in the 1972 platform.

...It was Davidson, who by converting Senator Harry Byrd...to the cause, managed to tip the scales against the SST. It was Davidson who...managed to convince Senator Long...to go all-out to block and thereby defeat the disastrous Family Assistance Flan. ' 200

Davidson has also seen his function as that of recruiting

others to this type of political activism. And he has operated in

-the same soft-sell way in his role of recruiter as he has in his

role of lobbyist. He addressed the readers of Reason in his quietly

persuasive tones

I am not going to tell you it's your duty to take part in this effort. However it is certainly to your benefit. No matter what you have thought or done about political or ideological questions in the past, your own life is a revealed demonstration of your values. If you picked up this magazine to find out how to make money for yourself, whether in bonds, precious metals, or the arbitrage of pork bellies, then you are the sort of person who has a stake in preserving free enterprise.^30

The success with which Davidson has performed his rhetorical

role leads to examination of what seems to be his singular, most

important, and most unusual tactic, which might be called "don't

make waves." While he is capable of speaking about philosophic 131 principles, he often has not, preferring, as has been noted, to

forge alliances by speaking about specific issues. He has followed

the advice of the action manuals: he appears to determine the

specific interest of a specific audience and then focus his attention

only on that interest.

Davidson has considered it useless at least, counter-productive

at worst, to argue deep philosophic questions on the one hand and

irrelevant, peripheral matters of taste on the other when the purpose

Is to gain converts to Libertarianism. In his article "Libertarians

and Culture: A Challenge" he argued specifically for more cultural awareness and common sense among libertarians: 201

It is useless to develop argument in for persons of normal intelligence, regardless of their dedication to freedom. All they will ever understand is the fleeting highlights; the conclusions which are enough. Let those who are not philosophers leave philosophy in peace. Observation of the proven principle of the division of later would suggest that good thinkers do the thinking and those who are not, but interested in promoting freedom, provide whatever their skills and disposition allow. If that means hustling for converts, it could also include casting off cheap, schlock dollar sign jewelry /the Cbjectivist symbol/, buying seme new clothes, burying the plastic slip covers, turning from Kickey Spillane /Kyn Rand's favorite contemporary novelist/ to John Kilton, listening to Bach, and otherwise conducting oneself as fittingly as one can to strike up contacts among persons it would be important to convert.

These verbal and nonverbal changes in tactics he has suggested are quite consistent with the way he has conducted himself: quietly, unobtrusively, so as not to call attention to himself and areas of disagreement, but only to areas of common ground.

Steve Synms: Political Infiltration

There is one other type of political strategy other than party or pressure that should be examined briefly. This strategy, which the Party does advocate in the Political Action Manual, can be called political infiltration, 'ihat it appears to consist of is endorsing or supporting these candidates which have a quasi-libertarian philosophy, i.e., they take libertarian stands on a majority of 13'} issues. The reasoning behind this strategy seems to be that energy and money can be saved in this way: run a libertarian against a blatant statist not against a quasi-libertarian.The party has endorsed other candidates as well as having run its own.^^ In addition 202

to endorsing quasi-libertarians as a matter of efficiency, quasi­

libertarians are also endorsed because a libertarian candidate may

'not have been able to get enough signatures to be placed on the n 6 ballot. At other times, libertarians choosing to run as 137 independents will also be endorsed.

Infiltration can be by a route other than elections, of course.

Appointed offices count, too, although it seems almost necessary to

have some libertarians in office to make the appointments. Some,

however, like Sam Peltzman, a young free market economist who served

as Senior Staff Economist for the Council of Economic Advisors,

manage to slip in undetected, though perhaps not to stay any great

length of time. Currently, libertarians are quite excited at the

appointment of , Objectivist economist, as chairman of 139 the President's Council of Economic Advisors. Perhaps they feel

that the libertarian view that "capitalism /is~f a system /which~J 140 functions best without any Government regulation" will now be

heard.

This type of infiltration strategy has been regarded highly

by the executive editor of Reason, Robert Poole, as a means of acquiring leverage for social change. Poole has suggested that

libertarians should concentrate on infiltrating three groups: 141 advisory commissions, congressional staffs, and think tanks to gain access to influence. Poole has encouraged libertarians to "become experts as permeators, developing their particular professional 142 competence and applying it at points of maximum leverage." 203

However, most emphasis has undoubtedly been placed on candidates for elected office. The most prominent example of the infiltration

strategy was the endorsement of Steve Symms, Republican Congressman from Idaho.

As might be expected with a quasi-libertarian controversy exists over the candidate. Some libertarians have called Symms an "unabashed IT3 ITT libertarian," some have called him a "conservative," and others 1T5 have called him a "pragmatist." The first group would endorse him, the second might, and the third - never. Symms has called 1T6 himself a "student of libertarian philosophy." He has insisted that this is a more precise term than "libertarian," because he is

"not sure that there are many libertarians in the practical world of politics. After all, politics itself is organised force of the majority.

In the practical world of politics, Symms has taken some specifically libertarian actions. Though his position on legalization of drugs and granting amnesty have not pleased libertarians, his position on economic 1TQ issues have been "outspokenly on target." Reason detailed Symms' libertarian acts:

He made an initial splash by introducing bills to end the prohibition on gold ownership and to end the Post Office monopoly on first class mail delivery.

...He has taken a strong, principled stand against wage and price controls, vowing not to rest until the Cost of Living Council is abolished. Despite his Republican affiliation, he has not hesitated to oppose the Administration, on issues ranging from revenue sharing to the energy crisis to Uaterpate. On foreign policy Symms has opposed !J. S. intervention in the middle East, and led the fight against aid to North Viet Nam. He opposes any granting of government credit to the ... 20-4-

Symms has depicted his environment, the institution and machinery of government, as a "horrible bureaucracy.""*'^^ He has suggested that the cause of this state of affairs is collectivist notions springing from "rp.ncid intellectual soil."^-'^

To replace the status quo with a more moral, efficient order,

Symms has envisioned leaving "anything that's creative, non-destructive... up to the free thinking creation and competitive voluntary exchange of 1^2 ." " He appears to be well aware of what has teen discovered of other libertarians - that he is projecting a rhetorical anti-vision. Symms has realized that his world view leads him to vote negatively most of the time:

You establish yourself a negative voting record, of course, if you get in this position because there are very few things that you feel you can vote for but— I always refer to the guy that's living alcng the Mississippi River and the water's running through his living room and somebody comes in and asks him to say something good about water. He just can't. And it's the same story when you're in a flood of big government interventionism."lb3

Symns has seen his role very clearly and described it well:

...my role...would be to throw rocks in the progress of the bureaucracy— slow everything down— fight a boldine action in Washington to hold off the tie to big government while the people like Leonard Read...Bob Lefevre...Murray Rcthbard...and others can fight the battle on an educational level, because we have to win the battle intellectually. 1-53

While the intellectual battle is of ultimate importance, Symms has seen a danger in turning "our backs on politics /which may put us/ in a police state before we have a chance to win the struggle 155 intellectually." Thus, his role of slowing down the governmental machinery has been very important to him. 205

Symms, as so many other libertarians, has relied a great deal

on the basic rhetorical tactics of the educational strategists. By

suggesting that libertarians

...get your own set of principles worked out that you believe in and that you can live with and that you can articulate, and whether it's a bus driver you're talking to or whoever, try not to offend him but keep him in a state of inquiry, arouse his curiosity, hand them Reason or a Leonard Read booklet.. .-^6

he is in effect, telling them to use the educator's tactics of

definition, justification and problem solving.

In addition, Symms has urged the action tactic of political

selectivity. He has maintained that the proper place to "zero in

on" politically is the House of Representatives, because a Congressman

is not pledged to keep the machinery of government running in the

same way that a governor or the president is. 157^ Another reason that the House is a good target is that a number of freedom sympathizers

in the House that are "hiding in the woodwork that think this way, but they're waiting for somebody to come out and say it."^^

This third type of political strategy certainly warrants as much consideration by libertarians as the other two. Symms has seen a modicum of success in promoting libertarian ideas. Perhaps more importantly, on the practical side of the issue, endorsement of quasi-libertarian candidates saves the Libertarian Party time, energy, and money which they can use to concentrate on full-fledged libertarian candidates in other places. Prom the libertarian point of view, things could not be worse, and it would seem as if a quasi- libertarian in office is bettor than no libertarian at all. 206

The 197^ national convention of the Libertarian Party was met

with unusually unanimous enthusiasm, leading one biased observer to

predict that "the general tone seemed to assert that the Libertarian

Party is here to stay...and bound for success." 159 One might, however,

treat this optimistic prophecy with some skepticism in comparing what

political party strategy was supposed to accomplish with what it has accomplished in fact.

The first two objectives were met. The Party did get major news coverage and by the very virtue of being noticed by the media perhaps reached more people than otherwise would have been touched by esoteric books and articles. It might also be said that some people were converted, since the party has 3,500 dues paying members and over

5,000 people voted for Hospers."^0 Thirdly, national and local elections did give indication of the amount of existing support, though it was far from the 100,000 votes sought in the national 161 15^ election. Fourth, the Party did provide a focal point for activity,'*" but did not succeed in bringing hardcore anarchists and autarchists into the fold. Fifth, the coalition that was sought between right and left seems to have failed. If it did occur it would seem to be by chance rather than because left and right realised that they held mutually acceptable principles. Sixth, as has been noted in the Youngstein campaign, pressure could be brought to bear by raising issues that majority party candidates then had to confront. Finally, no party- label libertarians have been elected, though some quasi-libertarians have. 207

Looking back at the number of goals that are instrumental in achieving the ultimate objective of halting state power, one can see that only the latter three have any possible effect in reality. Even the last objective seems questionable because a lone libertarian may not be able to accomplish much without other libertarian support.

The two objectives that remain involve working with other established political parties. James Davidson's rhetorical tactics have been the most successful at this on a national level.

The logical conclusion to be drawn from the foregoing analysis appears to be that time, money, energy, and effort should be thrown to an organization such as the National Taxpayers Union, with perhaps a more long term goal of training people to infiltrate commissions, staffs, and think tanks. The political pressure strategy with its basic rhetorical tactic of speaking to specific interests of specific audiences thus far seem to be most conducive to libertarian goals.

Summary

In this chapter, the rhetorical strategy of political action was defined as a design to accomplish libertarian objectives by rhetorically promoting the libertarian cause through political channels. John

Hospers, spokesperson of the variant of political party, was found to engage in a variety of rhetorical acts, directed toward the voting public, on behaif of the Libertarian Party. Hospers was seen to describe the environment as paternalistic and far removed from the original conception of the founding fathers. His rhetorical vision, 208

consistent with the Libertarian Party platform, projected an order of

absence of government interference in free trade among men. Viewing

his rhetorical function as speaking from the influential position of

an elected official in order to remove obstacles to freedom, he

employed the symbolic tactics of justification, myth.ificat.icn,

problem-scluticn, and extrapolation. In addition to these rhetorical

tactics similar to the educational strategists, other specifically

political tactics, advocated by the Party and directed toward more

limited and specific actions, were identified.

The National Taxpayers Union and its executive director, James

Davidson, were found to speak for the variant of political pressure.

Davidson’s rhetorical acts were identified as being focused on specific

issues and directed toward specific interested audiences, who might,

by gaining something for themselves, further libertarian interests.

Davidson was found to view the present environment as a huge bureaucracy

and to project a contrasting vision of trade free from government

restriction. Through his use of the rhetorical tactic of finding

specific areas of agreement in a manner that does not call attention

to areas of disagreement, he has performed the function of activist

and effected seme change in the direction of libertarian goals.

Steve Symms, an example of a quasi-libertarian spokesperson,

which the variant of political infiltration would support was found

to have engaged in rhetorical acts within the established political

system. Describing his environment also as an uncontrollable bureaucracy, Symms projected a quasi-libertarian vision of a society operating freely in areas that could not be considered destructive to the population. He has seen his role as slowing down the governmental process while paving the way for the educators. Symms has encouraged the use of educational rhetorical tactics while speaking to specific issues in what he believes to be the more congenial atmosphere of the

House of Representatives.

It was concluded that directing libertarian effort tovrard the political pressure and political infiltration strategies which have experienced some success would be most conducive to libertarian goals. Notes to Chanter V

1. See "Frontlines: YAF Ten Years Later," Reason, Vol. 6, No. 6 (October 197^)» P* 33» hereafter referred to as "Frontlines;" "Hospers for Governor!" Reason, Vol. 6, No. 6 (October 1974), p. 43; Karl T. Pflock, "The Politics of Liberty," review, Book for Libertarians, Vol. Ill, No. 5» no date, p. 1; "Frontlines: Lallas '74," Reason, Vol. 6, No. 4 (August 197^)» p. 43.

2. See Murray N. Rothbard, "Jim Davidson and the Week That Was," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 4 (April 1973)t P* 5 f* hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Davidson;" Jeffrey St. John, endorsement, Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 197^)» P« 93*

3. "Frontlines," p. 38; "Libertarian Politics: An Interview with Steve Syrians," Reason, Vol. 5» No. 10 (February 197^)• p. 4, hereafter referred to as Symms.

4. Kicheal Holmes, "The Idea of a Libertarian Party," in Barry J. Serrins, Vincent McCaffrey, and Hark C. Frazier (eds.) 1972 Libertarian Yearbook (Panorama City, California: Cpen Campus Publications, 1972), p. 112.

5. David F. Nolan, "The Case For a Libertaria.n Fhrty," The Individualist, Vol. 3, Nos. 7 and 3 (July/August 197l")," p. 26, hereafter referred to as Nolan, "Case."

6. "One for the Books," LP News, No. 12 (January/February 1973), p. 1, hereafter referred to as "One for the Books."

7. "One for the Books," p. 1.

8. "The Year One," LP News, No. 11 (November/December 1972), p. 1, hereafter referred to as "Year One."

9. "Year One," p. 3*

10. "Year One," p. 3»

11. "Year One," p. 3*

12. "Year One," p. 3.

210 211

13. Randy Cesco, "Convention '74 Irving, Texas," Ohio Libertarian. August 1974, p. 10, hereafter referred to as Gesco.

14. Copy! The Fred Darwin Commentary, "Youngstein on Crime," September 5, 1973 ♦ P* 1* hereafter referred to as Darwin.

15. Darwin, p. 2.

16. Gary Greenberg, "Youngstein for Mayor," promotional letter, no date.

17. See, for example, picture in LF News, No. 15 (July/August 1973)» p. 2 and Thomas Poster, "She Runs for Mayor With Galpower Engine," New York Sunday News, August 26, 1973» P* !•

18. "Youngstein fifth in nine-way N.Y. race," LP News, No. 17 (November/December 1973)» P* 1» hereafter referred to as "Youngstein fifth."

19. "Youngstein fifth," p. 1.

20. In addition to the traditional mass media approach previously mentioned, one of the candidates, Sandy Cohen, poses for posters; another, Jerome Tuccille, has an entertainment act. See "Citizens for Cohen," Flyer, no date; Cesco, p. 10.

21. "Frontlines: Dallas *74," Reason, Vol. 6, No. 4 (August 1974)» p. 43, hereafter referred to as "Dallas."

22. "Dallas," p. 43; 3ulletin from LP News, July 9* 1973t P« 1*

23* Cesco, p. 11. One of the most important objectives is to acquire permanent status for the Free Libertarian Party of New York, by running Jerome Tuccille as a gubernatorial candidate, "Committee for 50,000 Votes," flyer, no date.

24. 1974 Platform of the Libertarian Party (San Francisco: Libertarian Party, 1974), o. i, hereafter refer: ed to as Platform.

25. John Hospers, "Fatornalicm in America," second Annual Fourth of July Address, 1973» transcript, p. 1, hereafter referred, to as Hospers, "Paternalism."

26. Hospers, "Paternalism," p. 3*

27. A 1972 flyer was aimed at McGovern, for example; see also David F. Nolan, "Four More Years," LP News, No. 11 (November/ December 1972), p. 3* 212

28. "Fran Youngstein for Mayor," flyer, no date.

29* John Hospers, "Restcriag Liberty tc America," Fourth of July •Address, July 1972, pp. 1, 2, hereafter referred to as Hospers, "Liberty."

30. Nolan, "Case," p. 26.

31. Platform, p. i.

32. Eavid F. Nolan, "Scenario for a Nightmare," LP News, No. 19 (March/April 1974), P« 5»

33* Platform, p. i.

34. Platform, p. i.

35. Piatform, p. i.

36. Platform, pp. 1-4.

37* Platform, p. 1.

38. Platform, pp. 5”7»

39* Platform, pp. 8, 9*

40. Platform, p. 8.

41. Platform, p. 8.

42. Platform, pp. 10-11,

43. Platform, p. 11.

44. Hospers, "Liberty," p. 2.

45. Hospers, "Liberty," p. 2.

46. Hocpc-rs, "Liberty," p. 2.

4 7. "Citizens for Cohen," flyer, no date.

48. "Fran Youngstein for Mayor," flyer, no date.

49. "V'hite for Senate," flyer, no date.

50. "Meet the Candidates," Free Libertarian, Vol. 3* No. 8 (August 1979), p. 4. 213

51. "Citizens for Cohen," flyer, no date.

52. "Libertarian Party Radical Caucus," handout, no date.

53« John Hospers, "The Politics of Liberty," cassette tape, no date, hereafter referred to as Hospers, "Politics."

54. John Hospers, Libertarianism; A Political Philosonny for Tomorrow (Los Angeles:Nash Publishing, 19?l)» p. 53» hereafter referred to as Hospers, Libertarianism.

55« Hospers, "Politics."

5 6. Hospers, "Politics."

