The Libertarian Challenge, a Conference to Stimulate Your Imagination and Intellect
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All-Left.Net Alliance Aims to Be a Movement Journal for the Alliance Of
all-left.net This Radical Reprint brought to you by: ALLiance Journal ALLiance Journal: a grassroots, shop-floor, dirt cheap, tabloid aspiring to inspire the Left-Libertarian Movement to delusions of grandeur. We are full of piss and passion; and we will never stop even in the face of singularity, peak oil or Ragnarok. Check us out at alliancejournal.net or libertyactivism.info. ALLiance aims to be a movement journal for the Alliance of the Libertarian Left (ALL). The Alliance of the Libertarian Left is a multi-tendency coalition of mutu- alists, agorists, voluntaryists, geolibertarians, left-Rothbardians, green libertarians, dialectical anarchists, radical minarchists, and others on the libertarian left, united by an opposition to statism and militarism, to cultural intolerance (including sexism, racism, and homophobia), and to the prevailing corporatist capitalism falsely called a free market; as Advocates of Freed Markets Should Embrace “Anti-Capitalism” well as by an emphasis on education, direct action, and building alterna- tive institutions, rather than on electoral politics, as our chief strategy Gary Chartier for achieving liberation. Radical Reprints The Conscience of an Anarchist, Studies in Mutualist Political Economy by C4SS Advisory Panel member Gary Chartier by C4SS writer and researcher Kevin A. Carson A compelling case for a stateless society. Anarchists tend to look embarrassed when the sub- ject of economics comes up. Or we mumble some- Anarchy happens when people organize their lives thing about Proudhon and then sheepishly borrow peacefully and voluntarily — without the aggres- ideas from Karl Marx.... A specifically anarchistic sive violence of the state. This simple but powerful approach to economic analysis has lain dormant for book explains why the state is illegitimate, unneces- the last 130 years. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Paolo Zanotto IL MOVIMENTO LIBERTARIO AMERICANO DAGLI
Paolo Zanotto IL MOVIMENTO LIBERTARIO AMERICANO DAGLI ANNI SESSANTA AD OGGI: RADICI STORICO-DOTTRINALI E DISCRIMINANTI IDEOLOGICO-POLITICHE Collana Monografie DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE STORICHE, GIURIDICHE, POLITICHE E SOCIALI DI. GIPS INDICE ELENCO DELLE PRINCIPALI ABBREVIAZIONI ........................... p. 7 INTRODUZIONE ............................................................. »9 Parte prima LE RADICI STORICO-DOTTRINALI DEL LIBERTARISMO AMERICANO Capitolo I IL PENSIERO CRISTIANO RINASCIMENTALE TRA RIFORMA E CONTRORIFORMA .......................................................... »23 1. Etica protestante e spirito del capitalismo ................. »23 2. La genesi cristiana dell’individualismo moderno ......... »26 3. Le origini dell’austro-liberalismo nella Spagna del “se- colo d’oro”: la scuola di Salamanca .............................. »35 4. Il giusnaturalismo della neoscolastica iberica fra “reali- smo” e “nominalismo” ................................................ »41 Capitolo II I CLASSICI DEL LIBERALISMO E DEL FILONE LIBERTARIO ........... »49 1. Alle origini del Libertarianism .................................. »49 2. Alcuni classici del pensiero politico liberale europeo ed americano.................................................................. »52 3. Le ambivalenze del pensiero democratico di Thomas Jefferson .................................................................... »56 4. L’anarchismo libertario ed individualista americano del- l’Ottocento ............................................................... -
Judith Jarvis Thomson on Abortion; a Libertarian Perspective
DePaul Journal of Health Care Law Volume 19 Issue 1 Fall 2017 Article 3 April 2018 Judith Jarvis Thomson on Abortion; a Libertarian Perspective Walter E. Block Loyola University New Orleans, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jhcl Part of the Health Law and Policy Commons Recommended Citation Walter E. Block, Judith Jarvis Thomson on Abortion; a Libertarian Perspective, 19 DePaul J. Health Care L. (2018) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/jhcl/vol19/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Journal of Health Care Law by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Judith Jarvis Thomson on abortion; a libertarian perspective1 I. Introduction Abortion is one of the most vexing issues faced by society. On the one hand, there are those who favor the pro-choice position. In their view, the woman, and she alone (along with the advice of her doctor – but the final decision must be hers), should be able to legally determine on what basis, and whether, her pregnancy should be conducted. She should be as free to end her pregnancy at any stage of the development of her fetus, or give birth to it after the usual term of nine months. On the other hand, there are those who favor what is called the pro-life position. In this perspective, the fetus, from the moment of conception, is a full rights-bearing human being. -
The 2014 Freedom Project Wintersession Institute on Liberty and Social Policy Wellesley College
