De Pie Y En Lucha Puerto Rica Not So Manifest Destiny

I THEORETICAL EPIEY JOURNAL OF I THE M.L.N. EN LUCHA Puerto Rico's Not So Manifest Destiny On The Chicano-Mexicano Question Long Live The Armed Struggle Vol. 2 No. 1 Evaluation oia campaign It is the duty of every revolutionary to ex- July 3rd tract the lessons of victories and defeats in July 3rd was the first anniversary of the order to learn and advance the struggle against revolutionary takover of the Chilean Consulate imperialism. It is in this constructive spirit by the companeros Nydia Cuevas and Pablo that we submit for the consideration of the inde- Marcano. The daring action carried out by the pendence movement, this brief evaluation of the two young patriots shook the consciousness of political events that we consider of major an independence movement weakened by years importance, occuring during the celebration in of reformist and legalist struggles. our nation of the Panamerican Games. We Unfortunately, the encarceration and exile of expect all the revolutionary comrades and or- these companeros has not resulted in a unitary ganizations to read and discuss this evaluation movement for their liberation. Orphans of po- and if possible, make public your own con- litical support, they are progressively isolated clusions. from the collective memory of an oppressed people that imperatively needs revolutionaries The Political Framework they can emulate. In that sense, it was encour- The celebration in our nation of the 8th Pan- aging to see the picket sponsored by the Social- american Games was preceded and accompanied ist League in commemoration of the takeover by a total mobilization of the national and foreign of the Consulate, and the support demonstrated repressive forces; not only were the police and for all the prisoners of war in the unitary ac- national guard mobilized, but also the FBI, tivity on July 4th. Secret Service and the CIA. Many independentistas were persecuted and harassed. Attempts were made to intimidate various labor leaders. The coming and going of military vehicles and the presence of national guardsmen in combat fatigues carrying M-16 rifles were common sights. For almost one month, Puerto Rico lived an undeclared state of siege. In addition, the propaganda offensive was stepped up. The pages of El Vocero and El Nuevo Dia, beginning one month before the Games, were filled with alleged threats and terrorist conspiracies. Every robbery appeared in the press as an act of a "subversive com- mando . Every crime was the work of "extre- mists". They were even ridiculous enough to state that a submachine gun found in the possession of a mafia member was part of a cargo destined for the possession of a mafia member was part of a cargo destined for "terrorist", • and that it was of the type used by Pales- ^^mff I I tinian Commandos in the Olympic Games at Munich. Before this colonial outcry of "subversive We must remember the words of Nydia and conspiracies", the only "terrorist" actions car- Pablo about the possibility of an exchange of the ried out were unclaimed attempts against mem- 4 Nationalist companeros for northamerican bers of the national guard. It is important to spies imprisoned in Cuba; state that none of the clandestine organizations This exchange, far from being a confortable operating in Puerto Rico carried out any action outcome for our liberation movement or of to disrupt the Panamerican Games. Why? the good purpose that formed it, represents Although we cannot speak on behalf of all a weakness or recognition of the weakness the clandestine organizations, we understand that of that movement. Until what point can we it would not be contradictory to say that the continue glorifying before the working class reason no actions were carried out during the and marginalized sectors in Puerto Rico as Games was the same for all: the strategy of their representatives, when in practice (des- poeple's war is based on the necessity of uniting pite popular support) we have not been cap- the people around anti-imperialist objectives able of saving and reinvindicating those who and national liberation. To disrupt a sports with their sacrifice nourish and give meaning event would not have advanced, in any way, to our struggle." this strategic objective. Although we are fre- It is precisely raising the banner of uncon- quently accused of being "militarists", our or- ditional freedom for all political prisoners and ganization considers that military actions are converting that struggle into a revolutionary always subordinate to the political criteria struggle, one of the ways in which the inde- and necessities that can be clearly supported. pendence movement can truly earn the role of As Mao once said; the gun is subordinate to the vanguard. politics. Cont. on Page 9 Page 2 