57* Hospers, "Politics." See also, Hospers, Libertarianism, pp. 245-280.

58. Hospers, Libertarianism, pp. 40, 41.

59. Hospers, "Politics."

60. Hospers, "Liberty," p. 1.

61. The founding fathers are mentioned most frequently in two commerative Fourth of July speeches. The occasion may account as much for this as his regard for them

62. Hospers, "Liberty," p. 1 •

63. Hospers, "Faternalism," P* 3*

64. Hospers, "Politics."

65. Hospers, "Politics."

66. Hospers, "Paternalism," p. 4.

67. Hospers, "Politics."

68. Hospers, "Politics."

69. Hospers, !_• i. 10 2? n it i n n 1. *-* m tp. 354.

70. Hospers, Tv5 t a r.i 5T-Pi t pp. 347-391.

71. Hospers, Libertarianism, pp. 381-382.

72. Hospers, Libertarianism, pp. 347-391. 214

73* Hospers, "Politics."

• 74. Hospers, "Politics."

75. Hospers, "Politics."

76. John Hospers, response to questionnaire, July 1974, p. 3* hereafter referred to as Hospers, Questionnaire. See also David F. Nolan, Political Action Manual. 1972, p. 22, hereafter referred to as Nolan, Manual.

77. Hospers, Questionnaire, p. 3»

78. The libersign is used on the LP News and on various flyers advertising the party and candidates.

79• David F. Nolan, "Classifying and Analyzing Politico-Economic Systems," The Individualist, September 1970, pp. 1-?.

80. SIL believes it too complicated and has created one of their own. See "A New Emblem for Libertarianism," Individual Liberty. Vol. 5, No. 8 (August 1974), p. 1.

81. Hospers, Questionnaire, p. 1.

82. Hospers, Questionnaire, p. 2.

83* Nolan, Manual, p. 9» See also David F. Nolan, editorial, LP News, No. 14 (May/June 1973)* P. 3* which specifically dispels rumors that there are groups seeking to impose a Party line.

84. Nolan, Manual, P- 2 2 .

85. Nolan, Manual, P. 2 2 .

00 ON • Nolan, Manual. pp . 23-29

8 7. Nolan, Manual. pp,. 30-34 00 CD . Nolan, Manual, pp,. 39-44

89. Nolan, Manual. P. 44.

90. Nolan, Manual. P* 45.

91. The list of candidates presently running for various offices does suggest that candidates choose to run where no other libertarian or other acceptable candidate is campaigning, Cesco, p. 11. ( 215

92. There is a breakdown of initial membership. See "Platform poll shows most LP members are Objectivists, Isolationist," Newsletter, No. 5 (April 1972), p. 2, and a breakdown of state ‘votes from, the 1972 election. See "Latest Hospers-Nathan vote figures," LP News, No. 12 (January/February 1973)» hereafter referred to as "Latest Figures," and "Youngstein fifth," p. 1, for the only type of analysis that has been conducted.

93* "Hospers, Frenzied Pace," Caliber, Vol. 2, No. 1 (March 197^)» p. 6.

94. "A Tine to Re-emphasize College Libertarianism," Individual Liberty, Vol. 5* No. 7 (July 197^)* P* 1»

95. Nolan, Manual, p. 28.

9o. Nolan, "Case," p. 3, identifies the snipers as those "who have devoted their efforts to sharp-shooting at the more obvious and repugnant examples of statism."

97. Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frazier (eds.), Libertarian Handbook, 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts: Avenue Victor Hugo, 1973), P." 50,'"h ereafter referred to as McCaffrey and Frazier.

98. McCaffrey and Frasier, p. 50.

99. Howard S. Katz, "An Open Letter to Those Who Eelieve in a Gold Standard," no date, p. 1.

100. "Siskind's Raiders," in McCaffrey and Frasier, p. 14-, hereafter referred to as "Siskind's Ra.iders."

101. "Siskind's Raiders," p. 14. Libertarian Task Force has recently issued a 200 page report awarding each Senator a fiscal impact total and ranking. See "Libertarian Sleuths," Reason, Vol. 5* No. 11 (March 1974), p. 46.

102. Charles Barr, "Libertarian Alternative: 3^d Successful Year," CaLibor, Vol. 2, No. 2 (April 1974), p. 2.

103. "Bond Victory," Caliber, Vol. 2, No. 4 (June 1974), p. 3*

104. Charles Barr, "Libertarian Alternative, Part II: History of Organization," CaLiber, Vol. 2, Ko. 3 (May 1974), p. 3*

105. "Your Introduction to the Liberty Amendment," The Liberty Amendment Committee of the U.S.A., pamphlet, no date, p. 1. 216

106. "LP Groups Active in National Tax Protest," LP News. No. 20 ([■'.ay/June 1974), p* 6, hereafter referred, to as "LP Groups." .See also "National Tax Protest Day Review," Individual Liberty, Vol. 5, No. 6 (June 197*0, P* 1 and- insert of collate of media responses, same issue.

107. "LP Groups," p. 6.

108. "LP Groups," p. 6.

109. See Kenneth Vf. Kalcheim, "Feds and Rebs," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 5, No. 6 (June 1973). P* 5-

110. Tax Rebels of America, Taxation and Tyranny, May 1972, p. 9. hereafter referred to as Tax Rebels.

111. Tax Rebels, pp. 14-19.

112. Tax Rebels, p. 7» See also Henry Hohenstein, The IRS Conspiracy, reviewed by E. Raymond Pastor in Laissez-Faire Review, Hay/June 1974, p. 4. Bray and associates hold regular seminars on taxation. See "Dallas ’74!" New Jersey Libertarian Party Newsletter, Vol. 3. No. 1 (July 1974), p. 1.

113. Tax Rebels, p. 9*

114. McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 50*

115* See Dollars and Sense, May 1974, pp. 1-4.

116. Advertisement, Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1974), p. 93*

117. Rothbard, "Davidson," P« 5f

118. Rothbard, "Davidson," p. 5.

119. Rothbard, "Davidson," p. 5.

120. Rothbard, "Davidson," p. 5.

121. Rothbard, "Davidson," P* 3.

122. Rothbard, "Davidson," P» 7. 123. James Dale Davidson, "What to do about Taxes," Reason. Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1974), pp. 68-89, hereafter referred to as Davidson, "Taxes."

124. Davidson, "Taxes," p. 90. 217

125. Davidson, "Taxes," p. 90

126. Davidson, "Taxes," p. 90

127. Davidson, "Taxes," p. 90

128. Rothbard, "Davidson," P*

129. Rothbard, "Davidson," P*

130. Davidson, "Taxes," p. 89

131* Davidson, "Taxes," p. 89

132. James Dale Davidson, "Libertarians and Culture: A Challenge,*' The Libertarian Pcrun, Vol. V, No. 10 (October 1973)* P* 2.

133* Libertarians can determine how libertarian an incumbent is by the Boyce dating. See hurray N. Rothbard, "Congress '73>" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 12 (December 1973)* PP* 1* 2. See also Nolan, Manual. p. 41 for other methods of rating.

134. Nolan, Manual, pp. 42, 43.

135* "LP to Run 6, Back 3*" Newsletter, No. 8 (August 1972), pp. 1, 3*

136. "In Other Races," LP News, No. 11 (November/December 1972), p. 2.

137. Kay Harroff of Ohio has switched from Libertarian Party candidate to independent; the reasons seem to be irritation with the new officials of the Party. See "Karroff for Senate Committee," flyer, no date; Murray N. Rothbard, "Purity and the Libei'tarian Party," The Libertarian forum, Vol. 6, No. 5 (Kay 197*0, pp. 3, 4.

138. "Dorking Within the System; An Interview with Sam Peltsman," Reason, Vol. 4, No. 3 (June/July 1972), p. 4.

139. "Nixon names Objectivist Chairman of Economic Council," Libertarian Party of South Florida Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 3 (July 19?4), p. 5* See also "Supercapitalist at the CSA," Time, August 5* 1974, p. 61.

140. "The Chairman's favorite Author," Time, September 30* 1974, p. 88.

141. Robert Poole, Jr., "Leverage Points for Social Change," Reason, Vol. 3* No* 3 (June 1971), pp. 9~H* hereafter referred to as Poole. 218

142. Poole, pp. 13, 1^«

1^3* . "Symms Wins in Idaho," LP News. No. 11 (November/December 1972), p. 2.

144-. Edv:ard Crane, "Symms a Conservative?" Reason, Vol. 6, No. 1 (May 1 9 7 * 0 . P. 132.

145. Murray N. Rothba Forum, Vol. VI,

146. Symms, p. 5.

147. Symms, P* 6.

148. Symms, P* 4.

149. Symms, P* 4.

150. Symns, P* 10.

151. Symms, P» 141.

152. Symms, P* 5.

153. Symms, p. 5-

154. Symms, ?• 5-

155. Symms, P. 5.

156. Symms, P* 11.

157. Symms, P* 8.

158. Symms, P* 8.

159* "California 'Stars' at National Convention," CaLiber, Vol. 2, No. 4 (June 197“0> P* 6.

160. "Latest Figures," p. 3»

161. Nolan, "Case," p. 26.

162. Rothbard sur'rests that it is "currently the only flourishing vehicle for libertarian organising." "Libertarian Tarty," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 11 (November 1973), p. 3- Chapter VI - Strategy IVs Synergy

The purpose of Chapter VI is to identify the rhetorical strategy of synergy and the major spokesperson who has utilized that strategy -

Murray N. Rothbard, with a view toward providing further answers to the research questions dealing with strategies and spokespersons.

Through an examination of Rothbard's approach to and philosophy of strategy and an analysis of Rothbard's rhetorical acts, description of the environment, vision of the ideal social order, perception of rhetorical role, and rhetorical tactics, the strategy of synergy will be identified, explained, and examined for its possible effectiveness for the Libertarian Movement.

The strategy of synergy is the strategy designed to rhetorically promote libertarian principles by whatever means are available and applicable, providing that there is no deviation from the basic libertarian philosophy, and to encourage other libertarians to do the same. By combining other strategical approaches and transcending disputes over method, the synergistic strategy emerges.

Rothbard has been chosen as representative of this strategy because he is, first of all, one of the most well-known and visible spokespersons of the Movement,^ and secondly, because he appears to o be the only spokesperson utilising this strategy.~

219 220

Rothbard: Approach'to Strategy

Libertarian historian and futurist, Jerome Tuccille, has observed that the Libertarian Movement is just as vulnerable as other movements in its prediliction for splitting into factions.

This occurs because the "simple fact is: it is one thing for everyone to agree on philosophical theory, and quite another to translate the 3 theory into hard political facts."

One libertarian who has attempted more than any other to translate libertarian philosophy into functional reality is Murray N. Rothbard.

When asked in an interview about the communication approaches he advocated utilizing, Rothbard immediately answered: "Oh, you h mean strategy." This response is indicative of his long consideration of the "Strategies for Achieving Liberty."^ Rothbard has devoted a great amount of space to the problem of strategy in his libertarian writing and speaking.

Rothbard has tended to transcend factionalism in his discussion of rhetorical strategy and tactics. Believing that "there is no magic formula for strategy; any strategy for social change, resting as it does on persuasion and conversion, can only be an art rather than a science,"0 he has nevertheless maintained that "we are not bereft of wisdom in the pursuit of our goals. There can be a 7 fruitiul theory...of the proper strategy for change."

Art, in creating from the materials at hand, is flexible. As the following examples from his rhetoric will indicate, Rothbard has, 221

throughout the years of his devotion to the libertarian cause,

remained flexible and open-minded in his approach to strategy.

Working from principle, he has nevertheless used the environmental

materials at hand to create an appropriate, practical, contemporary

strategy for operation in the real world.

Rothbard began The Libertarian Forum in 19^9 by focusing on

internal strategy. He believed that "cohesion and inter-communication" 8 was needed. "In fact," he suggested, "it must become a movement and

cease being merely an inchoate collection of diffuse and haphazard 9 personal contacts."

Rothbard quickly turned his focus to external affairs. His

constant search for events already transpiring in the environment

with which libertarians could link up without sacrificing principle

led to him support as many and diverse movements as his staunch

libertarian philosophy led him to reject. Since 19^9» in what at

times appears to be unprincipled vacillation, he has let his views

be known.

Rothbard initially supported what he termed the "student

revolution" that he saw occurring across the nation. He agreed with the goals of transferring power from the trustees to the faculty and students and severing the campus from "the government-military- 10 industrial complex." Noting that one of the slogans of the student movement was "Death to the State. Power to the People," he asked:

"How can you fault a movement having that as a slogan?"^ 222

On the other hand, he refused to support the Black Panthers because of their increasing tendency to "abandon black almost completely for the virus of black-white Marxist working-class action." and to employ "thuggish and Stalinoid" 12 tactics. He agreed with neither their goals nor tactics.

Rothbard saw the SD3 Movement as being initially attractive to libertarians. As they, too, were seen to shift "Karxward" he narrowed his support to a "third-force caucus" of "anarchists, 13 libertarians, and independent " within the SD3.

He concluded that the ideological crisis in SD3 provided "a striking opportunity for the growing student libertarian movement to organize itself as a radical, militant movement free at last from any 14 , possibility of socialist subjugation." Rothbard s eyes have always been on the goal of achieving a free society, one that cannot be obtained by allowing participation in socialist-based acts.

He criticised the "anarcho-rightists," such as Rand and Read for sitting "on the sidelines, hugging their petty comforts, griping and carping about the revolution while the New Left and other revolutionaries /the third-force caucus/ put their lives on the line in opposition to the very State which they claim to oppose but ac 15 so much to defend."

Rothbard is definitely not a spokesperson who remains with a faction when it has outgrown its ideological or practical use. And so, he denounced the "emergence of ultra-left adventurism as a major threat 223 to the /libertarian/ movement."^ Rothbard found that -

Stalinism had, by this time, definitely infiltrated and conquered 17 the SD5. Believing it fatal "to abandon and lose sight of one's own principles in the quest for allies in specific tactical actions,"^ he finally repudiated SDS because of their hatred of private property, 19 their scorn of reason, and their inability to move their fight against the state into the adult community and influence the "ripe 20 potential in the vast middle class."

At the same time that Rothbard denounced the turn that leftist philosophy and strategy had taken, he praised the "brilliantly 21 successful strategy and tactics of the Vietnam Moratorium." He explained why he regarded the strategy so highly:

Returning to the successful grass-roots tactics of the Vietnam 19o5 teach-ins, the Moratorium of October 15 mobilised literally millions of the "silent majority"...in dramatic opposition to the endless war in Vietnam. While all the factions cf SDS stood aloof, scornful of the insufficient radicalism of the Moratorium... millions of Americans poured out in the largest demonstration in America's history, and in support of a demand that was phenomenally radical for a middle-class movement: immediate and unconditional withdrawal from Vietnam...For the future, the idea of escalating the pressure one d.ay per month of the war, is another superb tactical method for mobilising millions for a continuing increase of pressure on the U. S. government...

The success of the Moratorium stems from its focusing cn ’.-.•inning the support of and radicalizing the middle-class— the great bulk of the American population.22 224

Not only did he regard the one-day-per-month tactic highly,

he agreed with the strategic focus of the Anti-war Movement because

it "is war, losing, perpetual, stalemated war, that will ultimately 23 bring down the American Leviathan." In other words, Rothbard found himself agreeing net only with the tactics, but with the goals of the Moratorium. Because of this agreement, he made a plea to libertarians for support for the Anti-war Movement, cautioning only 24 that it not be kicked "away in futile ultra-left adventures."

About this same time he again turned his focus inward, supporting the idea of developing a libertarian "cadre," and suggesting that

"strategic and tactical alliances with other groups are all very well, but they should flow from our own strength, with the idea always uppermost that we are ’using* our allies as leverage to make our own 2 c ideas more effective." J He believed that in order to develop a permanent movement, the far left and right needed to be moved into the "mainstream" and

...to settle down, calmly and soberly but with cool and passionate dedication, to a thoughtful and protracted lifelong struggle for liberty and against the State./trying/ our best to become..."professional libertarians", that is, people with lifelong careers in of libertarianism.^0

Along with suggestions for improving the internal functioning of the Movement, he also suggested that the Movement pursue a new tactic externally in the environment. This new tactic amounted 225

...to a sobering up, a cool abstinence from provoking State repression, a quiet concentration on patient long-range educational work, on... "base-building"...

Furthermore, there may well be great positive benefits from this coming period of recession... to cleanse the Movement of /New Left~J excrescences, cf this diseased tissue, so that come the opportunity, the Movement will be a sound and healthy organism ready for the next advance

While he had repudiated the New Left because of its change in goals and tactics, he continued to find those groups he had identified as revolutionary third-force elements, worth saving.

One group, in particular, which met with Rothbard's approval was that element dedicated to "peace politics," the

...favoring or punishing of political candidates...on the single crucial political theme of our epoch: war or peace...It means, in short, that if two people are running for office, of whom A favors immediate withdrawal from Southeast Asia, while B is better on lovrer taxes...but fudges on the war, we must choose A, and regardless of his party affiliation.1-0

By devoting energy to this healthy remnant of the New Left,

Rothbard thought a "creative radicalism" could be salvaged and 29 developed as a base for the Libertarian Movement. His continuing theme seems evident: work with those groups whose goals are not in direct conflict with libertarian ones. If any group loses sight of the objective cf eliminating state oppression, or seeks to establish an oppression of its own, sever relations with them.

Even while picking and choosing appropriate alliances, Rothbard continually thought about the character of the Libertarian Movement - what it was, and what it could be. 226

In the fall of 1970, Rothbard could be found saying, "...we are 30 primarily an educational movement or we are nothing." Therefore the Movement should

...concentrate its energies...on the indispensable educational work of expanding its theory and spreading it to as many "converts" as possible. Our major areas on concentration must be the study, the library, the press, the-- livingroom, the seminar, and the lecture-hall.