The 2014 Freedom Project Wintersession Institute on Liberty and Social Policy Wellesley College Monday, January 20 9:30-11:30 Nigel Ashford, Institute for Humane Studies The Role of Government What is the role of government? This session examines the classical liberal answers to three questions. How do we decide what the role of government should be (philosophy or methodology)? Why should government be limited (consequences or rights)? What is the legitimate role of government? The different answers to those questions are presented in five different schools of classical liberalism: Chicago, Public Choice, Austrian, Natural Rights, and Anarcho-Capitalism. Students will share their answers to these questions in relation to these schools of thought. 1:30-3:30 Jason Brennan, Georgetown University Libertarianism, Democracy, and Government What we want government to be empowered to do depends in part on how well government will use that power. The very power we create to help secure our children’s future will often be used against our children instead. In the real world, we cannot just assume government agents will always act competently or in good faith. This session explores questions such as: What is government failure? Why do libertarians tend to oppose interventionist government? Why are libertarians not much excited by, and sometimes even hostile to, democracy? Tuesday, January 21 9:30-11:30 Jason Brennan, Georgetown University Economic Freedom and the Poor Libertarians are often said not to be concerned with social justice. Yet Adam Smith revolutionized economics by saying the wealth of nations is measured not by the size of the king’s castles, but by the opportunity available to the common person. -
Around the Campfire, Issue
Issue No. 42 January 20, 2013 End Welfare Subsidies While it is often thought that there is no socialist strength in America and that “welfare as we know it” is dead, a mighty block of U.S. senators, representatives, and state governors shove a lineup of socialism, welfare handouts, and entitlement rights. They fly below the radar screen of folk and news-business awareness because they cowl their Big Mother scam with high-flying ballyhooing of the free market, individual rights, and no governmental butting-in. I am not talking about an undercover cell of Maoists, but about pork-barrel “conservatives.” Mike Smith, an assistant secretary of the Department of Energy in the Bush Junior administration, laid out their goal in one talk, “The biggest challenge is going to be how to best utilize tax dollars to the benefit of industry.”[1] Anticonservation attorney Karen Budd-Falen stamps her foot down that federal land agencies must “protect the economic or community stability of those communities and localities surrounding national forests and BLM-managed lands.”[2] Then-Senator Frank Murkowski of Alaska (later governor), at a Senate Energy and Natural Resources subcommittee hearing on the Forest Service, January 25, 1996, said, “These people [loggers in southeast Alaska] are great Americans. Blue collar Americans. They work hard and look to us for help. We should be able to help them.…I have constituents out there who are real people, and they are entitled to a job.…These people rely on the government to provide them with a sustainable livelihood.”[3] It might be fair for Murkowski to call on the federal government to underwrite jobs for his folks. -
Love, Politics, and Autonomy
LOVE, POLITICS, AND AUTONOMY NEERA KAPUR BADHWAR University of Toronto ECENT ANGLO-AMERICANPHILOSOPHY has seen a resurgence of Rinterest in the ethics and psychology of personal relations, and books and articles with such titles as Friendship, Altruism and Moral- ity, Philosophy and Personal Relations, and "Servility and Self- Respect" abound.' Two disparate developments have acted as catalyst for this turn: the discovery of Aristotelian ethics by analytic philosophers, and the politics and philosophy of feminism. The sub- ject of this paper is one aspect of the latter. It is easy to see why feminism should spark an interest in the philosophical study of personal relations; for feminism has always been born (and it has been born more than once) "from a recognition of personal oppression and inj~stice,"~an oppression and injustice fostered and justified by theories of inferior female nature and virtue. But this time around, the examination of the psychological prerequi- sites of healthy personal relations, and especially of healthy romantic love, has resulted in a startling phenomenon in academic philosophy- an explicit and self-conscious rejection of the ethics of self-sacrifice as an ethics that is incompatible with self-respect and autonomy and thereby, ultimately, destructive of genuine love. This theme is of course familiar to readers of novelist-philosopher Ayn Rand (whose contribution is, deplorably, not acknowledged by these writers), but it is revolutionary in academic philosophy. Unfor- tunately, the same writers who emphasize autonomy and the morality of "proper" self-love in the personal realm also for the most part ad- vocate statism-a political philosophy of sacrifice and coercion-as a means to this end. -
Live & Let Live
