DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Transition and Inclusive Development in Malawi; The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Transition and Inclusive Development in Malawi; The 9 The impact of emerging donors on development and poverty reduction Dan Banik and Michael Chasukwa Introduction The traditional foundations of foreign aid have been numerous. In addition to political ideology, foreign policy, commercial interests and national security, there are large elements of altruism and a desire to reduce global poverty. The world of foreign aid is complex and includes Offi cial Development Assistance (ODA, which are concessional fl ows with a grant element of at least 25 per cent) and development, humanitarian and emergency aid provided by non- governmental organizations, civil society organizations, bilateral donors and multilateral agencies. Ever since the end of the Second World War, and the provision of capital by the United States to Europe, there has been considerable interest on the extent to which foreign aid promotes economic development. And many contributions, including feminist theory, participatory and human rights-based approaches, have challenged the assumption that economic growth and market liberalization alone will help to reduce poverty. Indeed, the entire concept of assisting poor countries to achieve economic development and social welfare has been much debated in recent decades. And the international discourse is currently focused on the rapidly changing objectives of aid, the instruments used to deliver aid, the effectiveness of aid measured in terms of concrete results, the players involved in the aid business, and the institutions governing the relationship between developed and developing countries. In recent years, many of the so-called emerging economies are increasingly infl uencing social and economic policies around the world. In particular China, but also India, Brazil and South Africa, are interacting in numerous ways with poorer countries, including so-called South–South dialogues. These give access to natural resources and new and growing markets, and also reduce the dependence of African countries on traditional forms of aid from the Global North. These emerging countries and their policies represent a counterweight to the policies and development aid models that have for long been promoted directly or indirectly (e.g. through multilateral institutions) in poor countries by the Global North. Malawi’s economy is heavily dependent on (Western) foreign aid, which funds almost 40 per cent of the national budget. However, China is increasingly supporting a wide range of projects (from infrastructure and health to education 148 Dan Banik and Michael Chasukwa and agricultural technology) that appear to complement Western efforts to promote development and reduce poverty. The purpose of this chapter is to critically analyse and highlight the impact of ideas, values and tangible benefi ts resulting from China’s engagement in Malawi. Rather than providing budget support to governments, and conditioning aid on support for democracy and gender equality, the Chinese model has consistently emphasized the principles of ‘win–win’, ‘mutual respect’, ‘friendship’ and ‘non-interference’. China has further projected the idea that state-to-state relations ought to be benefi cial for itself and the aid recipient country, and conducive to each other’s national development. Hence, it has introduced in public discourse of Malawi terms such as ‘complementarity’, ‘potential’ and ‘opportunity’. The aim of this chapter is to provide a more nuanced understanding of the nature of foreign aid policies implemented by new donors such as China in Malawi. The study is based on fi eldwork carried out in several phases over a period of fi ve years during which we interviewed key informants from various ministries (e.g. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Trade and Industry), business communities in rural areas, civil society organizations, judges in the Malawian Supreme and High Courts, journalists and editors, Malawian employees involved in Chinese projects and Chinese project staff. We have also examined articles appearing in the print media (e.g. The Nation, Weekend Nation, Daily Times and Malawi News) as well as online media sources. Starting with a brief overview of the history of foreign aid in Malawi, we examine how and to what extent Chinese aid to Malawi has had a positive impact on development and poverty reduction. We argue that Chinese foreign aid and investments have contributed signifi cantly to addressing macro-level national and community problems. Indeed, Chinese aid is remarkable because it focuses on the neglected and ‘orphan’ sectors such as infrastructure and energy. The spillover effects of macro-oriented projects have been the generation of new employment opportunities and the growth of small and medium-scale business enterprises run by Chinese nationals in urban and semi-urban areas where local communities have access to a large range of Chinese products at affordable prices. The controversies surrounding China’s activities in Malawi primarily relate to the inability of local businesses to compete with the Chinese, the quality and durability of infrastructure projects and disagreements between the Malawian and Chinese governments regarding who should cover the high costs of maintaining the Chinese-built infrastructure projects. Development aid to Malawi: A brief overview Malawi’s development indicators are not very impressive, and the International Monetary Fund ranked the country the second worst performing economy in the world in 2013. And in 2015, the World Bank placed Malawi among the poorest in the world based on the GDP per capita. Almost 54 per cent of the population lives on less than