And in the spring of 1972 when the Libertarian Party was in its embryo stage, he assertedi "It should be clear that, at the very least, any talk of a Libertarian Party is grossly premature, 32 and will be for many years to come." He believed it more sensible to "confine oneself to viable parties, that is to parties whose 33 publicly proclaimed grasp is not absurdly beyond their means."

In the summer of 1972, he had changed his view. He had become economic advisor to John Hospers and had joined the Academic Advisory 31\, Board for the New York Libertarian Earty.

In June 1973» Rothbard was arguing along other lines. He spoke forthrightly for the Party for the following reasons:

1. The American public "only listens to political ideas in the context of an electoral campaign,"

2. the only viable form of organizing adults, certainly adults in the middle-class is the party,

3. the party "provides a marvelous and indispensable way for libertarians...to find each other, to interact and learn from each other," and

4. "It can, eventually, have real political influence, and even elect people to office," providing "a for the repeal of oppressive legislation, the whittling down of crippling taxes, and for the general ; rollback of the State a p p a r a t u s . "35 227

Rothbard no longer considers education enough. As he humorously noted, "VJe cannot place any strategic reliance on our rulers reading our books and pamphlets and then saying: 'By God, they're right, I resign'.

There are reasons for this change. Initially, Rothbard did not believe that the Party could gather any support, and it would therefore be a waste of time and money to indulge in political activity that would have no effect. But the Phrty surprised Rothbard - it did receive libertarian support. Seeing this and being open-minded,

Rothbard came out in support of it. He was never against it on philosophical grounds, only practical ones.

Once Rothbard decided to support the Phrty, he scrutinized

(as he once did the New Left) the philosophical purity of the libertarian candidates: "Any deviations from purity must be a n denounced with the utmcst vigor," because "Libertarianism is a seamless web; and pragmatic voting destroys that web and permanently prevents the voting public from grasping the theory and its ineluctable 38 applications.

Hhile he has been ever watchful for deviations from philosophic purity in libertarian candidates, he has also been insistent about eliminating bickering over organization within the party. Given the nature of political parties, the best that can be done, he has suggested is to "try to inject as much individual responsibility and division of labor, as little participatory , as possible and 3Q as necessary for efficiency.' Again the refrain is sounded: Stick to principle; be flexible in tactics. 228

1974 has found Rothbard in the same place but at another level.

He is again discussing alliances, but different and more libertarian ones. He argues forcefully for forming a "united front"!

We want all libertarian factions— from neo-Randian to Christian to feminist— in the Ibrty, and therefore we must stress what unites us rather than alienate and divide our ranks with sectarian pronunciamentos.40

Even with transitional explanation, this wandering itinerary through what Rothbard has supported and denounced in the past years of the Movement may still make him appear unprincipled and vacillating. 41 Rothbard has been accused of this vacillation but he has defended himself well. Within the Libertarian Party political organization, he has argued that

...how one votes in Congress, or what the content of Party platforms or resolutions may be, is a matter if high principle where no violations may be tolerated. What the form or structure of our organizations may be, however, is purely a matter of tactics, and hence of efficiency and practicality. 2

And, in general, he has maintained:

In contrast to matters of theory and principle, the particular tactics to be used— so long as they are consistent with the ultimate goal of a purely free society— are a matter of pragmatism, judgment, and the inexact "art" of the tactician.43

The alliances that Rothbard suggested forming and the movements he suggested supporting, were those focusing on specific issues such as the war. When a contrasting philosophy began to wield too much influence, the alliance or support was terminated. And always there was the hope of converting these other dissidents to the libertarian 44 cause. 229

It is because of Rothbard's apparent ability to combine

practicality with and yet subjugate it to ideals, that his strategy

could be called "principled pragmatism." By including both theory

and practice, principle and practicality, it seems that he has

transcended the petty factional disputes over method, therefore

creating what has been labelled the "synergistic" strategy.

( Rothbard s theory of strategy is as codified and systematic as is his economic, political and social theory. He believes first of all in education, both to focus attention on the existence of 45 libertarian philosophy and to effect conversion to that philosophy.

He suggests that libertarians first educate themselves both to refine and advance libertarian theory and for purposes of psychological 46 reinforcement, creating a sense of libertarian community.

Secondly, libertarians should build on that educational base with political action. While libertarians should always keep sight of the ultimate ideal of elimination of the state, "this does not mean that they should scorn any and all advances made toward that 47 ideal." For example, the licertarian can hail a two percent tax 48 cut while always keeping in mind the ultimate goal of tax abolition.

Whatever the issue, however, "no short-run strategy must ever, 49 ever contradict the ultimate goal." That includes not only action, such as voting, but also "contradictions in rhetoric. The libertarian should not indulge in any rhetoric, let alone any policy conclusions, 50 which work against the eventual goal." If a libertarian spoke in favor of a without speaking for total elimination of taxes, 230 that would suit Rothbard well. If however, he violated the ultimate goal by perhaps suggesting that some taxation was warranted, he would incur Rothbard’s wrath: "Only harm to the ultimate objective can be achieved by rhetorical flourishes which contradict principle.

Finally, his latest thought on strategy has been focused on the internal organization of the Movement. He is thinking presently that perhaps the Movement could benefit from an organization (not content) similar to the , with local chapters and representatives who are connected to a superstructure. He believes it a better way to acquire money for the cause, i.e., people who have money will be more willing to contribute to an organization rather than a fragmentation. He also believes it might be a better way to delegate money efficiently to libertarian activities. Hhile not certain, he thinks that the Libertarian Party is the best organization to fulfill this function. ^

Rothbard has seen many audiences for Libertarianism, holding that

...the potential apnea.l of libertarianism is a multi-class appeal; it is an appeal that cuts across race, occupation, economic class, and the generations; any and all people not directly in the ruling elite are potentially receptive to cur message. Every person or group /including business men, students, and the middle class/ that values its liberty or prosperity is a potential adherent to the libertarian c r eed.-53

Rothbard has insisted that

He now have that systematic theory /without which/ liberty cannot succeed...we come, fully armed with our knowledge, prepared to bring our message and to capture the imagination of all groups and strands in the population. ^ 231

Rothbard; Rhetorical Acts

Rothbard has engaged in extensive rhetorical acts not only in

the realm of libertarian strategy but in the areas of politics and 55 economics as well. He has written a two volume economic treatise,

Man, Economy, and State, which he later supplemented with Power and 5b Market. His For A New Liberty has teen advertised as the "libertarian 57 manifesto," and he has recently published a book of essays entitled rO Egalitarianism as a Revolt Against Nature.

The articles and reviews he has published are too numerous to detail. He has edited the monthly The Libertarian Forum for five years and has contributed to many other libertarian publications as 59 well as academic journals and popular newspapers and magazines.

His rhetorical acts include speaking as well as writing. Indeed, there are more speeches on cassette tapes available under his name than any other libertarian spokesperson, and they cover a wide variety of issues from the libertarian point of view.^ Rothbard has also been an important guest speaker at libertarian functions where many of these tapes are made.^ As a Professor at Brooklyn's Polytechnic

Institute, Rothbard has consistently exposed his students to the 62 philosophy of the free market and anti-statist polemics.

In the final analysis, Murray N. Rothbard, though perhaps not as well known to the general public as Rand or Hospers, has probably engaged in more rhetorical acts, i.e., he has disseminated more libertarian ideas on more issues, both within and without the

Movement than any other libertarian spokesperson. 232

Rothbard: Description cf Environment

Given his rhetorical productivity and insight on strategy, one might expect Rothbard to have a clear vision of his present environment.

Rothbard has suggested looking at the major problems of society to see if "any red thread that runs through all of them" can be detected. After examining the war in Vietnam, crime in the streets, traffic congestion, the military-industrial complex, transportation, river and air pollution, water and power shortages, telephone and postal service, the welfare system, urban housing, labor unions, education, and high taxes, he finds the red thread for which he is 6b searching: government. In every one of the problem areas, 6^ "government has either totally run or heavily influenced the activity."

To Rothbard, this is an indication that the government is to blame for initiating and/cr contributing to the ills of society.

There is one issue, inflation, which Rothbard has referred to 66 mainly In his more academic economic treatises. This omission of an issue of great present concern to Americans appeal's to be instructive; Rothbard has taken it so much for granted that inflation is a government-instigated problem related to many of the other problems he has discussed (i.e., money has to be created for many federal programs, and price controls divert money, causing some items to rise in price) that he has apparently assumed that knowledge and barely given it passing mention. 233

Rothbard., on the other hand, has contributed his opinion about

another issue of current concern - Watergate. He does not appear .

to assume that Americans are aware that Watergate is caused by what

he considers to be inherent evils in the institution of the state.

Rothbard has held that the Watergate tapes

...the myth cherished by economists and political scientists that, while ordinary citizens are wrapped up in their petty, short-run concerns, our wise, far-seeing government officials, and particularly the President and his aides, are able to take the long, far-sighted, view of events. ?

Armed with this exposure of the criminal corruption of the state,

Rothbard suggested that Americans

...cling to this powerful and illuminating glimpse that we have all had into the nature of the State apparatus and of our leading rulers. For once, we have seen the face of the State plain, stripped of all hogwash, phony rhetoric, and grandiloquent propaganda. We have for once been permitted to view the Emperor without his clothes. Let us ever hold to this knowledge in our hearts.

Rothbard has seen the inherent evils of the state which have 69 caused this plethora of problems in the "Anatomy of the State." 7

He has insisted that the state is definitely not necessary for

achieving the goals of society. To Rothbard, the opposite is true.

Rather than adding to production and increasing the likelihood of 70 achieving mankind's goals, the state subtracts from production.

The state is "parasitic," and employs "coercive, exploitative means

/which are/ contrary to natural law."^ Further the state is 234-

...the systematization of the predatory process over a given territory...it provides a legal, orderly, systematic channel for the predation of private property; it renders certain, secure, and relatively "peaceful" the lifeline of the parasitic casre in society...it has never been created by a ""; it has always been born in conquest and exploitation.?^

Rothbard has described the various ways in which he believes

the state preserves itself: It creates vested economic interests. It

convinces the majority that it is wise and benevolent, or at least

inevitable, instilling fear in alternative systems of government or

nongovernment. It uses the ideological weapons of tradition, derogation of the individual and exaltation of the collective,

collective responsibility for social ills, guilt in achievement and material success, and scientific rationale for the ability of the 73 state to plan accurately the lives of its citizens.

Rothbard has maintained that, in the final analysis, "State power is rower over man," as opposed to social power, which is n b r "power over nature."' In Rothbard*s view of history, it has been through social power that

...man's productive and creative forces have, tine and. again, carved out new ways of transforming nature for nan's benefit...But always after a greater or smaller time lag, the State has moved into these now areas, to cripple and confiscate social power once more... In this century, the human race faces once again the virulent reign of the State— of the State now armed with the fruits of man's creative powers, confiscated and perverted to its own aims...Of all the numerous forms that .governments have taken over the centuries...none has succeeded in keeping the State in check.?k 235

Thus has Rothbard viewed the force for good (social power) and the force.for evil (state povrer) as pitted against each other throughout history.

In Rothbard*s perception of the environment, the villains which seem to emerge are the officials of the state and their "opinion moulders," whose task it has been to promote the concept that the state is necessary, good, wise, and just. The symbiotic relationship of the rulers of state and their intellectuals has led them to form a strong and evil alliance which has been devoted to creating and perpetuating false ideas and ideologies that the masses of people unquestionably accept. These intellectuals "have posed as the scientific cadre of 'experts,' and have been busy informing the hapless public that political affairs, foreign and domestic, are much too complex for the average person to bother his head about."77

The state rulers and intellectuals are Rothbard's villains in the external environment. Internally, in the Movement itself,

Rothbard has unleashed his ire on deviaticnists. He has included both those who stray from the proper principles, such as Hospers, 78 Le Pevre, and Browne; and those who stray from the proper focus of the Movement such as those libertarians interested in the New Left,

Old Right, counter-culture, science fiction, psychological liberation, 79 and health foods. ' Those wielding state power, external to the

Movement, arc considered total villains; these misinformed or misled within the Movement, only partial blackguards. 236

Rothbard; Vision of the Ideal Order

Rothbard*s answer to keeping the state in check permanently has been his competing vision of the appropriate social order. In contrast to state power Rothbard would prefer the operation of social power, i.e., the " transformation of nature's resources 80 and insight into nature's laws," as the means for producing benefits for all participating individuals. According to Rothbard, the employment of economic means rather than political means is the most 81 moral and efficient path to happiness.

This vision translates into one commonly held by libertarians; freedom and the free market. Rothbard has envisioned "the free-market economy, and the specialisation and division of labor it implies as the most productive form of economy known to man, having been responsible for industrialization and for the modern economy on which civilization has been built.

The operation of the free market in economic, political and social spheres has long been the core of Rothbard's libertarian vision. Rothbard has asserted that this vision promises to fulfill

"the best of the American past along with the promise cf a far better future."^

Rothbard has argued that it is only the libertarian vision which breaks

...with all aspects of the liberal State; with its welfare and its warfare, its monopoly privileges and its egalitarianism, its repression of victimless crimes whether personal or economic and -which offers technology without , growth without pollution, liberty without chaos, law without tyranny, the defense of property rights in one's person and in one's material possessions. 23?

If this vision is effected in reality, if freedom and the free market

is ever completely attempted in our contemporary world, then, Rothbard

has promised, the American dream of "liberty and prosperity for all Or mankind" can be accomplished."

Within this vision a complete hero is not to be found. Rothbard

has respected different people for different accomplishments in

different degrees at different times. For example, he respected

the work Leonard Read did in the past, but has recently seen him 86 shifting from libertarian principle. Rothbard has considered

Ludwig Von Kises a giant in the realm of economics, but Von Kises Gty has drawn Rothbard's disagreement in the realm of politics.

Nineteenth century individualistic anarchists have been honored 88 for their anti-statism but criticized for their economic theories.

Marx was considered to have the right idea about the strategy cf social change, but has been thought ignorant of the process of 89 history.

Fran Youngstein is one of the few contemporary libertarians whom Rothbard has praised. He has viewed Youngstein as possessing °0 "charisma,"''^ and as having knowledge of valid principles and grasp 01 of effective tactics.''

Rothbard: Rhetorical Role

Rothbard's tendency to scrutinize, analyze, dissect, and examine issues has been indicated in this selective praise and derogation of nearly every person arid event relevant to Libertarianism (except 233

the state which he has totally rejected). This predilection is

indicative of his self-perceived role.

From the beginning, Rothbard has seen himself as a lone soldier

in the understanding of and fight for liberty. He has reported that

twenty years ago he thought he was "the only libertarian in the

world. /He/ wasn't that far wrong. 3ut the Movement grew and

now, obviously, he considers himself one of the cadre of "professional

libertarians" whose function it is to return "to the old-fashioned

'Protestant ethic' emphasis on building steadily and rationally toward the longer future."93

Within the Movement, one primary aspect of his role in building the libertarian future has been, as has been noted, to be a stickler for purity and adherence to principle. Rothbard has certainly served that function. Another aspect of his role has been to develop coherent and consistent libertarian theory, a rhetorical function which Rothbard clearly has shown that he fulfills.

Finally, these various facets result in bringing people into the "mainstream" of Libertarianism and dealing judiciously with °L divisions within the Movement.' Through providing a forum for libertarian views on current external and internal problems, °5 and by raising the "umbrella" of peace under which various factions of 9 6 the Movement can unite, Rothbard might be said to be performing the twentieth century role of the "Great Facifier" within the

Movement. 239

Outside of the Movement, his rhetorical role has been that of

working actively for the libertarian cause, a function which he

performs daily through teaching, writing, speaking and/or campaigning.

This role has necessitated a

...lifelong dedication to liberty, and can only be grounded on a passion for justice. Here must be the mainspring of our drive, the a,rmor that will sustain us in all the storms ahead, not the search for a quick buck, the playing of intellectual games or the cool calculation of general economic gains. And to have a passion for justice, one must have a theory of what justice and injustice are— in short, a set of ethical principles of justice and injustice which cannot be provided by utilitarian economics. It is because we see the world reeking with injustices piled one on another to the very heavens that we are impelled to do all that we can to seek a world in which these and other injustices will be eradicated.9?

Rothbard seems truly imbued with this sense of urgent passion and

commitment. In quoting 's words, "I have

need to be all on fire, for I have mountains of ice about me to

melt," he might well be speaking of himself and that spirit which 98 marks "the man truly dedicated to the cause of liberty."

Rothbard: Rhetorical Tactics

Rothbard, like so many of his fellow libertarians, has used the

rhetorical tactics of definition and consequent justification.

For example, he has defined freedom as "A condition in which a

person's ownership rights in his own body and his legitimate material oq property are nom invaded, are not aggressed against."'' This definition includes two axioms or premises: (l) the right of 240 self-ownership and (2) the right to "homestead.These two premises

...establish the complete set cf principles of the libertarian system. The entire libertarian doctrine then becomes the spinning out and the application of all the implications of this central doctrine.

The "spinning out" of these premises is, of course, the rhetorical tactic of justification. Rothbard has not left it to the imagination to derive conclusions from these premises, but, by example, has demonstrated exactly how they apply and logically result in free market philosophy:

For example, a man, X, owns his own person and labor, and the farm he clears on which he grows wheat. Another man, Y, owns the fish he catches; a third nan, 2, owns the cabbages he has grown and the land under it. But if a man owns anything, he then has the right to rive away or exchange these property titles to some one else, after which point the other person also has absolute property title. From this corollary right to private property stems the basic justification for free contract and for the free-market economy.