SEPTEMBER 2011 #46 DGC LIBERTOPIA 2011 LIVE & LET LIVE 2 § DGC Magazine April 2010 Issue DGC Digital Gold Currency Magazine Contents PUBLISHER Mark Herpel Five Principles of Libertopia 4 CONTRIBUTORS Paul Rosenberg Mission of Libertopia 6 EDITOR Law Without Big Brother by Gary Chartier 10 Mark Herpel [email protected] Living Without Money is an Act of Communty 12 Skype “digitalcurrency” http://www.dgcmagazine.com Libertopia Comedians 14 DGC Magazine is committed You Own Your Own Mind by Sharon Presley PhD 16 to expanding the legal use of digital gold currency around the world. Slowly, legally The Monopoly-Breakers by Paul Rosenberg 20 and ethically we are trying to move digital gold currency and sound money forward Libertopia 2011 Speakers 22 into everyday business. Murdering the Group, Saving Individuals 26 Want your own magazine or catalog? A Poet Speaks of Liberty by Butler Shaffer 28 Contact Us [email protected] Twitter @dgcmagazine Libertopia Rocks 2011 Bands 30 FREE ADVERTISING Concerts by the Bay Line Up 34 [email protected] DGCmagazine is published online once a month. Libertopia Films 36 Advertisements are free to all industry businesses and related companies. Libertopia Soverign Awards 38 © 2008-2011 DGC Magazine All Rights Reserved Libertopia 2011 Schedule 40 DGC magazine ISSN 2159-791X Exhibitors pages 45 - 47 DGC Magazine April 2010 Issue § 3 Five Principles of Libertopia All actions should be peaceful and voluntary The axiomatic and first principle of Libertopia is that all forms of coercion and violence are unacceptable. Honor the self Each one of us is unique in the universe, endowed with free will, reason and dignity. -
Rothbard's Time on the Left
ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself. -
Ecological Economic Development Goals: Reincorporating the Social Sphere in Ecological Economic Theory and Practice by Kaitlin Weedmark-Kish
Ecological Economic Development Goals: Reincorporating the social sphere in ecological economic theory and practice by Kaitlin Weedmark-Kish A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social and Ecological Sustainability Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2018 © Kaitlin Weedmark-Kish 2018 Examining Committee Membership The following served on the Examining Committee for this thesis. The decision of the Examining Committee is by majority vote. External Examiner Supervisors DR. STEPHEN MURPHY Professor, Director DR. STEPHEN QUILLEY Associate Professor Internal Member DR. DANIEL MCCARTHY Associate Professor Internal-external Member DR. VANESSA SCHWEIZER Assistant Professor Other Member(s) DR. JASON HAWRELIAK Assistant Professor ii Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. iii Abstract The various approaches and methods within ecological economics all have their benefits, limitations, and internal debates. In this dissertation, I focus on macro-social theoretical ecological economics which seeks to find large patterns of opportunity for dealing with the cycles of socio-ecological and socio-economic life over time. In doing so, I broadly critique other areas of ecological economics, mainly in their lackluster attempts at including the social sphere in their analysis. While many are interested in ensuring that we have an economy that fits within the biosphere, they ignore the question of whether it will also fit within the social sphere. -
Why Neighborhoods Must Secede
-64(1 14i e"-itke(4.74-rte THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, JANUARY 31, 1972 Breaking Up City Hall: I Why Neighborhoods Must Secede tions before winning a country of your own. Do not be seduced by the idea of improving your material condi- tions without first solving the national questions." The Irish revolutionary James Con- nolly translated that into the independ- ence of his people. Lenin, impressed by Connolly, used the idea to do his thing at home rather than globally. Barry Goldwater, when he was a revo- lutionary, used to talk about some- thing similar when he spoke of inde- pendence and virtual nationhood for states, counties, even cities. Huey Newton talks about it still, seeing the liberation of his oppressed comrades in independent, decolonized commu- nities. Since all of the others are either retired from revolution or dead, Huey Newton is the most vital. He also may be the most perceptive in seeing where, in this particular nation-state, a great energy for social change is to be found. That energy is in the neigh- borhoods. To survive, the people in neighbor- hoods are going to have to secede. In every large city, the problems of crime, of welfare, of health care, of education, have outpaced every ability of metropolitan planners and bureau- crats. There is no successful big city in this nation. And no amount of en- largement of the bureaucracies and spending in the cities has changed this. The alternative seems, clearly, to be toward decentralization. Resources? The liberal myth that poor neighborhoods, for instance, re- ceive -
Lochner's Feminist Legacy
Michigan Law Review Volume 101 Issue 6 2003 Lochner's Feminist Legacy David E. Bernstein George Mason University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Fourteenth Amendment Commons, Labor and Employment Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation David E. Bernstein, Lochner's Feminist Legacy, 101 MICH. L. REV. 1960 (2003). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol101/iss6/25 This Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LOCHNER'S FEMINIST LEGACY David E. Bernstein* CONSTITUTING WORKERS, PROTECTING WOMEN: GENDER, LAW, AND LABOR IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA AND NEW DEAL YEARS. By Julie Novkov. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 2001. Pp. xii, 320. $44.50. Professor Ju lie Novkov's Constituting Workers, Protecting Women1 examines the so-called Lochner era of American constitutional jurisprudence through the lens of the struggle over the constitutionality of "protective" labor legislation, su ch as maximum hours and minimum wage laws. Many of these laws applied only to women, and Novkov argues that the debate over the constitutionality of protective laws for women - laws that some women's rights advo cates saw as discriminatory legislation against women - ultimately had important implications for the constitutionality of protective labor legislation more generally.