US$1.25 a day, and the country faces an acute shortage of foreign exchange, which makes important essential goods, including medicines, The impact of emerging donors 149 extremely diffi cult to access. Moreover, the Malawian economy is highly vulnerable to various types of shocks as it is highly dependent on the agriculture sector, which generates over 90 per cent of foreign exchange earnings and employs around 85 per cent of the population (Chinsinga, 2008). Tobacco accounts for 60 per cent of the country’s foreign exchange earnings, but the weak exporting base in general has put considerable pressure on an economy that is otherwise among the fastest growing consumer markets in the world (Euromonitor Research, 2014). Indeed, consumer spending grew 18.2 per cent in 2014 and total consumer expenditure was expected to reach US$5.6 billion by the end of 2014, refl ecting spending of on average US$335 per capita. The precarious nature of the economy frequently results in budget defi cits, which in turn have highlighted the country’s dependence on foreign aid. Thus, aid as a share of GNI has averaged around 24 per cent over the past two decades. And van der Meer et al. (2008: 17) fi nd that foreign aid as a proportion of the national budget averaged 38 per cent over the period 1994–2006, the bulk of which were grants which constituted 72 per cent of all foreign aid received. Malawi regularly falls short of fi nancial resources to fund government activities, which in turns results in greater reliance on support from foreign donor agencies. Much of the aid from western countries is directed at supporting the national budget. For example, Norway provided NOK50 million in 2013 as budget support to Malawi while an additional NOK250 million was provided to the country through other actors, including government agencies as well as civil society organizations.1 The interaction between the government and various international organizations and donor countries has been consistently fraught with growing tension. While the government has complained of erratic disbursement patterns that have an adverse impact on its ability to deliver effective public service, donors have often frozen or cancelled aid allocations following allegations of mismanagement and large-scale corruption in the public services. Budget support was fi rst suspended in 2002 and then in 2003, 2011 and 2013 due to concerns about abuse of resources. For example, between 2002 and 2005, the Danish Government froze all its aid to Malawi because of allegations of widespread corruption and fi nancial mismanagement. A group of donors – the Common Budgetary Support Group (CABS) – suspended aid in 2003 when president Bakili Muluzi was trying his utmost to amend the Constitution that would allow him to extend the constitutionally provided two-term offi ce to a third term. CABS once again suspended aid during president Bingu wa Mutharika’s second term in offi ce (2009 to mid-2012) on the grounds of worsening economic and political governance, which included several controversial pieces of legislation and executive decisions such as the amendment of the penal code (Injunctions Bill), amendment of the Media Bill and postponement of local government elections. Similarly, Germany froze its general budget support in 2011 because of Malawi’s reluctance to improve local governance and be fi nancially prudent (Resnick, 2012). Following the now infamous ‘Cashgate’ scandal in 2013 – where public offi cials were accused of siphoning off more than US$30 million – several donors 150 Dan Banik and Michael Chasukwa suspended budget support as well as reduced their aid allocations to Malawi. Thus, the CABS and other key donors suspended their budget support in 2013– 14, and are currently non-committal of supporting the national budget in the immediate future until Cashgate as well as other previous scandals (e.g. undocumented use of US$200 million by the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China's Stadium Diplomacy and Its Determinants: a Typological
    Hugh Vondracek JCIR: Vol. 7, No. 1 (2019) China’s Stadium Diplomacy and its Determinants: A Typological Investigation of Soft Power Hugh Vondracek* Abstract Since 1958, China has constructed over 140 sports facilities around the world. Previous research into stadium diplomacy lacks definitional clarity, has not systematically investigated the phenomenon, and crucially, has failed to explain why China employs stadium diplomacy where it does. This article defines the phenomenon and locates all known cases without temporal or geographic restrictions. We create a classification system and typology, permitting a comparison of theoretically-like types to develop and test a multi-determinant theory. We find empirical evidence that China employs stadium diplomacy to secure natural resources and to secure diplomatic recognition in line with the One-China policy. These findings have important implications for scholarship into the use of soft power within interstate rivalry, and the methodology demonstrates that a clear typology of soft power which is mutually exclusive and logically exhaustive can be created and is informative. Keywords: China, stadium diplomacy, soft power, interstate rivalry Introduction1 Several dozen photographers and reporters hurried into position while onlookers jostled for view, dodging the earthmovers and dust of the construction site. The President’s limousine was pulling up, but no one had come to see him. Lionel Messi was here! The best player of the world’s most popular game was in Port-Gentil, Gabon, a world away from his home in Barcelona, to lay the cornerstone of China’s newest stadium (Djellit, 2015). Just the latest example of China’s stadium diplomacy, a soft-power push dating back to 1958, reaching from Antigua, to Vanuatu, to Dar es Salaam.