De Pie y En Lucha Puerto Rica Not So Manifest Destiny INTRODUCTION While all three points are in- Puerto Rican residents of the teresting, in themselves, in that u.s.; only that way can the ter- Over one year ago, the Movi- for the First time the U.S. ruling rorist threat be contained "^ Ft, miento de Liberacion Nacional class admits (not only in Forbes, thus, becomes quite clear to the (MLN) issued a discussion docu- but also in Fortune, the Nation, reader that the imperialists have ment which outlined the combi- and in the New York Times—all an obvious conception of the sig- nation of factors needed to win in the month of August) that nificance of the rear guard strug- the independence of Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico is a nation which is gle as outlined in our discussion The four prong strategy included impossible to integrate; "Puerto paper a year ago. the following: a strong united Ricans might insist that Spanish If the number of ruling class revolutionary movement on the continue as the island's official publications, in August, dealing island; a widespread and com- language, something Congress with Puerto Rico are any indi- mited international support; an might refuse " says the New York cation, then it is clear that "the anti-imperialist solidarity mov- Times (Editorial, August 21, Puerto Rican connection is the ement within the U.S. capable of 1979). What is most startling, most intimate...the most danger- organizing advance sectors of the however, is the revelation of the ous in many ways," for the ruling white working class; and a rear- importance of the Puerto Ricans establishment. Even through all guard base among Puerto Ricans in the U.S. in regards to the the articles pose an uncertainty In the U.S. able to reinforce and status issue. Jerry Flint, in the about Puerto Rico's future, they defend a revolutionary struggle Forbes article, while analyzing all acknowledge two facts which on the island. congressional reaction to a de- independentistas have steadfastly sustained; 1) that Puerto Rico is a nation; for example, Fortune states, "historically the admis- sion of the first truly Hispanic state would also raise questions that have never been posed before"; 2) that the present status is a political farse. What such famous Puerto Rican jurists, such as Pedro Albizu Campos and Vicente Geigel Polanco, advance more than a generation ago concerning the so-called ''commonwealth" (hailed at that time by the Harvard-legal mind Carl Friedrich and U.S. Supreme Court Justice Earl Warren), the New York Times has finally had to admit that the "Constitution makes no provision for a semi- sovereign entity." (Editorial. August ZL, 1979). In conclusion we can say that the final crisis for U.S. coloni- alism in Puerto Rico—the crisis Albizu Campos talked about in the 1930's—is finally unfolding. U.S. imperialism is finally awak- ening to realize its nightmare On August 6 of this year, the mand for statehood, states that (the spectre of Northern Ireland article which appears below was the looms over then, as is cleraly published in one of the most im- idea of imposing statehood on indicated in the Forbes article) portant organs of the U.S. ruling a large minority—and the pos- that if Puerto Rico is its Achilles class, Forbes magazine. In this sibility of terrorism—also heel in Latin America, then the article an analysis is made of the might give Congress pause. Puerto Ricans in the U.S. are major obstacles to the imperi- Such violence could go beyond its Trojan Horse who bring with alist strategy of statehood for tearing down a few American themselves a Pandora's box and Puerto Rico; it includes the fol- flags Before the Pan American within it a storm they would lowing factors; that Puerto Rico Games. One tiny terrorist not be able to contain. is a nation—a Spanish speaking group, the New York based nation at that; that there does F.A.L.N. „. is credited with not exist overwhelming support 90 bombings and 5 deaths in for statehood among the Puerto 5 years. Rican masses; and that the 2.5 He goes further to state that Cont. on Page 4 million Puerto Ricans on the U.S. "Governor Romero must build a mainland are a factor to be genuine consensus among the reckoned with. Island's citizens as well as among Page 3 De Pie Y En Lucha plebiscite. But Puerto Ricans battling for Will Puerto Rico become the U.S.' Northern the 51st star are just as forceful. Ireland? Our first Spanish-speaking state? Or "I believe in democracy and I'm not being cynical about it or sarcastic, no, something else? We may soon find out. I'm being very, very frank," says the island's elected Governor Carlos Rorrie- ro-Barcelo, a handsome, gray-haired man who clenches his fist and speaks slowly to make his point.

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