Rothbard, as most libertarians, has derived his premises from natural law, the theory which

...rests on the insight that we live in a vrorld of...a vast number cf entities, and that each, entity has distinct and specific , a distinct "nature," which can be investigated by man's reason^ by his sense perception and mental faculties.

Rothbard ins done more than most libertarians, however, in his rationale for using natural law as a basis for his premises. Ke has taken two other philosophical approaches to ethics, the emotivist and the 241

104 utilitarian, and has demonstrated that the natural law approach is superior, because it is "dedicated to justice and logical consistency.• , ,,105

It has been shown that other libertarian strategies and spokespersons utilise problem-solving and refutation. Rothbard, then, is not unique in this regard. In his book, For a New Liberty, he systematically described problems as he perceived what they were, what caused them, why the statist solution has not and cannot work, and why and how he believed the libertarian solution could. For example, after analyzing the problems existent in public schooling and higher education, he stated:

Get the government out of the educational process. The government has attempted to indoctrinate and mould the nation's youth through the public school system, and to mould the future leaders through state operation and control of higher education. Abolition of compulsory attendance laws would end the schools' role as prison custodians of the nation's youth, and would free all those better off outside the schools for independence and for productive work. The abolition of the public schools would end the crippling burden and provide a vast range of education to'satisfy all the freely exercised needs and demands of our diverse and varied population. The abolition of government schooling would end the unjust coerced subsidy granted to large families, and, often, toward the upper classes and against the peer. The miasma of government, of moulding the youth of America in the direction desired by the State, would be replaced by freely chosen and voluntary action— in short, by a genuine and truly free education, both in and out of formal schools.

Where Rothbard seems unioue is in his ability to lend in-depth 107 analysis to a number of different contemporary problems. He has not isolated himself in the economic sphere where he is an expert, 242 but ha3 provided in-depth analysis in other areas as well. Therefore recent issues of The Libertarian Forum can be found including not only analyses of economic problems, such as the international monetary fund's decision to allow Central Eanks to purchase gold on the free market, ar.d Milton Friedman's plan to inflate the money supply by 1 0 9 a fixed percentage} but also analyses of national affairs such as the energy crisisand Mixon's impeachment }" ^ and international 112 affairs such as the Kiddle East. In addition, he has provided an in-depth analysis of Movement activities on the local and national 1 1 3 levels. One might easily be impressed with his vast knowledge.

Although he has not flaunted it, his display of knowledge in analysis most probably has the rhetorical effect of bolstering and increasing his credibility.

Another rhetorical tactic at which Rothbard has been adept is in his often serendipitous choice of words to convey an idea. He is exacting in description without being overly complicated} he is humorous without being malicious or superfluous. He appearrs to strike a balance between profundity and superficiality, simpllsticnoss and complexity. This ability, difficult as It is to isolate, results in easy, enjoyable reading and listening. He has been at his best in this regard when discussing Movement activities and issues. For example in discussing purity within the Libertarian Tarty, he chided members In specific terms so as to convey the message, and yet humorously so as to yield the message acceptable* 243

The vexed and troubled question of purity has again raised its head in the Libertarian Party... precisely because a Farty has to be something more than simply a philosophy club. If it were only such a club, with a purely educational function for ourselves and for the greater public, then keeping the message pure would be relatively simple. Even then, of course, neo-Randians and anarcho-capitalists, Christians and atheists, natural lawyers and Stirnerites, could well be at each other's throats. Eut then there would always be a simple x’enedy... of.. .having separate organizations for each of the doctrinal factions.

But for the Libertarian Party we want something else...we want to exert influence in the political arena...To do so, we must begin by unity among the various factions...Hence the strategic futility... with the earlier LP tendency (happily, now presumably defunct) of beginning its platforms with every sectarian Objectivist clause frcrr. "A is A" on down... statements of principles, resolutions, and platforms must be unexcepticnably libertarian, and here, in the urgent quest for both purity and commonality, a lot of what outsiders might consider "nit-picking" is fully justified.

And in analyzing the Free Libertarian Party of New York's convention he explained the problems which occurred in terms designed to remind libertarians of the essentials. Again, he did so with his tongue-in-cheek accroachj

The FLP leadership were almost all Real People, i.e., people who work in the world, who have jobs, whose grip on reality is of a high order... Being busy and productive, the leadership had its hands full in running campaigns, and in keeping party affairs going: it did not have the time to engage in inner party squabbles, to hold the hands of these craving for attention, or to answer personal calumny that seemed to be ridiculous on its face...In short, it did not have the time to organize a "power" base or structure within the party. Looked at another way, the leadership put its trust in the innate intelligence and .-oca sense of the FLP rank-and-file. lie There was its fatal error.---7 244

Finally, in cautioning the California Libertarian Alliance about.those with whom it forms coalitions, he again made his point

by specificity and wry humor:

In the I960*s, alliance with the Left on such issues as Vietnam and the draft made a lot of sense; in the 1970’s alliance with conservatives on the crucial free-narket economic issues makes an equal amount of sense. But in neither epoch does an alliance with left-wing anarchists make any sense at all. Left- wing anarchists (a) are befuddled of intellect to the point of mindlessness: (b) are emotionally and ideologically opposed more to private property and the free market than they are to coercion: and (c) their counter-culture lifestyle and emotional hostility to jobs and careers turn off not only the middle class but almost everyone else as well. Hence, the left-wing anarchists have no social leverage whatever; in fact, their social leverage is negative. One left-wing anarchist at libertarian gatherings will alienate two or more regular people from the libertarian ranks.

It would seem that, if members of the Libertarian Kovement have any sense of perspective at all, and the concomitant ability to "get outside of themselves" and see what is transpiring, they would appreciate Rothbard's method, While perhaps disagreeing with some of his content, they might nevertheless find it interesting and instructive to attend to his ideas. This eventually could result in, not total agreement, but enough "peaceful coexistence" to form 117 the united front that Rothbard has so urgently encouraged.

Rothbard has been mere sober in speaking to the general public through his books and articles. It is as if he believes that libertarian philosophy, if not already known and understood, is too important to approach with humor which may tend to cloud the issues. 2-4-5

In speaking to this audience, then, Rothbard appears to adhere to explaining the libertarian position earnestly. Ke keeps his

"inside jokes" inside. When he does use humor, it is against the state rather than the Movement. For example, the libertarian solution to education cited above was suggested in earnest; there was little trace of humor on the libertarian side. However, when Rothbard described the problems in education which the state has created, the satire came through clearly:

Until the last few years there were few institutions in America that were held more sacred... than the public school...The public school was the embodiment of the alleged right of every child to an education, and it was upheld as a crucible of understanding and harmony between men of all occupations and social classes who would rub elbows from an early age with all their neighbors.

Going hand in hand with the spread cf public education have been compulsory attendance laws... /which have coerced/ the entire mass of the population...into spending a large portion of the most impressionable years of their lives in public institutions...a vast prison system for the nation's youth, dragooning countless millions of unwilling and unadaptable children into the schooling structure... if we are to dragoon the entire youth population into vast prisons in the guise of "education," with teachers and administrators serving as surrogate wardens and guards, -why would we not expect vast unhappiness, discontent, alienation, and on the part of the nation's youth?...

Fart of the reason for this tyranny over the nation's youth is misplaced altruism on the part of the educated middle class. The workers...should have the opportunity tc enjoy the schooling the middle classes value so highly. .And if the parents or the children of the masses should ce so benighted as tc balk at this glorious opportunity set before them, well, then, a little coercion must be anrlied— "for their own good," ofx. course.1--'11 o -* 246

Rothbard*a flexibility in speaking to different audiences may be the most essential tactic characteristic of the strategy of synergy. If through the use of a more humorous style the members of the Movement can be united, while with a more sober style the general public can be appealed to, perhaps this tactic aids in transcending division on both fronts.

Rothbard admits to the validity of using the Marxian tactic of starting "with something you agree with" and then "linking it 120 up" with the libertarian philosophy. he has suggested, for example, that liberals be approached on the basis of common agreement on the issue of, say, pornography. Once that basis is established, the libertarian should "link up" with the larger philosophy by saying something like, "Well, you can't have pornography without private 122 printing printing presses." This approach, Rothbard has asserted., would lead the liberal down the path to the free market. Though he dees not use the term, this appears to be the process of identification, 123 which is often suggested as an effective rhetorical tactic.

Rothbard has agreed with Davidson about presenting a good face, suggesting that if "kids" could cut their hair and shave in order to be "Clean for Gene," it is "infinitely more important to go 'Clean l eg for anarchy* a s does Davidson, he believed it very important not to offend with extraneous matters so as to create an accepting atmosphere in which to present the central message.

Rothbard's synergy in strategy and tactics may well be the general rhetorical tactic of identification applied both within and without the

Movement. 247

The esteem with which Rothbard has been held within the Movement seems -to support the conclusion that he has the ability to help draw the various and disparate factions together. Regarded as a "leading 125 libertarian economist and activist," even those with whom he disagrees on ideological fine points have spoken highly of him.

Le Fevre has praised him as an

...impressively nrolific writer on economic and political subjects /who/ has obtained a wide and devoted following...He has written concisely against war as a device for solving difficulties, argues effectively that war is morally wrong, and continues in the face of certain dichotomies to be attractive... His style is easy and persuasive, and within the confines of any subject lie reveals the workings of an original and pioneering mentality. .. He is a force within the Libertarian movement

Considering his views as an economist, and therefore the odds against his external acceptance, Rothbard fares about as well as can be expected in the outer environment. It has been noted that he has published in academic and popular periodicals, and his book, 127 For a New Liberty, was given surprisingly good reviews.

Rothbard himself is presently extremely optimistic about the future of the Libertarian Movement. He bases this optimism on an analysis of existing objective and subjective conditions of the environment. The objective conditions, he has explained, are ripe for adherence to the libertarian cause. Government interference is now having an instant visible effect and people are criticizing and attacking the government in the areas of education, taxes, militarism,

12 ° unions, and executive power. ^ Because crisis situations exist, 248

people's "juices are activated;" they want to know what went wrong

and why. Rothbard has suggested that "we should be there to give 129 them the answer." And it is possible for libertarians to be

there because the subjective conditions for change also obtain.

The Movement has grown sufficiently, and there is a strong cadre of

ideologists to see that the libertarian message is conveyed to the

people.. 130

Summary

In this chapter, it was noted that Rothbard appeared to combine and transcend the strategies thus far examined, producing a unique strategy of his own: synergy. Synergy was identified as being a strategy designed to rhetorically promote the libertarian cause by maintaining adherence to principle while utilizing flexibility in tactics. The synergistic strategy was found to emerge in Rothbard's flexible rhetorical approach to furthering libertarian objectives which has taken place over the years of his involvement in

Libertarianism.

Rothbard*s rhetorical acts were found to be numerous, including both writing and speaking within and without the Movement. These acts have promoted both educational involvement and political activity.

Rothbard has rhetorically described the present environment as being beset by government-caused problems which he has held that his rhetorical vision of the free market could eradicate. He has viewed 249 his rhetorical function as a professional spokesman for and theoretician of Libertarianism and as one who works to transcend divisions within the Movement. His rhetorical tactics include definiticnaiisation, justification and refutation/problem-solving.

He was also found to use the rhetorical tactic of identification through flexibility in style and choice of issues to address.

It was noted that Rothbard has been well-received and respected within the Movement and that he also has addressed audiences in the external environment with, if not great success, not complete rejection. Notes to Chapter VI

1. See Robert Le Fevre, The Libertarian (Lansing, Michigan: Bramble Minibooks, no date), p. 12, hereafter referred to as Le Fevre, Libertarian; "Rothbard Testimonial Dinner," cassette tape, April 28, 1973; "Id1. Hospers Wins Phoenix Award *73," Society for Individual Liberty News, Vol. 4, No. 5 (May 1973), p. 1.

2. The label for and identification of this strategy has emerged in research, but Rothbard has spoken to it in essence in Murray N. Rothbard, "Strategies for Achieving Liberty," • cassette tape, March 14, 1973, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Strategies;" Murray N. Rothbard, "A Strategy for Liberty," For a New Liberty (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1973), PP- 301-318, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, New Liberty.

3. Vincent McCaffrey and Mark Frazier (eds.), Libertarian Handbook, 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts: Avenue Victor Hugo, 1973), P* 35, hereafter referred to as McCaffrey and Frazier.

4. Murray N. Rothbard, personal telephone interview from New York City, July 8, 197^, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, Interview.

5 . A taped speech, available in cassette, is devoted to this subject as is a chapter in his book New Liberty, pp. 301-318*

6. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 301.

7. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 301.

8. Murray N. Rothbard, "Why The Libertarian?" The Libertarian. March 1, 19&9, p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Why?"

9. Rothbard, "Why?" p. 1.

10. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Student Revolution," The Libertarian. Vol. 1, No. 3 (May 1, 1969), p. 3, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Student Revolution."

250 251

11. Rothbard, "Student Revolution," p. 4.

12. -Murray N. Rothbard, "The Panthers andSlack. Liberation," The Libertarian. Vol. 1, No. 4 (Nay 15, 1969), P* 3*

13* Murray N. Rothbard, "Continue the Struggle," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 1, Mo. 8 (July 1 5 , 1969), p. 3* hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Struggle."

14. Rothbard, "Struggle," pp. 3, 4.

15. Murray N. Rothbard, "Anarcho-Rightism," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 1, No. 13 (October 1, 1969), P« 4, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Rightist."

16 . Murray N. Rothbard, "Lessons of the Conference," The Libertarian For mi, Vol. 1, No. 15 (November 1, I969), p. 3*

1?. Murray N. Rothbard, "Anarcho-Communisra," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 2, No. 1 (January 1, 19?0), p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Communism."

18. Rothbard, "Communism," p. 1.

19« Rothbard, "Communism," p. 1.

20. Murray N. Rothbard, "Ultra-Leftism," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. 1, No. 6 (November 15, 1949), P* 2, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Leftism."

21. Rothbard, "Leftism," p. 2.

22. Rothbard, "Leftism," p. 2.

23* Murray N. Rothbard, "The Anti-bar Movement," The Libertarian For-.:":, Vol. 1, No. 17 (December 1, 1969), p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Anti-bar."

24. Rothbard, "Anti-bar," p. 2.

25. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Task Ahead," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 4 (February IS, 1970), p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Task,"

26. Rcthbard, "Task," p. 4.

27* Murray N. Rothbard, "The New Left, RIP," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 6 (March 15, 1970), p. 3* See also Jcrcme iuccille, It Usually Serins with Ayr. Rand (Stein and Day, Publishers, 1971), PP» IJbi 252

23. Murray N. Rothbard, "The New Movement: Peace Politics," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 11 (June 1, 1970)» P* If ■hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Peace Politics."

29. Rothbard, "Peace Politics," p. 2. Also Jerome Tuccille pinpoints this remnant as the "radical left...distinguished from the nihilists on the far Left and the liberals on the center Left," "Bits and Pieces," The Libertarian forurn. Vol. Ill, No. 1 (January 1971), p. 7.

30. Murray M. Rothbard, "When Revolution?" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 19 (October 1, 1970), p. 4, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Revolution."

31. Rothbard, "Revolution," p. 4.

32. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Party," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. IV, No. 3 (March 1972), p. 1.

33* Murray N. Rothbard, "The Party Once More," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. IV, No. 5 (May 1972), p. 3*

34. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Party Emerges," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. IV, Nos. 6 and 7 (June/july 1972), p. 1.

35* Murray N. Rothbard, "The Need Per A Movement and A Party," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 6 (June 1973)* P* 7» hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Need."

36. Rothbard, "Need," p. 7«

37* Murray N. Rothbard, "Congress *73»" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 12 (December 1973)1 P* 2, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Congress."

38. Murray N. Rothbard, "Nhat Kind of 'Purity*?" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 2, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Nhat Purity."

39. Murray N. Rothbard, "FLP Convention: One Step Forward, One Step 3ack," Vol. VI, No. 4 (April 1974), p. 5t hereafter referred tc as Rothbard, "FLP."

40. Murray N. Rothbard, "Purity and the Libertarian Party," The Libertarian Foi’ur., Vol. VI, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 3» hereafter referred mo as Rothbard, "Purity and LP."

41. Murray N. Rothbard, "Revolution," p. 1. See also Murray N. Rothbard, "Confessions of a R: -rht-V.'ing Liberal," Ramparts, Vol. 6 , No. 11 (June 15. 19fo5), p. 43. 253

42. Rothbard, "What Purity," p. 3*

43. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 312.

44. Rothbard, "Communism," p. 1.

45. Rothbard, New Liberty, pp. 3011 302.

46. Rothbard, New Liberty, pp. 302, 303* Rothbard does not believe libertarians to be very well educated in general: "They haven't read much," Rothbard, Interview.

47. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 309*

48. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 310.

49. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 310.

50. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 311*

51. Rothbard, New liberty, p. 311•

52. Rothbard, Interview.

53* Rothbard, New Liberty, p. Jl6,

54. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 317*

55. Robert Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 12.

56. Fan, Economy, and State: A Treatise on 5ccr.or.ic Principles, Vols. 1 and 2 (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Ncsbrand Conmany, Inc., I962); Power and Market: Government and Sconcry (Menlo Park, California: Institute for Humane Studies, Inc., 1970), hereafter referred to as Rothbard, Power and Market.

57* Rothbard, New Liberty, dust jacket.