    [Show full text]
  • Architecture of Diplomacy: Chinese Construction Aid in Asia, 1950–1976
    Chang, W, et al. Architecture of Diplomacy: Chinese Construction Aid in Asia, 1950–1976. ARENA Journal of Architectural Research. 2019; 4(1): 3. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/ajar.147 HUMANITIES ESSAY Architecture of Diplomacy: Chinese Construction Aid in Asia, 1950–1976 Wei Chang1, Charlie Xue2 and Guanghui Ding31 Construction aid was a physical tool – and indeed a key tactical manoeuvre – of international diplomacy that became especially obvious during the Cold War period. Among the outcomes of construction aid were cultural and technical exchanges between the donor and recipient countries. This essay examines the typical construction aid projects gifted by the Chinese Communist government and professionals to developing countries in Asia and African during the era of Chairman Mao Zedong, with a focus on key Asian examples. The remarkably high percentage of national income spent by Maoist China on construction aid might have increased the burden upon the lives of ordinary Chinese people, yet they gave Chinese architects rare opportunities to practice Modernism in overseas environments. The strength of the technical forces of the Chinese Communist state, and the wisdom of Chinese designers, were notably crystallized through a series of conference halls and stadiums built across Asia. These construction aid projects informed similar designs back in China, which led in turn to further innovations that could then again be exported abroad. Altogether it represents an important non-Western strand within Modernist architecture of the twentieth century. Keywords: Construction aid; developing countries; Chinese architecture; Cold War Introduction Development aid became particularly apparent and active as a diplomatic tool and manoeuvre after the Second World War.
    [Show full text]
  • 8. China and the Chinese Stadium Diplomacy
    8. China and the Chinese stadium diplomacy As mentioned above in chapter 6, China and Chinese construction companies have built numerous venues in Africa. According to ‘The Africa Report’, China had built 52 stadiums in Africa up to spring 2010129 and, according to our investigations; Chinese stadiums can be found in nearly 30 African nations. But several additional stadiums are currently under construction and China’s interest in the construction of stadiums abroad extends not only to Africa, but to Central America, the Caribbean, Oceania and Asia. Is there an underlying explanation? China, as do many other countries, has various ways in which it formulates its foreign aid in developing and NIC countries. In the Chinese foreign aid, six key areas are prioritised: agriculture, industry, economic infrastructure, education, health care, and public facilities.130 The construction of sports facilities is included together with the construction of public buildings, hospitals, cultural venues and the digging of wells for water supplies131 in the foreign aid area. In addition to the different foreign aid areas, China has various ways of implementing its aid programs. The form of assistance that China mainly offers when it comes to the construction of stadiums is named ‘complete projects’. When the complete projects are implemented, the Chinese stadiums are built with financial assistance from China in the form of grants or interest-free loans. An important aspect is that China is responsible for the entire process – from the initial planning stage to the stadium’s completion.132 This means that China organises and is responsible for feasibility studies, design and construction; provides Chinese equipment, materials; and sends Chinese engineers and technical staff to lead and organise the projects.