58• L'malitariar.lr-.r. As a Revolt Amainst Nature and other Fssays (Washington, D.C.: Libertarian neview Press, 1974)> hereafter referred to as Rothbard, Eralitaria ni sn.

59. See Chapter II for a partial listing. He has written a guest column for the New York Tires (McCaffrey and Frazier, p. 46), and is advertised as having an upcoming article in Hamer's (advertised in Harper*s, August 197^» P* 91 )•

60. See, for example, Becks for Libertarlar.s, Vol. Ill, No. 6 (no date), p. 1C, which lists twice as many tapes by Rothbard as any other spokesperson. 254

61. See, for example, "Mac Bride, Nathan and Rothtard scheduled to speak in Cleveland" IPJlcvs, No. 14 (May/June 1973), p. 1; "'73 Convention draws 175/' LP News, No. 15 (July/August 1973). p. 1; "Frontlines," Reason, Vol. 5* No. 10 (February 1974), pp. 33, 39.

62. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Case for Optimism," cassette tape, no date, hereafter referred to as

63. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 81.

64. Rothbard, New Liberty, •d o . 81-85.

65. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 85.

66. Rothbard, Fewer and Market, p. 16 "runaway inflation" can be found in Murray N. Rothbard, "Uncle Miltie Rides Again," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 2 , hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Uncle Miltie;" mention of the "root cause of inflation" can be found in Murray II. Rothbard, "Viewpoint; The Greenspan Nomination," Reason, Vol. 6 , No. 6 (October 1974), p. 39*

67. Murray N. Rothbard, "Imneach the...(Expletive Deleted)," The L*i"be2?"t'I'-rics.n j'otujr., Vol. VI, No. 5 (May 1974), p. 1, hereafter referred p o as Rothtard, "Impeach."

68. Rothbard, "Impeach," p . 1 .

69. Murray N. Rothbard, "The Anatomy of the State," in Tiber R. Machan (ei.), The Libarter] an Alternative (Chicago; Nelson-Hall Company, 1974), pp. 0Q-93, hereafter referred tc as Rothbard, "Anatomy."

70. Rothbard, "Anatomy," p. 71.

71. Rothtard, "Anatomy," p. 71.

72. Rothbard, "Anatomy," p. 71.

73. Rothbard, "Anatomy," pp. 72-76.

79. Rothbard, "Anatomy," p. 86.

75. Rothbard, "Anatomy," P. bo.

76. Rothbard, "Anatomy," P- 73. 255

7?. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 60. Many Congressmen are also villainous on a scale from "bad" to "super bad;" Rothbard, "Congress," pp. 1, 2.

73. See articles criticising Hospers: Murray N. Rothbard, "Hospers on Crime and the FBI," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. IV, No. 10 (December 1972), p. 2; Le Fevres Murray N. Rothbard, "'The Libertarian*: The Gospel According to Le Fevre," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 10 (October 1973)» PP* 3» 4; Browne: Murray N. Rothbard, "The Editor Rebuts," The Libertarian Forun, Vol. V, No. 6 (June 1973)» P» 5*

79. See above for criticisms of those alligning with the Hew Left and Old Right in Rothbard, "Communism;" Rothbard, "Leftism;" Rothbard, "Rightism." See Chapter II for criticisms of those focusing cn peripheral matters in Murray N. Rothtard "Relevance?" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 2 (February 1974), p. 2; Murray N. Rothbard, "Contra Psychological Liberation," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 4 (April 1973)> P* 5*

80. Rothbard, "Anatomy," p. 86.

81. Rothtard, "Anatomy," p. 71.

82. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 41.

83. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. Jib.

84. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 317*

85. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 31?•

86. Murray N. Rothbard, "Retreat from Freedom," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, Nos. 22 and 23 (November 15/December 1, 1970)» P* 1-’; New Liberty, pp. 13» 14.

87. Rothbard, "Purity and LF," p. 3; Murray N. Rothbard, The Essential Vcr. Rises (Lansing, Michigan: Bramble Minibcoks, nc date).

88. Murray N. Rothtard, "The Spconer-Tucker Doctrine: An Economist's View," in Egalitarianism, pp. 125-133*

89. Rothbard, "Optimism."

90. Rothbard, Interview.

91. Murray N. Rothbard, "Libertarian Party," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 11 (November 1973)» PP* 2, 3s Rothbard, "FLP," pp. 3» 256

92. Rothbard, "Optimism."

93. Rothbard, "Task," p. 9.

99. Rothbard, "Task," p. 9.

95. hurray N. Rothbard, "Five Years Old," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 9 (April 197*0. p. 1.

96. Rothbard, "Parity and LP," p. 3*

97. Murray N. Rothbard, "Why Be Libertarian?" in Egalitarianism. p. 198, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "Why Be Libertarian?"

98. Rothbard, "Why Be Libertarian?” p. 151.

99. Rothbard, New Liberty, p. 93.

100. Rothbard, New Liberty, P. 90.

101. Rothbard, New Liberty, P* 90.

102. Rothbard,New Liberty, p. 90. 0 1 — • 1 Rothbard, Libertv, P* 25. T 1 109. Rothbard, M 0Tri —1 fpp . 23-25.

105. Rothbard, Nev Liberty, P. 25.

106. Rothtard, hOW libertv, P. 159.

107. Reason dees perhaps the best job here, but various authors contribute on various subjects. Feu analyse the number of issues in such a sc.hcia.rly way as Rothbard.

105. Murray N. Rothbard, "Two Tiers Crumble," The Libertarian rerun, Vol. VI, No. 2 (February 197'+). p. 1.

109. Rothbard, "Uncle Miltie," pp. 2, 3.

110. Murrey M. Rothbard, "Mnergy Fascism," The Libertarian r'~rir., Vol. VI, No. 1 (January 1979), pp. 1, 2 f.

111. Murray K. Rothbard, "Seven Days in May??" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 3 (March 1979), p. If; Rothbard, "Inpeach," p. 1.

112. Murray N. Rothbard, "Reflections on the Middle Fast," The Libertarian F-rua, Vol. VI, No. c (June 1°7*0, PP* 1. 2. 257

113. Murray N. .Rothbard, "The Mysterious World of the CLA," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 4 (April 1074), PP» 5» 6, •hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "CLA;" Rothbard, "FLP," p. 5; Rothtard, "Purity and LP," p. 3*

114-. Rothbard, "Purity and LP," p. 3.

115. Rothbard, "FLP," p. 3-

116. Rothbard, "CM," pp. 5» 6*

117. Rothbard has even suggested the use of songs to unite the Movement and express its ideology; "Libertarian Songs - I," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. VI, No. 3 (larch 1974), p. 7*

118. Ke advocates presenting ideas in a strongly education vein to clearly explain the libertarian position; "101 Ways to Promote Libertarian Ideas," The Libertarian Forum. Vol. V, No. 8 (August 1973)» PP* 6-8.

119* Rothbard, New Liberty, pp. 131, 132.

120. Rothbard, "Optimism."

121. Rothbard, "Optimism."

122. Rothbard, "Optimism."

123* See, for example, Kenneth Burke, "Rhetoric - Old and riew," The Journal of General Education. Vol. V (April 1951)1 PP* 203, 204.

124. Rothbard, "Leftism," p. 2. He is referring here to the Eugene McCarthy campaign for president.

125. McCaffrey and Frasier, p. 46.

126. Le Fevre, Libertarian, p. 12.

127. Choice, 10: 1079 (September 1973); Library Jou r m l . PS: l?o (January 15, 1973).

123. Rothbard, "Optimism."

129* Rothbard, "Optimism."

130. Rothbard, "Optimism." Chapter VII - Strategy V: Revolution

The purpose of Chapter VII is to complete answering the research questions directed toward identifying the rhetorical strategies of the

Libertarian Movement and the representative spokesmen who employ those

strategies.

The final strategy to be identified is the strategy of revolution which is characterized by rhetorically promoting and/or using physical force to destroy existing institutions. After a discussion of the philosophical and practical reservations about the strategy of revolution, this strategy will be explained by examining the rhetorical acts, description of the environment, rhetorical vision of the desired social order, perception of rhetorical role, and rhetorical tactics of the only revolutionary theoreticians of the Movement,^- Robert P.

Baker and Steve Halbrook. Finally, some observations about the possibilities of a libertarian revolution will be considered.

In a recent issue of a small libertarian periodical, The

Southern Libertarian Messenger, the editor, in musing about plans for the Bicentennial celebration, "was struck by the similarity of the

Founding Fathers to the problems of today." Stimulated by this insight, he took the text of the Declaration of Independence and examined it anew from the point of view of current problems. After a line by line analysis, he came to the conclusion "This is where 2 we came in. Now what do we do about it all?"

258 259

To this question, a small number of libertarians would answer, as did their counterparts two hundred year's ago, "Revolt!"

The strategy of revolution creates a rapid and significant change throughout society. One libertarian theoretician, Robert

Baker, has seen this strategy of revolution as having three essential characteristics s

1. Its objective is the destruction of the prevailing social institution(s) whereby political power is exerted;

2. The means for accomplishing this destruction is physical force employed directly or indirectly against those who control such institution(s); and

3« The motivation cf those initiating the change is primarily ideological.3

Libertarian Reservations about Revolution

The majority of libertarians have had serious reservations about using this revolutionary strategy. The first reservation is an ethical-philosophical one: it is not moral. This type of reservation resurrects the age old question of the "end justifying the means," i.e., if violence is immoral, violence as a means to whatever end, even the establishment of a peaceful, voluntaristic society, is immoral. Le Fevre has spoken to this point before. In restatement, he has maintained that:

Force, molestation, property trespass, however rationalised, does not generate justice. Justice will emerge when we content ourselves with minding our own business and protecting our own lives and property; and when we thus abandon the notion that somehow we ^ can rightfully injure others within a moral context. 260

The second type of reservation is a combination of the philosophical and practical. As libertarian authors, Morris and

Linda Tannehill have argued, it is immoral to destroy "private property or the life of an individual who has not aggressed against you. It is also impractical, because it is a "foolish and short-sited" strategy:

1. what is destroyed must eventually be rebuilt "at the cost of much time, money, and intellectual and physical effort;"

2. revolution "actually strengthens the government by giving it a 'common enemy' to unite the people against;"

3. "...if the revolution has succeeded, the /leaders take/ over the new power structure so conveniently built up by the revolution;" and

"Even if a revolution could manage to avoid setting up a new ruler...revolution causes confusion and chaos, and...the first thought of the majority of people is, 'We must have^ a leader to get us out of these troubles'!"

The final type of reservation is entirely practical. Libertarians who hold this reservation have agreed with Rothbard that

...any violence used against the State is moral, for it is the moral equivalent of using violence to protect one's person and property from armed marauders... /Moreover/' any revolutionary act against any State is aesthetically pleasing for at least some State is being weakened, or some State official is getting his deserved comeuppance.?

However, Rothbard cautioned that this moral right and aesthetic must be weighed against the outcome; "what might replace 8 this State" must be considered. His concern appears to be the same as the Tannehillsj a stronger, more evil, more enslaving power structure might arise. In addition, believing that

...while we have the absolute moral right to use force to repe"1 a'rrno'1 ma->-ai^oT'c ^ not have the moral dutv hopelessly outnumbered by the armed burglars... our strategically wise course is to give in. Man has no moral duty to seek m a r t y r d o m . 9

He has concluded that, therefore,

...there is no hope whatever, now or in the foreseeable future, for a successful libertarian revolution in America. Such a revolution must then remain in the realm of moral theory for any foreseeable time to come.-^

Robert Baker, who seems to have more historical and theoretical insight on the revolutionary strategy than most libertarians, has detailed three practical problems which exist for all revolutionaries, but most especially for libertarians. First of all, "a libertarian revolution will face enormous difficulty in recruiting foot soldiers.. depressed people...,/seem to~J have an interest in the continuation of the regime which oppresses them."^ Therefore, the number of libertarian revolutionaries would most certainly be minute and then composed mainly of the intellectually elite, who may not be willing and/or capable of physical violence. Secondly, Baker has suggested that a revolutionary leader is a necessity, but that it is difficult to imagine libertarians "submitting to military authority and discipline...the image of a band of libertarians crying *Oui, mon general!* and then riding out into the night to storm a Federal 12 Reserve Bank is ludicrous." Thirdly, the problem of weaponry exists 262

Strength resides in the State, in both men and material. The State

"possesses napalm and narcoanalytics, tanks and tear gas, and has

little scruple about using them to their utmost should expedience

so dictate.

Thus, the possibility of a libertarian society achieved by the

strategy of revolution seems slight. Nevertheless, some libertarians

have approved of this strategy, and others have even urged libertarians

to "go into the streets" and "show that you are willing to fight and 14 to die for the free society to come." The strategy of revolution,

however few its adherents and scarce its theory, appears to warrant

examination.

Revolutionary Acts

Libertarian revolutionary acts, as defined above, can be dispensed with in short order. There have been none. Any violence that has

transpired as a result of demonstration has been on the part of the

Establishment,^ and no acts have effected "rapid and significant

change" in the environment. Those few revolutionary acts which can

be said to have existed were primarily verbal, i.e., urging libertarians & to engage in revolution, rather than effecting revolution itself.“

Revolutionary Description of Environment

The revolutionary has not viewed his environment much differently from other libertarian strategists. He has described the state as evil and as propped up and perpetuated by villanous bureaucrats and rulers. 263

He has also seen the state as "encroaching tyranny," but Is perhaps more concerned than most libertarians that people "may misunderstand

the nature of the modern State and the danger it poses to everything 10 that makes civilization possible."

In addition, some revolutionaries have possessed a "Third World

Consciousness," i.e., they have supported wars of national self- 19 liberation in underdeveloped countries. These revolutionaries have viewed the state as not only as more imminently threatening than other libertarians might, but as spreading its evil much more indiscriminately and rampantlys

The U.S. government holds millions of people in absolute slavery. Each year it kills, maims, tortures, and imprisons tens of thousands of people...Every week the American Leviathan burns dozens of babies and little children to death everywhere from Vietnam to "Portuguese" Guinea. Every day the Special Forces attempt to gun down freedom fighters in Angola, Guatemala, and Bolivia. U.S. agents torture hundreds of men and women in every Third World capital from Saigon to Buenos Aires. Masses of peasants axe herded into concentration camps in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam while in Brazil and Paraguay Indians are starved or shot...There is no crime to which the U.S. imperialists will not stoop. ^

Therefore, the revolutionary has viewed the environment in similar, but more encompassing and more threatening terms than other libertarians.

Revolutionary Rhetorical Vision

The order that the revolutionary seeks can again be seen as an anti-vision, a negation - "the ultimate dispersal of power and the 21 prevention of its reagglomeration." Baker has observed that 264

"Libertarians seek to preserve that which is now dwindling,, not to

bring.forth something new.../they see k7 to restore a former condition."22

And the former condition is none other than the free, voluntary society

which the first American revolution brought "to the mass of people...

that hope and that promise.,./that/ great process of fulfillment.

All that man has achieved today, in progress, in hope, in living 23 standards, we can attribute to that revolutionary movement." J

The heroes of this vision are revolutionaries such as Ho Chi Minh and , in short, those people who acted. As Professor

Halbrook has expressed it: "This means that libertarians in deed can 24 only move toward direct action."

Revolutionary Role

With an inclination toward heroics, "acting" has been viewed as the proper role of the revolutionary. Revolutionary action consists 25 of "anything from leafleting to urban guerilla warfare," to the

"to the barricades" type of role which Karl Hess was earlier seen to 26 be advocating and playing out.

Halbrook has seen the "third world" revolutionary's function as acting "as a 'fifth column' in support of the Third World."2'7 A fifth column can be created by directing an alliance between students and 28 blacks, thus appealing to those who seem to be most dissatisfied. A successful revolution, Halbrook has argued, can occur only in this way, by inciting the "spontaneous rising of the masses."2^ In addition, 265 the third-world revolutionary must serve the function of creating a

Libertarian Revolutionary Party to "insure that the revolution is not diverted from its path," and he must "deal in depth with revolutionary strategy."^0

Baker, indicating that he is too old to he anything more than a 31 philosophical revolutionary, has viewed his role as speaking the unspeakable* "Someone had to say eventually what I have said...what a thousand men have thought but have been afraid to say. 'When a man 32 attempts to deal with me by force, I answer him— by force'."

Therefore, the two complementary functions which the revolutionaries has been seen as performing are those of inciting to action and taking direct action to free the masses from state oppression. Given the nature of the roles of the revolutionaries, verbal tactics dominate the former and nonverbal the latter.

Revolutionary Rhetorical Tactics

Tuccille has described the verbal tactics used by the Movement's erstwhile revolutionary, Karl Hess. These tactics exhort, incite, and threaten:

The Field Marshal of the Revolution poured forth a message... Strike 1 Assault! Direct action against the State!..."Which side of the barricades will you be on when the chips are down?" Hess asked hard-eyed from the podium, menacing...right-wing libertarians in the audience. He had perfected a way of asking questions so that they sounded like threats. "There is no neutral ground in a revolution," Hess continued in his best cause that will triumph manner. "You're either on one side of the barricade or the other...To the barricades! Shoulder to shoulder with our brothers and sisters of the revolution!"...The revolution was here and now, you could feel it all around you. Tension! Violence! Instant action! With a determination and of purpose such as this, how could anything stop them?33 266

Nonverbal tactics other than those of leafleting and guerilla warfare have been suggested by Baker. These tactics are characterized

by invisibility, rapidity and intelligence as opposed to tactics employed by the state. The state is powerful and skillful, but it

3/4, is also "ponderous and slow," a condition of which revolutionaries can take advantage. Baker has explained that invisibility is attained by "one of the major operating arms of a libertarian revolution... devot^Tng/ all its efforts to the manufacture of exquisitely forged 35 documents of identity and authority."

Intelligence is utilized in tactics which protect the small number of revolutionaries that exist by not endangering their lives in combat. Therefore, "the second operating arm of libertarian revolution will devote itself to manufacturing pathogenic bacterial cultures," which inflict disease, inspiring "more fear than physical woulding and.../scw7 distrust among the enemy."

Rapidity is attained by striking quickly in unexpected places oQ with the purpose of disrupting bureaucratic organization. Literal sniping to wound is a tactic here, and it is successful because "a single injured man will tie up three or four in medical duties, who 39 are then as effectively out of action as if they were dead."

These types of nonverbal action are far from the realm of the purely rhetorical, though rhetoric may indeed stimulate them. The revolutionary believes "that the time for phrase-mongering and endless 40 speculation is over." However, realism impels one to agree with what 267

Rothbard has said previously: talk of revolution must remain in the

realm.of theory, and "surely no sober person, acquainted at all with 41 American reality, can disagree with this judgment."

Even Baker, as much as he has appeared to desire to a libertarian

revolution has concluded resignedly that

A libertarian revolution is unlikely within the foreseeable future because a) libertarians are not in substantial agreement on the wisdom or desirability of it; b) little help can be expected from the mass of the American people; and cj) there is no leadership available for such a revolution.^

Summary

In this chapter, the strategy of revolution was identified as advocating physical force to overthrow existing institutions.

Because this strategy has been viewed with many reservations and promoted by only a minority of libertarians, few libertarian revolutionary acts have been committed. Revolutionaries have described the present environment as evil and oppressive and have offered in contrast a vision of the free society which the original

American revolutionaries sought. Revolutionary roles have been seen as those which incite revolution and are therefore characterized by primarily verbal tactics and those which actually commit revolutionary acts and are therefore characterized by primarily nonverbal tactics.

It has appeared that the strategy of revolution, appealing as it does to only a minority of libertarians, as well as being practically unfeasible, is one strategy tnat can be rejected for consideration In the Libertarian movement. Notes to Chapter VII

1. The only full length articles solely dedicated to advocating revolution have been published by these two men. See Robert P. Baker, "Some Aspects of Libertarian Revolution," in Vincent McCaffrey and Mark C. Frazier (eds.) Libertarian Handbook 1973 (Boston, Massachusetts! Avenue Victor Hugo, 1973)# PP* 71-82, hereafter referred to as Eaker; Steve Halbrook, "Libertarianism and Social Trnasformation," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. V, No. 9 (September 1973)* PP* 5-7» hereafter referred to as Halbrook.

2 . "The Declaration of Independence," The Southern Libertarian Messenger, Vol. Ill, No. 3 (July 197^)* P* 1^*

3. Baker, p. 75*

4. Robert Le F'evre, Justice (Santa Ana, California! Rampart College, no date), p. 22.

5. Morris and Linda Tannehill, (Lansing, Michigan, 1970), p. 160, hereafter referred to as Tannehill.

6. Tannehill, pp. 160, l6l; See also Richard and Ernestine Perkins, Precondition for Peace and Frosrerity; Rational Anarchy (St. Thomas, Ontario: Phibbs Printing World, 1971)* p. 155; Jarrett B. Wollstein, Society Without Coercion (Society for Rational Individualism, 1969), pp. 39* b0.

7 . Murray N. Rothbard, "When Revolution?" The Libertarian Forum, Vol. II, No. 19 (October 1, 1970), p. 1, hereafter referred to as Rothbard, "When Revolution."

8. Rothbard, "When Revolution," p . 1»

9. Rothbard, "When Revolution," p. b.

10. Rothbard, "When Revolution," p. b.

11. Baker, p. 77.

12. Baker, p. 73.

13* Baker, p. 79*

268 269

14. Samuel Edward Konkin III, editor of New Libertarian Notes, quoted in A is A Newsletter, Vol. 2, No. 10 (July 1973)* P* 3*

15. In the fall of 1969* radical libertarians led by Karl Hess, inarched on Ft. Dix. They were gassed. For an accounting see Jerome Tuccille, It Usually Begins with Ayn Rand (Hew York: Stein and Day, Publishers, 1971)* PP* 113-124, hereafter referred to as Tuccille.

16. The above instance is the only recorded example of a purely libertarian revolutionary act, i.e., where libertarians acted alone and expected violence to occur.

17. Baker, p. 73.

18. Baker, p. 80.

19. Halbrook, p. 5*

20. Halbrook, p. 5*

21. Baker, p. 73*

22. Baker, p. 72.

23* Murray N. Rothbard, "The Meaning of Revolution," The Libertarian Forum, Vol. I, No. 7 (July 1, 1969)* P* 1*

24. Halbrook, p. 7*

25. Halbrook, p. 7*

26. Tuccille, pp. 117-121.

27* Halbrook, p. 5*

28. Halbrook, p. 5*

29. Halbrook, p. 5*

30. Halbrook, p. 6.

31. Baker, pp. 82, 90.

32. Baker, p. 80. He is quoting Ayn Rand*s Atlas Shrugged here.

33* Tuccille, pp. 121, 122. 270

34. Baker, p. 79-

33. Baker, p. 79.

36. Baker, p. 79*

37* Baker, p. 79.

38. Baker, p. 79*

39* Baker, p. 79.

40. Harbrook, p. 7.

41. Rothtard., "When Revolution," p. 4.

42. Baker, p. 80. Chapter VIIIs Summary and Conclusions

The purpose of Chapter VIII is to summarize the findings of the preceding chapters and to provide conclusions based on those findings, thereby answering the final research questions "How can libertarian rhetoric generally be characterized?" and "What implications does this have for movement research in rhetoric?" In order to accomplish this, a summary of the answers to the research question will be provided. Secondly, conclusions about the rhetoric of the Libertarian

Movement in general and what these conclusions might mean are offered.

Finally, this chapter will be concluded by suggesting lines for further research.

Summary

Chapter II was devoted to answering the research questions "At what stage of development is the Libertarian Movement?" In answering this question, it was noted that since the inception of the contemporary

Libertarian Movement in 19°9» the Movement has grown internally through the increase in membership, organizations, and publications.

Acknowledgment of and attention to the Movement from the external environment was also noted to have increased. Although entrance into a stage of political action was found, it was nevertheless noted that little progress toward the asserted libertarian goal of eliminating

2?1 272

state aggression could be identified. Perhaps because of the internal

problems involving factionalism and lack of definite focus, the

Libertarian Movement was discovered to have remained in an

internal/verbal stage, having developed little if at all from its stage of inception. The Movement thus has experienced little success

in affecting the external environment in the direction of Movement objectives.

Chapters III through VII were devoted to answering the research questions "What are the major rhetorical strategies employed by spokespersons within the Movement?" and "Who are the major- spokespersons of the Movement?" In answering the first question, the major rhetorical strategies of education, retreatism, political action, synergy, and revolutj.cn wex-e identified, as were the variants of these major strategies.

Education was identified as a strategy employed, to achieve libertarian gcals through rhetorically promoting audience learning.

The variants of this rhetorical strategy were the conservative educational approach, characterized by promoting audience learning- through the process of self-education; the pacifistic educational approach, characterised by promoting audience learning through the process of specifically apolitical and individual education; and the Objectivist educational approach, characterized by promoting audience learning within the framework of a specific and codified philosophy transmitted by the originator of that philosophy. Retreatism was identified as a strategy employed to achieve

libertarian goals through rhetorically promoting self-liberation.j

The variants of this strategy were the personal freedom approach,

characterized by rhetorically demonstrating how one could live within

the state while ignoring it; the geographical freedom approach,

characterized by rhetorically promoting escape from the present

environment; and the psychological freedom approach, characterized

by rhetorically promoting the development of self-awareness.

\ Political action was identified as a strategy employed to achieve libertarian goals through rhetorically promoting the

libertarian cause in the political arena and through rhetorically promoting the use of political channels ._J The varianxs of this rhetorical strategy were the political-party approach, characterized

by rhetorically promoting the Libertarian Party as a vehicle for

charge; the political pressure approach, characterized by rhetoric,ally promoting specific groups focusing on specific interests a.? a vehicle for change; and the political infiltration approach, characterized by rhetorically promoting action within the accepted political system as a vehicle for change.

Synergy was identified as a strategy employed to achieve libertarian goals through rhetorically promoting adherence to libertarian principle while utilizing flexibility in tactics, j

( Revolution was identified as a strategy employed to achieve libertarian goals through rhetorically promoting the use of non-.rhe ter i cai physical force to overthrow the existing establishment .J 274

In answering the second question, the major spokespersons for each variant were identified through a sociodramatistic analysis of their rhetorical acts, their rhetorical description of the environment, their rhetorical vision of the ideal social order, their perception of their rhetorical role and their use of specific rhetorical tactics.

The major spokespersons for the educational strategy were

Leonard E. Read, Robert Le Fevre, and Ayn Rand. Read, spokesperson for the conservative educational strategy, engaged in verbally symbolic acts designed to promote learning about the conservative view of freedom, described his environment as authoritarian, envisioned the ideal social order as that of the free market, perceived his role as encouraging self-education, and used the verbal rhetorical tactics of justification, mythification, refutation, and humblization. Le Fevre, spokesperson for the pacifist educational strategy, engaged in both verbal and nonverbal symbolic acts designed to promote learning about apolitical freedom, described his environment as relying on the unnecessary evil of government, envisioned the ideal social order as that of total individual freedom, perceived his role as encouraging self-education, and used the verbal rhetorical tactics of definitionali- zation and justification, and the nonverbal tactic of demonstration.

Rand, spokesperson for the Objectivist educational strategy, engaged exclusively in verbal symbolic acts designed to promote learning about the Objectivist philosophy, described her environment as a philosophical vacuum, envisioned the ideal social order as that of rational 275

capitalism, perceived her role as establishing philosophy and

educating to that philosophy, and used the verbal rhetorical tactic

of definitionalization, justification, conceptualization, and

quotation.

The major spokespersons for the retreatist strategy were Harry

Browne, Micheal Oliver, and Nathaniel Branden. Browne, spokesperson

for the personal freedom retreatist strategy, engaged in both verbal

and nonverbal symbolic acts designed to demonstrate how to live

within the state while ignoring it, described his environment as

evil, envisioned the ideal social order as that of one's functioning

efficiently within the present environment, perceived his role as demonstrating how his view of personal freedom could be effected, and used the verbal rhetorical tactics of problem-solution, prescription, and visualization. Oliver, spokesperson for the geographical freedom retreatist strategy, engaged in verbal and nonverbal symbolic acts designed to demonstrate how to escape from the current situation to a new country, described his environment as imminently totalitarian, envisioned the ideal social order as that of a limited government in new surroundings, perceived his role as defining and creating the new social order, and'used the verbal rhetorical tactics of definitionalization, justification, comparison, and reporting, and the nonverbal tactic of pictorial representation.

Branden, spokesperson for the psychological freedom retreatist strategy, engaged in verbal symbolic acts designed to promote 276

increased self-awareness, described his environment as psychologically-

debilitating, envisioned the ideal social order as that of supporting

a sense of self-esteem, perceived his role as facilitating insight

into self, and used the verbal rhetorical tactics of justification and therapeutic technique.

The major spokespersons for rhe political action strategy were

John Hospers, James Davidson, and Steve Symms. Hospers, spokesperson for the political party strategy, engaged in verbal symbolic acts designed to gain understanding of and support for the libertarian cause from the voting public, described his environment as paternalistic, envisioned the ideal social order as absence of government intervention in free trade, perceived his role as influencing public policy, and used the verbal rhetorical tactics of justification, mythification, problem-solution, and extrapolation. Davidson, spokesperson for the political pressure strategy, engaged in symbolic acts designed to focus on specific issues of importance to libertarians directed toward interested audiences, described his environment as a huge bureaucracy, envisioned an ideal social order of free trade, perceived his role as that of activist for the libertarian cause, and used the verbal rhetorical tactic of focusing on grounds of agreement rather than disagreement. Symms, spokesperson for the political infiltration strategy, engaged in rhetorical acts designed to effect libertarian- oriented change within the established political system, described his environment as an uncontrollable bureaucracy, envisioned an ideal 2 77

social order of constructive freedom, perceived his role as slowing

down the present governmental process, and used the educational

rhetorical tactics in combination with the rhetorical tactics of

speaking to specific issues.

The major spokesperson for the synergistic strategy was

Murray N. Rothbard. Rothbard engaged in numerous verbal symbolic acts within and without the Movement designed to promote Libertarianism through adherence to principle and flexibility in tactics. He described his environment as overwhelmed by government-caused problems and envisioned the ideal social order as the completely free operation of the free market. While perceiving his role as a professional libertarian who works to build theory and transcend divisions within the Movement, he used the verbal rhetorical tactics of definitionalization, justification, refutation and identification.

The major spokesperson for the revolutionary strategy was Robert

Baker. Baker engaged in verbal symbolic acts designed to promote overthrow of existing institutions through physical force, described his present environment as oppressive, envisioned an ideal social order similar to the vision of the American Revolution, perceived his role as inciting others to revolutionary action, and used verbal rhetorical tactics to stimulate nonverbal tactics. 2?8

Conclusions

From this summary, the following conclusions concerning the

rhetoric of the Libertarian Movement are suggested.

1. In general, most of the symbolic acts effected by

libertarians were primarily rhetorically verbal in form.

The predominant form of act was the written one. Within this genre the libertarian periodical publication appeared most frequently.

Publications such as The Freeman, The Ob.jectivtst, Rampart College

Newsletter, The Libertarian Forum, L.P. News, and Reason are representative of the more reliable periodicals of the Movement.

The number of periodicals, both reliable and unreliable in their regularity, have outweighed the number of books published by spokespersons in the Movement, of which For a New Liberty and

Libertarianism are representative.

This appears to illustrate that more communication has occurred among members of the Movement than has transpired between the Movement and external audiences. Newsletters and periodicals have reached members of the Movement readily; major1 publications have a greater potential for reaching external audiences. Except for perhaps Reason, few if any libertarian periodicals are read or known about by the general public.

In retrospect, it can be noted that the retreatists have not made so extensive a use of written publications as the other strategists. 279

Since these libertarians have been found to be involved in "doing their own thing," the fact that they do not communicate that regularly or frequently with other libertarians seems consistent.

Oral presentations such as speeches and seminars have appeared less frequently than written acts, but have still been in more frequent use than primarily nonverbal acts which have characterized other Movements. Speeches and discussions have occurred at local dinners and meetings; at seminars such as those sponsored by the

Foundation for Economic Education, Society for Individual Liberty, and Rampart College; and at the various local, state, and national

Libertarian Party conventions. Sporadic care to preserve libertarian oral rhetoric on tape has been taken, such as in Rothbard's "The Case for Optimism" and Hosper's Fourth of July addresses. Consistently again, the retreatist strategy has not engaged frequently or regularly in this type of symbolic action.

Here, as in the written acts, Harry Browne and his fellow financial consultants might appear an exception in result; however, they are not in motive. Browne has "done his own thing" for profit. not necessarily to communicate with other libertarians or with the general public about Libertarianism. And Nathaniel Branden, who has had an interest in communicating with other libertarians, still has as his first interest, at the present time, communicating with the general public about psychological rather than libertarian concerns. 280

In some cases, the combination of written and oral rhetorical-- activity have been institutionalized. This combined activity has emanated from libertarian organizations such as the Foundation for

Economic Education, Rampart College, Society for Individual Liberty, and the Libertarian Party, which have been established to produce these types of symbolic activity. Those acts emerging from an i organizational structure appear to be more regular and frequent, and to include both oral and^written activity than do those symbolic activities not housed and supported by such an organization.

While the retreatists have engaged in fewer written and oral actions, employing verbal tactics, they have engaged in more demonstrative and exemplary symbolic action, employing nonverbal tactics. With new country projects, such as Minerva; and liberated lives, such as Harry Browne, Nathaniel Branden, and counter culture representatives live; the retreatists have relied less on words than actions.

Conversely, the remaining strategies of education, political action, and synergy (revolution has been eliminated from consideration because no truly revolutionary acts have been effected) have used proportionately fewer nonverbal symbolic acts than verbal symbolic acts. There have been few literal demonstrations such as National

Tax Protest Day, and when they were employed it was primarily as a means to pave the way for verbal acts, which have been considered the better vehicle fez- identifying and explaining Libertarianism to external audiences. 281

There appears to be a correlation between the high incidence

of verbal symbolic acts and intra-iMovement communication.

Libertarians have been accused (by their own members as well as

outsiders) of "talking to themselves." This type of activity seems

not designed to win the greatest number of adherents. Perhaps this

rather narrow concentration on verbal activity as opposed to nonverbal

or demonstrative activity is one reason why the Movement has not

progressed farther and faster and developed into other stages. It

might be suggested that one of the primary reasons the Libertarian

Movement progressed from the initial to the political stage was that

nonverbal symbolic action as well as verbal symbolic action was

employed. Pictures of candidates and nonverbal symbols such as the

libersign were released into the environment, resulting in visibility for and consequent attention to the Movement. Perhaps a more

important and more accurate explanation is that an organizational framework which combined, structured, and directed verbal and nonverbal activity; in this case, the Libertarian Party, was established. An organization has the means for combining various types of symbolic activity, releasing it into the external environment, and giving some direction to the target audiences sought. As has been noted, however, the objective of an organization must be more than educational to lift the Movement from the initial to the political and more visible state. This appears to fit the hypothesis that verbal activity (which is the main symbolic activity of the educational

« 282

organizations) is necessary but not sufficient in appealing to

external audiences. Both types of activity plus an organization

with the objective of influencing direct action may be needed.