    [Show full text]
  • Brics and US Hegemony
    MAINZ PAPERS ON INTERNATIONAL AND EUROPEAN POLITICS BRICs and U.S. Hegemony: Theoretical Reflections on Shifting Power Patterns and Empirical Evidence from Latin America Alexander Brand, University of Mainz Susan Mc Ewen-Fial, University of Mainz Wolfgang Muno, University of Erfurt Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann, University of Erfurt Paper No. 4 Mainz Papers on International and European Politics (MPIEP) ISSN: 2193-6684 Edited by the Chair of International Relations, University of Mainz Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz Department of Political Science Chair of International Relations Colonel-Kleinmann-Weg 2 D-55099 Mainz Phone: +49 (0)6131-39-21051 Fax: +49 (0)6131-39-27109 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.politik.uni-mainz.de/cms/83_ENG_HTML.php All of the Mainz Papers on International and European Politics are available at: http://www.politik.uni-mainz.de/cms/mpiep.php Editorial Board: Prof. Arne Niemann Dr. Susan McEwan-Fial Axel Heck Editorial Assistant: Jan Bucher Brand, Alexander, Susan McEwan-Fial, Wolfgang Muno and Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann. 2012. BRICs and U.S. Hegemony: Theoretical Reflections on Shifting Power Patterns and Empirical Evidence from Latin America. Mainz Papers on International and European Politics, 2012/04. Mainz: Chair of International Relations, Johannes Gutenberg University. © 2012 Alexander Brand, Susan Mc Ewen-Fial, Wolfgang Muno and Andrea Ribeiro Hoffmann Alexander Brand is Lecturer and Post-Doc Researcher at the Department of Political Science at the University of Mainz. [email protected] Susan McEwen-Fial is Lecturer at the Department of Political Science at the University of Mainz. mcewen-fi[email protected] Wolfgang Muno is Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University of Erfurt.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Mega-Events and Globalization: a Critical
    Mega-Events and Globalization: A Critical Introduction Richard Gruneau and John Horne (Final version of Chapter 1 in Richard Gruneau and John Horne Eds. (2016) Mega-Events and Globalization. Capital and spectacle in a changing world order London: Routledge) Over the past two decades, academic writing about large scale, highly visible, urban events has become a growth industry. There are now conferences all over the world devoted to discussions of the meaning and importance of the Olympics, or football World Cups, and to debates about their risks and potential legacies.1 The burgeoning interest in events doesn’t stop with these obvious mega-events; it extends to include a range of other high profile entertainment events and urban festivals. In recent years there have been special issues of academic journals devoted to the study of these events and it has become difficult to keep up with the sheer numbers of books that address the topic in some way or another.2 Commenting on the recent upsurge of writing on mega-events, Martin Polley notes wryly that if “the motto of London 2012 was ‘inspire a generation’ for hundreds of authors this was easily recast as inspire a publication.” 3 Prominent publishers such as Routledge, Elsevier and John Wiley have started book series in “event management” and there are a growing number of university programs devoted to preparing students for careers managing and hosting major events. Definitions of “mega-events,” and of “event studies” more broadly, vary across different theoretical understandings and disciplines and there are a number of roughly equivalent phrases in both academic and popular writing, such as “Hallmark” or “Marquee” events.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Diplomacy in Central America: the Rise of the People's Republic of China
    Public Diplomacy in Central America: The Rise of the People’s Republic of China Colin Robert Alexander Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds Institute of Communications Studies December 2012 Declaration of Authorship The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published with proper acknowledgement. The right of Colin Robert Alexander to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by his accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. © The University of Leeds and Colin Robert Alexander Acknowledgements Special thanks must go to my supervisors Prof. Gary Rawnsley and Dr. Robin Brown at the Institute of Communications Studies. Their critical appraisal of my work has been invaluable to my arrival at this point, and their knowledge of public diplomacy, and China and Taiwan has been extremely helpful. I would also like to thank all those who sat for interview in the UK and Central America. Thank you for taking the time to provide the information that you possess on this topic. Finally, I would like to extend my gratitude to my partner Kirsty who has been by my side throughout this process. Your support and encouragement has been wonderful. I must also thank my parents, Bob and Liz, for providing me with the financial security to undertake a PhD and for your sporadic proof-reading of various documents.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction 2 China and Taiwan Relations with the Underdeveloped World
    NOTES 1 Introduction 1. Those nation-states in the Caribbean basin with formal relations with Taipei are Belize, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, and St Vincent and the Grenadines. 2. Both the United States and United Kingdom have made efforts to update their international broadcasting outputs in recent years in line with the global com- munications environment. The Smith–Mundt Act is currently in a period of congressional reform and the BBC World Service has been incorporated into the main BBC structure. The effect on output remains to be determined. 2 China and Taiwan Relations with the Underdeveloped World 1. Taiwan has not asked its formal diplomatic allies to raise the motion at the UN since the agreement of the diplomatic truce in 2008. This will be discussed in greater detail later. Taiwan currently participates in the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC) under the designation “Chinese Taipei”. It also has observer status at the World Health Organization (WHO). 2. In Africa the PRC is the incumbent in all but four nation-states—Burkina Faso, San Tome and Principe, Swaziland, and The Gambia. 3. Bahamas (1989), Central African Republic (1991), Grenada (1989), Guinea-Bissau (1990), Lesotho (1990), Liberia (1989), and Nicaragua (1990). 4. Historian Evelyn Hu-De Hart provides a somewhat satirical commentary on the assertions of Menzies: “I don’t have any grand book about discoveries to rival Menzies’ fertile and, some would say, fervid imagination. I will not succumb to flights of fancy as—given my occupation as a professional historian—I do not 204 Notes have the freedom to imagine and invent, to speculate freely and extrapolate as widely as others do” (Hu-De Hart, 2007: 114).