2. In general, the content of libertarian acre, i.e., descriptions of the existing environment and rhetorical visions of

the desired social order, have been in agreement.

To every libertarian, the state has been viewed as evil, and the necessity of bureaucratic government in its present form has been considered a myth perpetrated by villains questing after power and accepted by an unaware populace. Even when conservative libertarians • * and Objectivists have viewed the machinery,of government as necessary for court and defense functions, it has been consistently viewed as a necessary evil. Government has never been considered inherently good by any libertarian, regardless of his or her particular strategic approach.

Not only do libertarians agree upon the inherent evil of state rule; they also agree that as the state grows, the possibility of economic collapse and the consequent deterioration of American society increases dangerously. Because of this mutual belief, all libertarians feel assured in predicting future catastrophe.

However, one way of judging the viability of a rhetorical description is its ability to account for events in external reality.

Since the libertarian rhetorical vision is based on the premise that the political/philosophical basis of present society is not only false but evil, it has been difficult for libertarians to deal rhetorically with events which indicate that the present system is functioning. For example, when the economy has appeared healthy, libertarians can defend their perception of the environment only by predicting negative consequences. Since the alleged cause is far removed from the prophesized effect, this approach has tended to lack persuasive power when events have taken a positive turn.

On the other hand, the libertarian description of the environment accounts for negative events with much less difficulty. The existence of government, its control and interference, has been and can be blamed for nearly all undesirable circumstances. For example, if an economic crisis develops slowly enough to avoid devastating collapse, but rapidly enough to create feelings of deprivation, libertarians may have enough lead time to present their interpretation of this negative event and pave the way for acceptance of the rhetorical vision of the free market.

This libertarian rhetorical vision has been, except for minor disagreement over anarchism versus limited government and personal liberation versus liberation from the state, largely agreed upon within the Movement. It has been noted that the libertarian rhetorical vision can be characterized as an anti-vision, i.e., focusing primarily on removal of what exists rather than substitution for what exists.

Their primary vision is an absence of the institution of government.

Therefore, their heroes have consistently been those who have taken 28J+ a stand against the state. Libertarians have suggested that the free market would arise from the ashes of the state, and rhat peace, prosperity, and progress would logically follow from the rebirth of free trade among men. What is significant here is that the ideal social order would "happen." Libertarians have held that it would naturally result from the realization of the anti-vision; no one, especially a libertarian, would need to calculate or manipulate to effect this order.

In considering how the libertarian assessment of the environment and their rhetorical vision of the ideal social order have operated with both positive and negative effects upon the growth of the

Movement, a number of possible conclusions arise.

An important function of the combination of perception of the environment and conception of the ideal social order is maintenance of member belief and loyalty. By promoting a rhetorical vision so divergent from present reality and perception of that reality,

Libertarianism has tended to be successful in keeping many members within the Movement. By enhancing feelings of persecution, punishment, and political disinheritance, the libertarian description of the environment has emphasized the perceived isolation from the existing power structure and offered a home for the powerless.

However, this same view of reality-as-alier, has also led some libertarians to a passive attitude and consequent withdrawal from

Movement activity. The belief that they are powerless has become 285

too strong; they have resigned themselves to the "inevitable,"

have become inactive and retreated. One way the rhetorical vision

could be modified to deal with this problem would be to include within it specific goals (such as the 50,000 votes sought for New York gubernatorial candidate, Jerome Tuccille, which would result in placing the Free Libertarian Party of New York permanently on the ballot) which are observable once they are achieved. This might reinforce member faith in the possibility of realization of the rhetorical vision from present reality and increase member satisfaction with the viability of the vision.

Another important function of the combination of perception of the environment and conception of the ideal social order is the attraction of new adherents. This function does not appear to have been fulfilled. Though black and white, either-or visions are more striking and simple to apprehend, Americans may have viewed their world in more sophisticated grays, therefore tending to reject the libertarian dichotcmous view of the environment immediately, on that, rather than any philosophical basis, alone. In addition, external audiences, while perhaps more predisposed than at any other time to believe negative things about the government, may not have been able to accept the idea of inherent evil of the state, especially when they have been taught that the government has provided benefits that could not have existed otherwise. Furthermore, by offering an anti-vision much more often than and prior to a competing vision, 286

libertarians have not provided a structure that audiences may need.

With the primary vision being absence of governmental structure and

only the promise that a free market structure will logically emerge

rather than being imposed, audiences of any kind— and especially

those seeking the security of structure— may not have been favorably

influenced.

The libertarian rhetorical vision has also been used

counterprcductively with external audiences because libertarians have

tended to present it in its totality and demand its complete acceptance.

Since this method tends to produce rejection, it might be more effective to take the approach emerging from some libertarian thought on strategy,

i.e., development of a multi-class appeal by presenting parts of the vision that fit specific audience interest, and only after that part

is accepted, linking up with the philosophical premises of the larger vision. Moreover, perhaps potential converts need not ever be taken that far. Not every potential libertarian need be an ideologue who

is capable of presenting the rhetorical vision in its philosophical entirety. The specific-interest approach might also enable libertarians to garner more support from opinion leaders who might otherwise avoid the total rhetorical vision which requires complete rejection of the present system.

Perhaps, then, the creation of a rhetorical vision which can_.be

"chaired out"'1 to a variety of audiences, forming a variety of coalitions capable of being linked together under the libertarian 287 banner ought to be the rhetorical goal. This vision might usefully be one- in which audiences can visualize themselves participating as protagonists in a drama. In the past, libertarians have tended to underemphasize positive audience participation in realizing the rhetorical vision. Because they have generally concentrated on elimination of the state (anti-vision) rather than the image of a new system working (competing vision), libertarians have not taken advantage of the benefits that a positive vision of constructive action might yield. This emphasis on the competing vision would provide a future-oriented structure in which audiences could envision themselves participating.

At the present time, Rothbard*s strategy of synergy seems to be yielding a refined vision along the lines suggested above. While he has continued to believe that the ideal is the total elimination of government from which free trade would emerge, he appears to have concluded that the vision must be expanded if it is ever to be realized. By expanding and thus redefining the vision so as to include other strategies, Rothbard has appeared to provide another, greater opportunity for the libertarian rhetorical vision to be accepted by external audiences. Also, by refining the vision, he has aided adherents in believing that when they promote less than total elimination of government (such as reduction in taxes or elimination of some governmental programs), they are still acting in a principled manner because they are progressing consistently toward the ideal. 288

Because of Rothbard's credibility and because many libertarians are weary of what has seemed futile action in the environment, this emerging vision has gained adherents. There are those libertarians, however, who because the redefinition and expansion has not derived from their own conceptualization (and perhaps only because of that) have fought against changing their particular vision in any way.

3. In general, the roles that libertarians play and the functions they perform correspond consistently to the strategies they have -preferred.

Nearly all libertarians have perceived their function as that of pointing out that "the emperor has no clothes." However, the manner in which the government is exposed has seemed to depend on the strategy preferred. Those using the educational strategy have seen themselves primarily as teachers. Those using the retreatist strategy have seen themselves primarily as examples in action, and if not that, then as retreating from any libertarian Movement role whatsoever. Those preferring the political action strategy have seen their function, while partially educational, as effecting some direct action to change the environment. Those using the synergistic strategy have seen themselves, while using education as a base, as transcending differences to promote unity both within and without the Movement.

It appears that because there has been a tendency to view these roles as disparate and antagonistic rather than complementary, the 289

Movement has been prevented from gaining strength internally and

displaying a united front externally. Perhaps when focus is diffused and roles compete, movement strength cannot be summoned to perform

one role or what could be viewed as a constellation of integrated rather than fragmented roles. While libertarian descriptions of the environment and visions of the ideal social order have been distinct and clear, the roles that libertarians (and others if they have been

so inclined) have been required to perform previously have seemed either vague and ambiguous or competing.

Members of various factions of the Movement have tended to believe that in order to maintain fidelity to their particular vision, only one role was appropriate to all libertarians - the role consistent with their strategy. Rothbard and other synergists are now defining many different roles as appropriate, legitimate and helpful to the ultimate achievement of the libertarian rhetorical vision. By acknowledging that different roles can fit different tasks for different stages of the Movement, Rothbard has introduced a flexibility necessary to the further growth of the Movement. This flexible approach to roles may tend to yield the Movement more viable by providing a legitimate and valued place for practical activity alongside philosophical purity.

Furthermore, all strategies, to one extent or another, have relied on some educational base. Perhaps if even part of a role in any strategy is given over to education, the purpose of the Movement becomes less singular, clear-cut and amenable to establishing 290

intermediary goals. It appears much easier to calculate votes,

new members, and money contributed than to count people truly educated

in the philosophy of Libertarianism. Without clearly defined and

integrated roles, clearly defined and progressive goals seem difficult

if not impossible. The roles of those using the strategy of political action were found to be well-defined: get out membership and vote

(or in Davidson's case: get realistic objectives accomplished).

Because the roles and goals were well-defined, and the performance was assessable, the Movement (or a part of it) progressed into another stage. However, because education is an ongoing process and extremely difficult to assess, the Movement, continuing to insist on first establishing an educational base, has progressed no further. Even if libertarians are fulfilling an educational role, proof of this is nearly impossible when knowledge-and-understanding of Libertarianism is the criterion of effectiveness.

k . In general, the verbal rhetorical tactics of definition and

justification have been found throughout the Movement's symbolic acts, while other rhetorical tn.ctics have varied across strategies.

The verbal rhetorical tactics found throughout the Movement's acts are definition and justification. Libertarians have had a way of precisely defining their terms and then proceeding to argue from them. Seemingly not content with that alone, they (except for Read) have usually justified their definitions and major premises from natural law philosophy. Undoubtedly this has been a logical and 291 rational procedure. However, with sometimes humanly illogical and irrational audiences this may not have worked; perhaps contemporary audiences have been no more predisposed to attend to and comprehend syllogisms than ancient ones. If this has been the case, perhaps audiences have refused to listen further once they detected the libertarian methodological drift, and consequently, the audience for libertarian philosophy evaporated. The concept of "libertarian philosophy" may be an additional key to understanding the Movement's lack of progress. Systematic and codified though it appears to be, philosophical discourse may not appeal to external audiences who are much more involved in personal concerns rather than philosophical world views.

Some libertarians have also used the rhetorical tactic of problem-solving, but when this is combined with refutation, as it so often has been, libertarians are once again exposed to the "anti" charge.

That is, they seem to have devoted more words to denouncing what is

(the problem) rather than describing what ought to be (the solution).

Also, more often than not, they have slighted the implementation phase of problem-solving (i.e., explaining how to get there from here) in terms acceptable to a general audience.

In addition, the verbal tactic which appeared to be most rhetorically acceptable, identification, was seldom used at all, except by Davidson outside of the Movement and Rothbard within and without the Movement. Perhaps, then, one of the contributing causes 292 of the stagnation of the Movement has been the libertarian predilection to attempt to promote at the outset a total philosophical package.

This has been a philosophical package which must be accepted from

A to Z, and from which specific conclusions must be deduced, rather than a specific issue which can be utilised to move inductively toward more general philosophical implications.

Few nonverbal rhetorical tactics were found to be employed.

Where they were used, they appeared to correlate with nonverbal acts, such as pictorial representation with demonstration by example in the strategy of retreatism.

The preponderance of rhetorical tactics was verbal. Here, as was previously suggested, the heavy and perhaps undue reliance on words may have restricted the progress of the Movement. Also, since the educational function has been seen as primary and the primary

(for better or worse) agency of education appears to be "the word," this conclusion may correlate with the previous notion that the vague and ambiguous theme of education, not being clearly defined or assessable, has been the problem preventing growth of the

Libertarian Movement.

From these conclusions concerning the rhetoric of the Libertarian

Movement, conclusions concerning reasons for the lack of progress of the Libertarian Movement are suggested.

1. A strong organisational institution established to coordinate verbal and nonverbal libertarian rhetorical activity and to direct it outward to external audiences has not existed for a sufficient length of time to achieve an effect. 293

2. The anti-vision of the elimination of the bureaucratic state has not provided adequate structure for those audiences needing structure; for those needing a sophisticated vision, it is too dichotomous.

3. The fragmentation cf roles and accompanying strategies and the reliance on an educational base has not provided clear-cut goals and objectives for libertarians.

The general insistence on a broad philosophical approach rather than a specific circumstantial one (in which identification might be achieved) has eliminated a certain proportion of audiences at the outset; and the focus on the bureaucratic problem rather than the libertarian solution and the implementation of it has not provided structure in a narrow sense as the anti-vision has not in a broader sense.

In addition to these conclusions which speak primarily to subjective conditions or the internal composition and interaction of the Libertarian Movement, another conclusion speaking to the objective external conditions is suggested. In the final analysis, it may be that no matter how well the Libertarian Movement presented itself to outside audiences, that the objective external conditions have not been conducive to receptivity and acceptance. The libertarian vision could be valid, agreed upon, and presented attractively in the best rhetorical manner and still, if the general societal atmosphere is not conducive to what appears to be radical ideas, be generally

ignored and/or rejected.

The Libertarian Movement appears to be a special kind of movement.

It is non-violent and rests on a comprehensive philosophical base which allows it to speak to any issue, from economics to esthetics, 29^

with a libertarian point of view. Perhaps because of its broad

individualistic philosophical approach, it often tends to lack focus

and spends more time talking rather than acting. Uniquely,

libertarianism offers a total package. At this point in time, it has

not had the opportunity to demonstrate whether it can operate as

advertised.

The model used in this study has yielded knowledge about the

rhetoric of the Libertarian Movement. The Bowers and Ochs part of

the model has been helpful in determining the rhetorical stage of

development in which the Movement currently resides. The sociodramatistic

part of the model has been useful in accounting for the existent stage

of the Movement by characterizing the various rhetorical strategies,

their components, the interaction of those components, and the

relationship of the strategies to each other. Employing an adaptation

of Duncan's model has further aided in identifying the strategy of

synergy, a strategy which appears to speak to the rhetorical requirements

of the leader of a social movement which Herbert W. Simons discusses:

the attraction of adherents, the adoption of their ideal by the 2 establishment, and the reaction to restrictions of the power structure.

While the Duncan modification has accounted in detail for the rhetorical structure of form and content, the employment of Bower and

Ochs has accounted for the process of rhetorical development (or lack

of it) through stages.

This combination of Duncan and Bowers and Ochs produces a conceptual model which appears to account adequately for the interaction of specific rhetorical form and content in the periods of inception, rhetorical crisis, and consummation which Leland Griffin has suggested 3 utilizing for the rhetorical study of historical movements. Because this model allows the detailed analysis of the rhetoric of movements

(including not only issues and patterns of argument, but the ways in Zj,. which aggressor and defendant rhetoricians perceive their roles ) and, in the fullest use of the Bowers and Ochs dimension, the testing of predictive hypotheses;J it may aid in more adequate explanation of historical movements and more accurate speculation about contemporary movements.

This model also appears to indicate how rhetorical analysis of structure can be beneficially applied to sociological analysis of development. For example, it appears to aid a model such as Neil

Smelser’s model of social movements in two ways. Though Smelser accounts for the cumulative process of movements through the stages of structural conduciveness, structural strain, spread of generalized belief, precipitating factors, mobilization of participants and operation of social control,^ the sociodramatistic part of the model could be used to treat the creation of the generalized belief in depth from a rhetorical point of view by analysing the rhetorical tactics which produce that generalised belief. The sociodramatistic part of the model might also be valuable in explaining the short-circuit 7 process, i.e., how the ambiguous environment and ideal order is restructured by moving from abstract notions to specific labelling of heroes and villains, present environment and future ideal order. 296

Finally, the sociodramatistic part of the model appears to be another and perhaps more parsimonious way of integrating the various forces which Bruce Gronbeck sees united by the rhetorical forces political-institutional, philosophical-ideological, and social- Q psychological. The rhetorical description of the environment could replace the political; the rhetorical vision, the philosophical; and the perception of role, the social. Because the adaptation of the

Duncan model allows viewing the relationship among these components, the ability of the rhetorical force to create or destroy movements might be more elegantly described.

The rhetorical adaptation of the sociodramatistic model appears to be of theoretical relevance. It can be used with other process models for purposes of explanation and prediction from a detailed and specifically rhetorical perspective. Thus, it may more adequately serve the purposes of rhetoricians in their desire to understand movements from a rhetorical point of view.

Further Research

From the foregoing conclusions about the Libertarian Movement and its rhetoric, the following lines of further research are suggested as areas of interest to the study of movement rhetoric.

The concept of identification as it is used in communication within a movement and in communication with external audiences might be pursued to determine if it is adapted differently to internal and external audiences. In analyzing whether identification is applied 29? differentially depending on whether one is inside or outside of a movement, it might be determined if there is any correlation between an inductive or deductive approach to establishing identification and one's position inside or outside of a movement.

The rhetorical advantages or disadvantages possessed by a movement working from a comprehensive philosophical basis might be assessed.

The most appropriate time to reveal a philosophical base to external audiences, whether preceding or following tangible action or whether dependent upon the particular philosophical base, might be determined.

Also to be explored in the area of movement philosophy is the way in which a movement can best link up with the accepted philosophical premises of the external society and if a link cannot be found how new or superordinate premises might be introduced.

The advantages or disadvantages possessed by a movement which projects an anti-vision of the ideal social order might be explored.

The structure necessary for the best presentation of an anti-vision to external audiences might be determined. Along this line, the advantages or disadvantages of projecting clear dichotomous visions as opposed to ambiguous ones might be assessed.