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S
    CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND National Security Research Division View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This report is part of the RAND Corporation research report series. RAND reports present research findings and objective analysis that ad- dress the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND reports undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for re- search quality and objectivity. Chinese Engagement in Africa Drivers, Reactions, and Implications for U.S. Policy Larry Hanauer, Lyle J.
    [Show full text]
  • Sports Exchange As a Tool of Shaping State's
    vol� 59/2018, pp� 109–120 DOI: 10�15804/athena�2018�59�08 www�athenaeum�umk�pl ISSN 1505-2192 SPORTS EXCHANGE AS A TOOL OF SHAPING STATE’S IMAGE : THE CASE OF CHINA* WYMIANA SPORTOWA JAKO NARZĘDZIE KSZTAŁTOWANIA WIZERUNKU PAŃSTWA. PRZYPADEK CHIN Michał Marcin Kobierecki** — ABSTRACT — — ABSTRAKT — China is a country that employs a number of Chiny należą do krajów, które wykorzystują tools in order to shape its positive international szereg narzędzi kształtowania pozytywnego wize- perception� Sport plays an important role in this runku międzynarodowego� Sport odgrywa w ich area� The aim of the research is to investigate ramach istotną rolę� Celem badania jest analiza the issue of sports exchanges and their role kwestii wymian sportowych i ich roli w kształ- in shaping international image of China� The towaniu międzynarodowego wizerunku Chin� analysis is an empirical case study and is aimed Badanie stanowi empiryczne studium przypadku at answering a research question concerning i jego celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie badawcze how sports exchanges may be used in order to dotyczące tego, w jaki sposób wymiany sportowe shape a desired international image of a country� mogą być wykorzystane do kształtowania pożą- According to the main hypothesis to be tested in danego wizerunku państwa� Zgodnie z główną the article, through sports exchanges China man- hipotezą, która poddana została weryfikacji, przez aged to make a swift from the old, unidirectional wymiany sportowe Chiny były w stanie przejść od sports diplomacy, to a more dialogue-oriented, tradycyjnych form jednokierunkowej dyplomacji reciprocal form� sportowej do bardziej ukierunkowanej na dialog i wzajemność� Keywords: China, sports exchange, nation- branding, sports diplomacy, public diplomacy Słowa kluczowe: Chiny, wymiany sportowe, branding narodowy, dyplomacja sportowa, dyplomacja publiczna * The research has been financed by National Science Centre, Poland, within project number 2015/19/D/HS5/00513� ** University of Łódź, Faculty of International and Political Studies� 110 ATHENAEUM vol.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Soft Power: the Making of Football
    CHINA’S SOFT POWER: THE MAKING OF FOOTBALL SUPERPOWER ‘SOFT POWER’ CINA : MENUJU KEKUATAN ADIDAYA DALAM SEPAKBOLA Ganjar Ariel Santosa 1 Alumni Universitas Pertahanan Indonesia ([email protected]) Abstract – A significant economic rise provides an opportunity for China to expand its influence globally, especially in sectors where China does not have strong influences. One of them is football. The average achievement of its National football has pushed the government to implement soft power strategy to improve the quality and the competitiveness of its national football. This strategy is carried out with a strong synergy between the government and private sector businesses nationwide. This paper will analyze how China’s soft power strategy implemented in order to advance its national football and their national pride globally. Keywords : China, soft power, economy, football, investment Abstrak – Kebangkitan ekonomi Cina memberikan peluang untuk memperluas pengaruh secara global, terutama pada sektor-sektor dimana Tiongkok tidak memiliki pengaruh yang cukup kuat. Salah satunya adalah sepakbola. Prestasi sepakbola nasional yang biasa-biasa saja membuat pemerintah menerapkan strategi soft power untuk mendorong perbaikan kualitas dan persaingan sepakbola nasional. Strategi ini dilakukan dengan sinergi yang kuat antara pemerintah dengan sektor bisnis swasta nasional. Makalah ini akan menganalisis bagaimana strategi soft power tersebut diimplementasikan demi kemajuan sepakbola nasional dan kehormatan bangsa di mata dunia. Kata kunci : Cina, soft power, ekonomi, sepakbola, investasi 1 Alumni Universitas Pertahanan Indonesia Manajemen Pertahanan Cohort 4, sekarang bekerja di salah satu industri pertahanan swasta. China’s Soft Power: The Making of Football Superpower | Ganjar Ariel Santosa | 109 Introduction1 Olympics in Beijing, China secured number one spot with 48 gold medals.
    [Show full text]
  • Business As Mission a Comprehensive Guide to Theory and Practice 1St Edition Download Free
    BUSINESS AS MISSION A COMPREHENSIVE GUIDE TO THEORY AND PRACTICE 1ST EDITION DOWNLOAD FREE C Neal Johnson | 9780830838653 | | | | | Business As Mission: A Comprehensive Guide to Theory and Practice This section does not cite any sources. Have a question about this product? In times of peace, diplomacy was even conducted with non-Hellenistic rivals such as the Achaemenid Empire of Persia, through it was ultimately conquered by Alexander the Great of Macedon. All these neighbors lacked a key resource that Byzantium had taken over from Rome, namely a formalized legal structure. Ergodebooks Richmond, TX, U. This book breaks new ground in how faith and work intersect and are lived out in crosscultural contexts, where job creation and Business as Mission A Comprehensive Guide to Theory and Practice 1st edition transformation go hand in Business as Mission A Comprehensive Guide to Theory and Practice 1st edition. Diplomatic rank. Main article: Economic diplomacy. Various processes and procedures have evolved over time for handling diplomatic issues and disputes. Business as Mission A Comprehensive Guide to Theory and Practice 1st edition the Battle of Baideng BC to the Battle of Mayi BCthe Han Dynasty was forced to uphold a marriage alliance and pay an exorbitant amount of tribute in silk, cloth, grain, and other foodstuffs to the powerful northern nomadic Xiongnu that had been consolidated by Modu Shanyu. International treatiesagreements, alliances, and other manifestations of foreign policy are usually the result of diplomatic negotiations and processes. Representatives from republics were ranked the lowest which often angered the leaders of the numerous German, Scandinavian and Italian republics.
    [Show full text]
  • INR 371 BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy
    INR 371 BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE CODE: INR 371 COURSE TITLE: BRICS AND MULTILATERAL DIPLOMACY 1 INR 371 BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy COURSE GUIDE Course Code: INR 371 Course Title: BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy Course Writer Dr. Aderemi Oladele Permanent Delegation of Nigeria to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Paris, France Course Editor Professor Funsho Adeshola Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Osun State. Programme Leader Dr Ebele Angela Udeoji National Open University of Nigeria….. 91 Cadastral Zone Nnamdi Azikiwe Expressway Jabi Abuja. 2 INR 371 BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy National Open University of Nigeria Headquarters 14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way Victoria Island, Lagos Abuja Office 5 Dar es Salaam Street Off Aminu Kano Crescent Wuse II, Abuja e-mail: [email protected] URL: www.nou.edu.ng Published by National Open University of Nigeria Printed ……………. ISBN: ……………………. All Rights Reserved 3 INR 371 BRICS and Multilateral Diplomacy TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTENTS PAGE Introduction …………………………………………………………. 5 Course Aims ………………………………………………………… 5 Course Objectives …………………………………………………… 5 Working through the Course ………………………………………... 6 Course Materials …………………………………………………….. 6 Study Units …………………………………………………………… 6 Textbooks and References …………………………………………… 7 Tutor-Marked Assignment …………………………………………… 8 Final Examination and Grading………………………………………. 8 Course Marking Scheme …………………………………………….. 8 Course
    [Show full text]