The importance of a movement's developing nonverbal demonstrative tactics, whether these tactics are necessary to a movement's impact on the environment and whether they possess some advantage not enjoyed by verbal tactics, might be explored. In a larger sense, the 298 necessity of becoming visible within the external environment, whether important for a movement's effectiveness or a movement's internal image of itself, might be assessed.

Finally, the role that humor plays both within and without a movement might be determined. Areas to be explored here are determination of its existence within a movement, its focus, its value to a movement internally, and its value to a movement when in evident use with external audiences. Notes to Chanter VIII

1. Ernest G. Eornann, "Fantasy and Rhetorical Visions The Rhetorical Criticism of Social Reality," QJ5, 58 (1972), pp. 396-407.

2. Herbert H. Simons, "Requirement, Problems, and Strategies: A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements," QJS, 56 (February 1970)» pp. 2, 3.

3. Leland K. Griffin, "The Rhetoric of Historical Movements" in Robert L. Scott and Bernard L. Brock (eds.), Methods of Rhetorical Criticism (New York; Harper & Row, Publishers, 1972), pp. 348, 349, hereafter referred to as Griffin.

4. Griffin, pp. 349, 35°.

5. John Waite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1971). PP* 140-142.

6. Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: The Free Press, 1462), pp. 15-17, hereafter referred to as Smelser.

7. Smelser, pp. 82, 124.

8. Bruce E. Gronbeck, "The Rhetoric of Social-Institutional Change: Black Action at Michigan," in G. P. Mohrmann, Charles J. Stewart, Donovan J. Ochs (eds.), Explorations in Rhetorical Criticism (University Park; The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1973)* pp. 97, 98.

299 APPENDIX

Model

Stage 3

| ,------

-t------I ACT _ in_ jiew_ Reality

Means

Goal Roles Stage 2

Environment

ACT in new Reality.

Means

Stage 1

Environment

Reality 300 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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D'Aureous, Skye and Natalee Hall, eds. Libertarian Connection. Los Angeles: Dawn Enterprises, 1968-1974.

Davidson, James Dale, ed. Dollars and Sense. Washington, D. C.j National Taxpayers Union, 1974.

Dawn, Lisa, ed. The Free Market. Los Angeles* Dawn Enterprises, 1970-1974.

Day, Dennis G. "Persuasion and the Concept of Identification,'* Quarterly Journal of Speech, 46 (October i960), pp. 270-273"

Dazey, Ruth, ed. Le Fevre's Journal, Vol. 1. Orange, California* Robert Le Fevre, 1973_1974.

DeLeon, David. "The American as Anarchist: Social Criticism in the 1960's," American Quarterly. Vol. XXV (December 1973)* PP. 516-531.

DuBois, Peter C. "Utopia on the Rocks," Barron's, March 2 6 , 1973* P. 5.

Evans, M. Stanton. "Varieties of Conservation Experience," Modern Age. Vol. 15, No. 2 (Spring 1971), pp. 130-137.

Garrett, Betty. "Goodbye Columbus...Hello Minerva," The Plain Dealer. April 7, 1973, p. 8 -A.

Gaw, Beverly A. "The Art of Logical Analysis," The Individualist. Vol. 4, No. 1 (no date).

. "Libertarian Rhetoric as Protest Rhetoric* An Analysis of Verbal Inventional Strategies," unpublished ms., July 1973*

. "The Objectivist Ethics by Ayn Rand* A Rhetorical Analysis," unpublished M.A. thesis, Miami University, Oxford, December 1967* 311

, and Ann Herbert. "Toward a Theory of Value Systems," unpublished as., March 1974.

Gregg, Richard B., A. J. McCormack, and Douglas Pedersen. "The Rhetoric of Black Power: A Street Level Interpretation," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 55 (April 1969), pp. 151-160.

Griffin, Leland. "The Rhetorical Structure of the New Left Movement* Part I," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 50 (April 1964), pp. 113-135.

Hamblin, Dora Jane. "The Cult of an Angry Ayn Rand," Life, Vol. 62 (April 7, 1967), pp. 98-109.

Hammerback, John C. "Barry Goldwater's Rhetoric of Rugged Individualism," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 58 (April 1972), pp. 175-182.

Hancock, Brenda. "Affirmation by Negation in The Woman's Liberation Movement," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 58 (October 1972), pp. 264-271.

Harlee, John, ed. The Southern Libertarian Messenger. Vols. I-III. Florence, South Carolina, 1972-1974.

Haviland, Dale, ed. A is A Newsletter. Vols, 1-4. Brighton, Massachusetts: Mega, 1971-1974.

Heath, Robert L. "Dialectical Confrontation: A Strategy of Black Radicalism," Central States Speech Journal. Vol. 24, No. 3 (Fall 1973), pp. 168-177.

Hess, Karl. "The Death of Politics," Playboy. March 1969, pp. 102-104, 178-185.

Hilts, Philip J, "Where Is This Place?" The Plain Dealer. March 14, 1973, P. 10.

Holland, Virginia. "Kenneth Burke's Dramatistic Approach in Speech Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 41 (December 1955), pp. 352-358.

. "Rhetorical Criticism: A Burkeian Methodology," Quarterly Journal of Speech. 39 (December 1953)» pp. 444-450. 312

Konkin, Samuel Edward, III, ed. New Libertarian Notes. Nos. 1-35* Toronto, Ontario* New Libertarian Enterprises, 1971-197*+*

Le Fevre, Robert, ed. Fine Tree. Santa Ana, California* Rampart — College, Inc., 1970*

, ed. Rampart College Newsletter. Vols. I-IV. Santa Ana, California* Rampart College, 1971-197*+*

, ed. Rampart Journal of Individualist Thought. Vols. I-IV. Colorado Springs* Rampart College, 1965-1968.

. ed. RAP. Santa Ana, California* Pine Tree Publication, 1970.

. "What is a Libertarian?" Colorado Springs Gazette-Telegraph, December 1, 1970 (reprint).

Lofland, John, and Rodney Stark. "Becoming a World-Saver* A Theory of Conversion to a Deviant Perspective," American Sociological Review, XXX (December 1965). pp. 862-875*

Lehr, Stan and Louis Rosetto. "Libertarianism - Fastest Growing Movement," Colorado Springs Gazette-Telegraph. March 7* 1971 (reprint).

"Libertarianism or Libertinism?" National Review. Vol. 21, No. 35 (September 9» 1969). P* 910.

Libertarian Party of South Florida Newsletter. Vol. 1 (197*0•

Lobdell, J. C., rev., National Review. Vol. 2*+ (October 13, 1972), p. 1139.

Machan, Tibor, ed. Reason, Vols. 1-6. Santa Barbara, California* Reason Enterprises, 1969-197*+.

Mason, Mary, ed. New Jersey Libertarian Party Newsletter. Vols. 1-3* Bernardsville, New Jersey* New Jersey Libertarian Party, 1972-197*+.

McCrary, Lacy. "A Tiny New Nation," Akron Beacon Journal. February 13, 1972, p. E-l.

McEdwards, Mary G. "Agitative Rhetoric* Its Nature and Effect," Western Speech, 32 (1968), pp. 36-*+3»

Messinger, Sheldon. "Organizational Transformation* A Case Study of a Declining Movement," American Sociological Review. XX (February 1955)» PP* 3-1°• 313

"The Minerva Ploy," Newsweek. October 23* 1972, p. 52*

"The New Gypsies," Esquire. Vol. 74, No. 3 (September 1970), pp. 109-110.

Nichols, Marie. "Burkeian Criticism," Western Speech. 21 (1957), pp. 89-95.

Nolan, David F., ed. LP News. Nos. 1-21. San Franciscos Libertarian Party, 1971-197**.

Ohio Libertarian, Vols. 1 and 2. Bedford, Ohio: Ohio Libertarian Party, 1972-1974.

Oliver, J. Michael, ed. The New Banner. Columbia, South Carolina, 1972.

Oliver, Michael. The M. Oliver Newsletter. Carson City, Nevada, 1972.

Pflock, Karl T., ed. Books for Libertarians now Libertarian Review. Vols. I-III. Washington, D. C.s Libertarian Review, Inc., 1972-197**.

"Playboy's Interview with Ayn Rand," reprint. New York: NBI Press, 1964.

Poirot, Paul L., ed. The Freeman. Vols. 1-24. Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1950“1974.

Presley, Sharon. "Individualist Libertarians: A Psychological Study," unpublished masters thesis, San Francisco State College, January 1971.

, ed. Laissez-Faire Review. New Yorks Laissez-Faire Books, 1972-1974.

Baeder, Nicholas, ed. Free Earth Newsletter. Vol. I. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Free Earth International, USA, 1972.

, ed. Sol III, Vols. I-II. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Sol III Magazine, 1971-1972.

Band, Ayn. The Ayn Rand Letter. Vols. 1-4. New York: The Ayn Rand Letter, Inc., 1971-1974.

* ed. The Ob.jectivist. Vols. 5“10. New York: The Objectivist, Inc., 1966-1971.

. The Ob.jectivist Newsletter. Vols. 1-4. New York: The Objectivist, Inc., 1962-1965. 314

Read, Leonard. Notes from FEE. Irvington-on-Hudson, New York* The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 1969-1974.

Roberts, John. "Libertarian Idea Advanced," The Times-Picayune. New Orleans, Louisiana (February 8 , 197l7«

Rollins, L. A. Invictus, Nos. 1-28. Los Angeles, 1970-1973*

Rosenwasser, Marie J. "Movement Rhetoric of Women's Liberation," Today's Speech, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Summer 1972), p. 45.

Rothbard, Murray N. "Confessions of a Right-Wing Liberal," Ramparts. Vol. 6 , No. 11 (June 15» 1968), pp. 48-50.

, ed. The Libertarian. The Libertarian Forum. Vols. I-VI. Madison Square Station, New York* Joseph R. Peden, 1969-1974.

Schweitzer, David R. and James M. Elden. "New Left as Right: Convergent Themes of Political Discontent," Journal of Social Issues. Vol. 27* No. 2 (1971)* PP« 141-166.

Schochet, G. J., rev., Library Journal. Vol. 97 (May 1, 1972), p. 1723*

Scott, Robert L. and Donald K. Smith. "The Rhetoric of Confrontation," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 55 (February 1969), pp. 1-8.

Simons, Herbert W. "Confrontation as a Pattern of Persuasion in University Settings," Central States Speech Journal, 20 (Fall 1969), PP. 163-139;

. "Requirements, Problems and Strategies* A Theory of Persuasion for Social Movements," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 56 (February 1970), PP« 1-11.

. "Patterns of Persuasion in the Civil Rights Struggle," Today's Speech. 15 (1967), pp. 25-27.

Smith, Donald H. "Social Protest and the Oratory of Human Rights," Today's Speech. 15 (September 1967), pp. 2-8.

Steele, Edward D. and W. Charles Redding. "The American Value Systems Premises for Persuasion," Western Speech. 26 (1962), pp. 83-91.

Stevens, Warren K. The Atlantis News. Vols. 1-6. Saugerties, New York* Atlantis Publishing Co., 1968-1972.

"Supercapitalist at the CEA," Time, August 5* 1974, p. 6l. 315

Von Hoffman, Nicholas, "Comes the Revolution and the Market place Wins," The Plain Dealer, April 15, 1973*

. "Liberty, A Revolutionary Idea," reprint, The Plain Dealer. (April 18, 1973).

Halter, David and Donald Ernsberger, eds. SIL News. Individual Liberty. Vols. 1-5* Warminster, Pennsylvania: Society for Individual Liberty, 1969-1974.

Wendt, Theodore Otto, Jr. "The Diatribe: Last Resort for Protest," Quarterly Journal of Speech, 58 (February 1972), pp. 1-15•

Widmer, Kingsley, "Anarchism in Revival," Nation, Vol. 211 (November 16, 1970), pp. 501-503.

Wingo, Walter. "How Students See You," Nations Business. Vol. 58, No, 5 (May 1970), pp. 54-58.

Woelfel, James. "We're Not Rational Animals: A Liberal Reply to Libertarianism," Christian Century. November 7, 1973*

Wollstein, Jarrett, ed. The Rational Individualist. The Individualist. Vols. 1-4. Silver Springs, Maryland: Society for Individual Liberty, 1969-1973.

Woodcock, George. "Anarchism Revisited," Commentary. Vol. 46, No. 2 (August 1968), pp. 54-60.

"Youth, The New Right," Newsweek. Vol. 76 (December 7, 1970), pp. 24-25.

Zald, Mayer N., and Roberta Ash. "Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay, and Change," Social Forces. XLIV (March 1966), PP. 327-541.

Zoll, Donald Atwell. "Philosophical Foundations of the American Right," Modern Age: A Quarterly Review 15 (Spring 1971), pp. 114-129*

Miscellaneous

Cassette Tapes

The following cassette tapes are available from Books for Libertarians, 422 First Street, S.E., Washington, D. C. 20003. 316

Block, Walter, The Ethics of Libertarianism.

. Libertarianism.

Childs, Boy and Jeffrey St. John. Debate; Anarchism Vs. Limited Government.

Hospers, John. The Libertarian Temperment.

• The Politics of Liberty.

Le Fevre, .Robert. Le Fevre’s Commentaries.

Kachan, Tibor. Utopianism: Left and Right.

Rothbard, Murray N. The Case Against Wage and Price Controls.

. The Case for Optimism.

• Chicago Economics vs. Austrian Economics.

Claremont Conference - Property Rights and Birth of the State.

, H. Stein, and K. Madden. Debate: Wage and Price Controls.

• The Future of Libertarianism.

• The Individualist Anarchist Heritage in America.

• The Inflationary Boom of the 1920’s.

• New Deal and Post-War International Monetary System.

• The Old Right and The New.

• The : Government as Carteliser.

• Rise! of Big Business and the Failure of Trusts and Cartels.

• The State of the U. S, Economy.

• Strategies for Achieving Liberty, recorded March 1^, 1971*

et al. Testimonial Dinner Honoring Murray N. Rothbard. recorded April 28, 1973 •

Tuccille, Jerome. Psychology of Libertarianism. 317

Letters and Interviews

Browne, Harry. Personal letter in response to questionnaire, July 14, 1974.

Dazey, Ruth. Personal letter concerning Robert Le Fevre, July 1, 1974.

Hospers, John. Personal letter in response to questionnaire, July 1974.

Le Fevre, Robert. Personal letter in response to questionnaire, July 1, 1974.

Read, Leonard E. Personal letter in response to questionnaire. June 12, 1974.

Rothbard, Murray N. Personal telephone interview from New York City, July 8, 1974.

Pamphlets, Manuscripts. Transcripts

Bray, Karl. Taxation and Tyranny. Tax Rebels of America, May 1972.

Cohen, Sanford. "Citizens for Cohen." Poughkeepsie, New York, 1974.

Greenberg, Cary. "Youngstein for Mayor." New York: Free Libertarian Kirty, 1973.

Hospers, John. "Paternalism in America." Second Annual Fourth of July Address. Los Angeles: Libertarian Party of California, 1973.

. "Restoring Liberty to America." Fourth of July Address. Westminster, Colorado: Libertarian Party, 1972.

Katz, Howard S. "An Open Letter to Those Who Believe in a Gold Standard." New York: Committee to Reestablish the Gold Standard, no date.

Le Fevre, Robert. "The Nature of Kan and His Government." New York: Laissez-Faire Books, no date.

. "The Philosophy of Ownership." New York: Laissez-Faire Books, no date.

Lehr, Stan and Louis Rossetto, Jr. "Libertarian Alternative." New York: Free Libertarian Party, Inc., 1973*

MacBride, Roger and Murray N. Rothbard. "Committee for 50.000 Votes." New York, 1974. Manis, Rod. "Poverty: A Libertarian View." Santa Ana, California* Rampart College, no date.

Nolan, David. Political Action Manual. Aurora, Colorado* Libertarian Party, 1972.

Peikoff, Leonard. An Examination Study - Guide To the Ethics of Objectivism. New York* NBI Press, 19^7•

1974- Platform of the Libertarian Party. San Francisco: Libertarian Party, 1974.

Read, Leonard E. How to Advance Liberty: A Learning. Not a Selling, Problem. Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., recorded on March 10, 19&5*

. "Memo on Aims, Activities, Methods" Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., no date.

. "The Miracle of the Market" xeroxed lecture, no date.

. "The Study of Freedom." Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., July 1951«

. "Wizardry," unpublished ms., 197^«

Rothbard, Murray N. Economic Depressions. New York* Laissez-Faire Books, no date.

. Education, Free and Compulsory. New York: Laissez-Faire Books no date.

. Freedom. Inequality, Primitivism and the Division of Labor. New York* Laissez-Faire Books, no date.

Myths of the . New York: Laissez-Faire Books, no date

. War. Peace and the State. New York: Laissez-Faire Books, no date.

• What Has Government Done to Our Money? New York* Laissez- Faire 3ooks, 197^*

SIL Representative Handbooks. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania* Society for Individual Liberty, no date.

SIL Pamphlets. Warminster, Pennsylvania * Society for Individual Liberty, no dates. 319

Varnell, Ikul and Robert H. Meier. Promotional Flyer on The Libertarian Scholar. DeKalb, Illinois, 197^-•

Vfhat*s Past is Prologue; A Commemorative Evening to the Foundation for Economic Education. Irvington-on-Hudson, New Yorks The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc., 19°8.

Wollstein, Jarrett. SIL Sneakers Bureau Book. Silver Springs, Maryland: Society for Individual Liberty, 1971.

"Youngstein on Crime," The Fred Darwin Commentary. Copy. September 5» 1973.

"Your Introduction to the Liberty Amendment." Los Angeless The Liberty Amendment Committee of the U.S.A., no date.